Please look at files. I also included textbook for references/resources.

From match-fixing, doping, bribery and corruption to corporate social responsi- bility, governance and new media, it helps students, researchers and practitioners to understand the changing face of the global sport industry. Written by leading international sport management experts, Critical Issues in Global Sport Management includes twenty chapters and real-life case studies from around the world. It examines contemporary governance and management issues as well as the ethical challenges faced by the global sport industry, including questions of integrity and accountability in recent drug scandals that have been widely reported and debated. This book deals with such questions and many more, highlighting the fact that the global sport system is in urgent need of new and innovative solutions to these ongoing problems. Based on cutting-edge research from the US, UK, Australia, Europe and beyond, this book will add depth and currency to any course in sport management, sport business, sport development or sport events.

Nico Schulenkorf is Senior Lecturer for Sport Management at the UTS Business School, Sydney, Australia. His research focuses on the social, cultural and health- related outcomes of sport-for-development and event management projects. Nico has worked with local and international NGOs, Government Agencies, Sport Associations and Ministries in developing capacities to implement development projects in countries such as Sri Lanka, Israel/Palestine and the Pacific Islands. Nico is co-editor of Global Sport-for-Development: Critical Perspectives (Palgrave, 2014) and Managing Sport Development: An International Approach (Routledge, 2016). He is also co-founder and editor of the Journal of Sport for Development. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 Stephen Frawleyis the Director of the Australian Centre for Olympic Studies at the UTS Business School, Sydney, Australia. His research is focused on the organi- sation and management of the Olympic Games and associated sport mega-events.

He has published widely on the Olympic Games and the Football World Cup and is the editor of Managing the Olympics, Managing the Football World Cupand Managing Sport Mega-Events. Stephen’s academic work is informed by his experience working on sport mega-events. From 1998 to 2001 he worked for the Sydney 2000 Organ - ising Committee for the Olympic and Paralympic Games and he was an advisor to the Melbourne 2006 Commonwealth Games Organising Committee.Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 CRITICAL ISSUES IN GLOBAL SPORT MANAGEMENT Edited by Nico Schulenkorf and Stephen FrawleyDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 First published 2017 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2017 Nico Schulenkorf and Stephen Frawley The right of Nico Schulenkorf and Stephen Frawley to be identified as the authors of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

Trademark notice:Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Names: Schulenkorf, Nico, editor. | Frawley, Stephen, 1969- editor.

Title: Critical issues in global sport management / edited by Nico Schulenkorf and Stephen Frawley.Description: Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY :

Routledge, 2016. | Includes bibliographical references and index.Identifiers:

LCCN 2016020603| ISBN 9781138911222 (hardback) | ISBN 9781138911239 (pbk.) | ISBN 9781315692883 (ebook)Subjects: LCSH: Sports administration.

| Sports and globalization.Classification: LCC GV713 .C77 2016 | DDC 796.06/9--dc23LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2016020603 ISBN: 978-1-138-91122-2 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-138-91123-9 (pbk) ISBN: 978-1-315-69288-3 (ebk) Typeset in Bembo by Fish Books Ltd.Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 Nico – to Anja and Henry Stephen – to Tanya, Tara and AlannaDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 This page intentionally left blankDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 CONTENTS List of figuresx List of tables xi List of contributors xii Acknowledgements xxii 1 Critical issues in global sport 1 Nico Schulenkorf and Stephen Frawley PART 1 Governance, integrity and welfare 7 2 Governance, CSR and diversity: a critical field of study in global sport management 9 Johanna A. Adriaanse, Sarah Cobourn and Stephen Frawley 3 Gender diversity in the governance of international sport federations 23 Johanna A. Adriaanse 4 Integrity and corruption in sport 38 Catherine Ordway and Hayden Opie 5 Match-fixing and manipulation in sport 64 Markus Breuer and Sebastian KaiserDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 viiiContents 6 Doping control and global sport 77 Jules R. Woolf 7 Head injuries and concussion issues 93 Annette Greenhow and Lisa Gowthorp PART 2 Globalisation 113 8 Globalisation and professional sport 115 Geoff Dickson and João M.C. Malaia Santos 9 Socio-economic impacts of sports mega-events: more unintended than intended? 128 Wolfram Manzenreiter and John Horne 10 Social media, fan engagement and global sport 141 Olan Scott, Michael Naylor and Katherine Bruffy 11 Managing football hooliganism 152 Joel Rookwood 12 Farewell to the hooligan? Modern developments in football crowd management 164 Geoff Pearson and Clifford Stott 13 Global sport-for-development 176 Nico Schulenkorf, Emma Sherry and Katie Rowe 14 Sport and international diplomacy 192 Robert E. Baker and Pamela H. Baker PART 3 Technology and social media 203 15 Analytics, technology and high-performance sport 205 Bill Gerrard 16 A general theory of the use of technology in sport and some consequences 219 Harry Collins and Robert EvansDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 Contents ix 17 The tyranny of perpetual innovation: global mobile media, digital communications and television 238 Brett Hutchins and David Rowe 18 Social media analytics for sport management: pitfalls, tools and best practices 252 Larena Hoeber and Orland Hoeber 19 Digital technology and sport sponsorship 266 Christopher Rumpf and Christoph Breuer 20 Current trends and future research challenges in global sport management 278 Stephen Frawley and Nico Schulenkorf Index 286Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 FIGURES 2.1 Integrated research model of sport governance14 5.1 Overview of match-fixing 66 5.2 Timeline for match-fixing induced by investors 72 13.1 Article title word cloud (top 50 condensed words) 180 13.2 Year of publication by number of articles 181 13.3 Thematic areas 182 13.4 Researcher location (by continent) 183 13.5 Location of research (by continent) 183 13.6 Research methodology 185 18.1 Temporal distributions of all of the tweets for the event (including two days before and two days after) 259 18.2 Zooming into the first day of the race at five-minute intervals shows a sudden peak in neutral and negative posts near 3:00 p.m 260 18.3 Looking at a two-hour span more clearly shows the abnormal spike in Twitter traffic; examination of the tweets revealed that people were tweeting about a bus crash 261 18.4 Viewing the official @letour tweets at this same time period shows the organisation’s response to the crash 261 19.1 An image of an eye-tracking heat map in Formula 1 268 19.2 Image of EEG data recording 269 19.3 Image of digital overlays in the Dutch Football League Eredivisie 272Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 TABLES 3.1 Percentage of women directors on boards of international sport federations (N = 76) 28 3.2 International sport federations with women chairs and women chief executives in 2014 30 3.3 Percentage of women as directors, chairs and chief executives of IFs in 2014 and 2012 31 6.1 WADA Anti-doping rules violations 82 6.2 WADA international standards 85 6.3 WADA spirit of sport criteria 88 13.1 Forms of literature analysis 177 13.2 Inclusion/exclusion criteria 179 13.3 Top 10 journal outlets 181 13.4 Researchers and research sites (greater than five publications) 184 13.5 Sport activity 185 14.1 Sample itinerary for a basketball program with athletes and coaches 197 16.1 Classification of capture devices 220 16.2 Analysis of 535 English Premiership matches out of the 2,280 played over three seasons 231 16.3 How TV-replays could be used in football 232Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 CONTRIBUTORS Johanna A. Adriaanse is Senior Lecturer in the Business School at the University of Technology, Sydney, and a member of the University’s Centre for Corporate Governance. Her area of interest and expertise focuses on investigating the relation ship between gender and sport. Currently, she is conducting research on gender dynamics in the governance of sport organisations globally. She has published her work in prestigious academic journals including the Journal of Sport Management, Sport Management Review, and the Journal of Business Ethics. In addition, Johanna is a strong public advocate for women, sport, and gender equality. She has completed projects with UN Women in New York, served as the co-chair for the International Working Group on Women and Sport (IWG) from 2006 to 2014, and given presentations at conferences all over the world. She obtained her Ph.D. and master of education at the University of Sydney after completing her bachelor of education (Physical Education) and bachelor of psychology in Amsterdam. Pamela H. Baker is an Associate Professor of Special Education and Director of the Division of Special Education and Disability Research at George Mason Univer - sity. She earned her doctorate in leadership studies from Bowling Green State University, and her M.Ed. and B.S. from the College of William and Mary. In addition to numerous presentations and publications, Dr. Baker has served as an investigator on a variety of state and federal grants to support teacher preparation and sport diplomacy projects with funding in excess of US $8.7 million dollars. She is currently involved in an ongoing cooperative agreement with the U.S. Depart - ment of State’s SportsUnited Sports Visitors and Envoys programme. Robert E. Baker is a Professor and Director of the Center for Sport Management and Division of Sport Recreation and Tourism at George Mason University. He earned his doctorate from the College of William and Mary, and his M.S. and B.S.Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 from Pennsylvania State University. He has served as President of the North American Society for Sport Management, as a founding commissioner of the Commission on Sport Management Accreditation, and a founding board member of the World Association of Sport Management. Dr. Baker received NASSM’s 2010 Distin guished Sport Management Educator Award and NASPE’s 2011 Out - standing Achievement in Sport Management Award. In addition to publishing numerous books and articles, Dr. Baker has served as the principal investigator on several grants to support sport diplomacy projects totalling U.S. $6 million. He is currently involved in a cooperative agreement with the U.S. Department of State’s Sports United Sports Visitors and Envoys programme.

Christoph Breuer is a full Professor at the German Sport University, Cologne, specialising in research on sport demand, sport organisations and sport sponsoring.

His research mostly relates to forecasting sport demand, identifying key drivers of viability of sport organisations, and measuring the economic value of sport sponsoring. His work has been published extensively. Markus Breuer is the Dean of the M.A. Sport Management program at the SRH University Heidelberg, Germany. After graduation in business administration and economics in Braunschweig and Chemnitz, Professor Breuer received a Ph.D. in Sport Economics from the University of Jena. From 2011 to 2014, he joined the KPMG transfer-pricing office in Hamburg. He obtained his master’s degree in international taxation from the University of Hamburg in 2014. Professor Breuer lectures regularly at various local and foreign universities and presents his latest research findings at international conferences. Katherine Bruffy is a Lecturer of Sport Management and Programme Leader in the Department of Sport at Unitec Institute of Technology, Auckland, New Zealand. Katie’s passion for sport began as a youth swimmer and continued through her time as a collegiate synchronised swimmer. She began teaching in higher education in 2006 at Ohio State University, where she also earned her Ph.D.

researching sport nostalgia. Particular research areas of interest include: sport marketing, consumer behaviour, governance and sport development. Katie has worked within these research areas as a consultant for the Skycity Breakers Basketball Team, Auckland Mystics Netball Team, and Auckland Cricket. Sarah Cobourn (originally from Toronto) is the Senior Officer of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) at Hitachi. Sarah completed a Ph.D. focused on Creating Shared Value in professional sport at the University of Technology Sydney (UTS). Sarah continues her research through the Australian Centre forOlympic Studies at UTS Business School. Previously, she has worked as a con - sult ant, working with organisations across Australia, North America and the United Kingdom to develop innovative policies and programmes that create shared economic and societal value. Sarah also holds a bachelor’s degree in Contributors xiiiDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 science from Western University (Canada) and a master’s in sport management from Bond University (Australia).

Harry Collins is Distinguished Research Professor and Directs the Centre for the Study of Knowledge, Expertise and Science at Cardiff University. He is an elected Fellow of the British Academy and a winner of the Bernal prize for social studies of science. He has served as President of the Society for Social Studies of Science.

His 18 published books cover the sociology of scientific knowledge, artificial intelli - gence, the nature of expertise, and tacit knowledge. He is continuing his research on the sociology of gravitational wave detection, expertise, fringe science, science and democracy, technology in sport, and a new technique—‘the Imitation Game’ – for exploring expertise and comparing the extent to which minority groups are integrated into societies. He is currently writing books on science and demo cracy, on artificial intelligence, on technology in sport, and on the Imitation Game. Geoff Dickson has an honours degree in leisure management and a doctorate from Griffith University. In between degrees, Geoff was General Manager of the Coorparoo Australian Football Club in Brisbane. He began his academic career in 1996 at Central Queensland University. In 2004, Geoff moved from Australia to New Zealand to work at Auckland University of Technology as a director of Gymsports New Zealand and Tennis North Harbour. He is currently Chair of AFL New Zealand and President of the Sport Management Association of Australia and New Zealand. Geoff ’s research interests focus on interorganisational relationships – federated networks, collaborations, partnerships, co-opetition, clusters and cliques.

These relationships include sponsorship and ambush marketing. Geoff has presented his research in every continent, except Africa and the Antarctic. Robert Evans is a Professor of Sociology in the Cardiff School of Social Sciences.

He specialises in Science and Technology Studies (STS) and has published exten - sively on the nature of expertise. Together with Harry Collins he is the author of the influential ‘Third Wave of Science Studies’ paper (Social Studies of Science, 2002) and Rethinking Expertise (University of Chicago Press, 2007). His current work has two main elements. The first continues to refine and extend the theory of expertise that underpins the Third Wave programme in STS. The second focuses on the development of the Imitation Game as a new method for social research.

This methodological work, which is funded by the European Research Council (#269463, IMGAME), operationalises the idea of interactional expertise and provides a means by which its distribution can be measured and its content explored across a wide range of domains and topics. Stephen Frawley is the Director of the Australian Centre for Olympic Studies, which is located at the UTS Business School, University of Technology, Sydney, Australia. Stephen is the editor of Managing Sport Mega-Events (Routledge) and co- editor (along with Daryl Adair) of Managing the Olympics (Palgrave Macmillan) and xivContributorsDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 Contributors xv Managing the Football World Cup (Palgrave Macmillan). Stephen has significant experience working in sport having worked in the Sport Division for the Sydney 2000 Olympic and Paralympic Games from 1998 to 2001. Bill Gerrard is an economics graduate of the University of Aberdeen and Trinity College, Cambridge, and received his doctorate from the University of York. He is currently Professor of Business and Sports Analytics at Leeds University Business School. Bill has published academic papers in sport management on the football transfer market, measuring team quality, coaching efficiency, stadium naming rights, and the sporting and financial performance of pro sports teams. He is a former editor of the European Sport Management Quarterly. Bill holds the UEFA B football coaching licence. In recent years, his work has mainly focused on the development of coach-led analytics. He was the technical analyst for Saracens (rugby union) from 2010 to 2015. Bill has also provided statistical analysis to support the Sky Sports coverage of Super League (rugby league). Bill has worked with several U.K.

and Dutch football clubs, an Australian rugby league team, a South African Super 15 rugby union team, the Oakland As and various Olympic sports. Lisa Gowthorp is a full-time Assistant Professor at Bond University and has pre - viously worked in high-performance sport for over 12 years, with organisations such as the NSW Institute of Sport, the Australian Institute of Sport (AIS), and Australian Canoeing. Lisa has managed teams at the World Championships and was the gymnastics section manager on the Australian Olympic Team in Beijing in 2008. Lisa’s research interests include the governance and management of the Australian high-performance sport system, especially government involvement in elite sport, sport governance and regulation, high-performance sport management issues, and contemporary issues surrounding the Olympic Games. She regularly consults with industry on governance issues and sport policy. Lisa is also the Secretary-General of the Sliding Sports Australia (SSA), working towards the development and implementation of good governance practices and procedures for this new Olympic NSO. Annette Greenhow is an Assistant Professor in the Faculty of Law at Bond University, having joined the faculty in 1996 as an adjunct during her private legal practice career. She is now a full-time member of the faculty and teaches Global Sports Law and Governance, Sports Law, Business Associations and Land Law.

Annette’s research interests focus on the intersection between sport, law, regulation, and governance and her research evaluates the regulatory responses of the Australian football codes to concussion management at the elite levels. Annette has authored and co-authored publications on sports-related concussion and has delivered presentations on this topic at national and international conferences since 2011. She has a keen interest in understanding the interdisciplinary perspectives on sports-related concussion and contributing to the design and delivery of sustainable concussion management solutions for a broad range of stakeholders.Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 xviContributors Larena Hoeber earned her Ph.D. in sport management from the University of British Columbia. She is an Associate Professor in the Faculty of Kinesiology and Health Studies at the University of Regina. Her research interests include gender issues in sport, use of innovative research methods, organisational culture, and amateur sport organisations. She teaches in the areas of sport management and mark eting, sociology of sport, volunteer management, and qualitative research methods. She has published her research in the Journal of Sport Management; Sport Management Review; European Sport Management Quarterly; Gender, Work and Organisation; Qualitative Research in Sport, Exercise and Health; International Journal of Sport Management and Marketing; and Sex Roles. Orland Hoeber received his Ph.D. in computer science from the University of Regina (Canada) in 2007. After five years at Memorial University (Canada), he returned to the University of Regina as an Associate Professor in 2012. His primary research interests are in the domains of information visualisation, visual analytics, mobile computing, social media analytics, the process of innovation, and the use of software to support the collection and use of data in business and aca - demic research contexts. His research has been funded by both the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada and the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. John Horne is Professor of Sport and Sociology at the University of Central Lancashire, Preston, U.K. He is a Fellow of the Academy of Social Sciences (FAcSS), Vice-Chair of the British Sociological Association, and Vice-President of the International Sociology of Sport Association. His research interests include sport, leisure, and globalisation; the socio-cultural, political, and economic impacts of sports mega-events; sport and social theory; and consumer culture. He is the author, co-author, editor, and co-editor of over 150 books, edited collections, journal articles and book chapters including: Understanding the Olympics (2nd ed., 2016), Routledge; Mega-Events and Globalization: Capital and Spectacle in a Changing World Order (2016), Routledge; Sport and Social Movements (2014), Bloomsbury Academic; Understanding Sport (2nd ed., 2013), Routledge; Sport in Consumer Culture (2006), Palgrave; Sports Mega-Events (2006), Blackwell; Football Goes East:

Business Culture and the People’s Game in China, Japan and South Korea (2004), Routledge; and Japan, Korea and the 2002 World Cup (2002), Routledge. Brett Hutchins is an Australian Research Council Future Fellow and Associate Professor in the School of Media, Film and Journalism at Monash University in Melbourne, Australia. His Fellowship project, ‘The Mobile Media Sport Moment:

Markets, Technologies, Power’ (http://artsonline.monash.edu.au/mobilemedia sport/), investigates how smartphones, tablet computers, and mobile com muni- cations are transforming the production and circulation of sport content around the globe. Brett’s latest journal articles appear in Convergence, International Communication Gazette, Telematics and Informatics and Journal of Sport and Social Issues.Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 Contributors xvii His books include Digital Media Sport: Technology, Power and Culture in the Network Society(co-edited with David Rowe, 2013), Routledge; and Sport Beyond Television:

The Internet, Digital Media and the Rise of Networked Media Sport (co-authored with David Rowe, 2012), Routledge. He is also the co-editor of a recent special issue of the journal, Media International Australia, on ‘Media Sport: Practice, Culture and Innovation’ (No. 155, May 2015).

Sebastian Kaiser holds a Chair of Business Administration, particularly sport management, at Heilbronn University, Germany. Sebastian graduated at German Sport University Cologne and received a Ph.D. in sport economics (2005). He is Section Editor (Social Sciences) of the German Journal of Sports Science and author/ co-author of a range of books, book chapters, and journal articles on sport manage ment. Sebastian lectures regularly at various international universities and is an international professor at the Russian International Olympic University in Sochi. Wolfram Manzenreiter is Professor of Japanese Studies and Vice Head of Depart - ment at the Department of East Asian Studies at the University of Vienna. His research is concerned with the social and anthropological aspects of sports, emotions, work and migration in a globalising world. He is author of several books and numerous articles and book chapters mainly on sport, leisure, popular culture, and social issues in contemporary Japan. As a scholar of globalisation, his research also extends into the larger East Asian region and the transnational networks of the Japanese diaspora. Book publications of note include Sport and Body Politics in Japan (2014), Routledge; and the co-edited volumes on Migration and Development; New Perspectives (2014, in German), ProMedia; Governance, Citizenship and the New Euro - pean Championships, The European Spectacle (2011), Routledge; Sports Mega-Events (2006), Blackwell; Football Goes East: Business Culture and the People’s Game in China, Japan and South Korea (2004), Routledge; and Japan, Korea and the 2002 World Cup (2002), Routledge. Michael Naylor is currently a Senior Lecturer in Sport Management at Auckland University of Technology in New Zealand. Born in Toronto, Canada, Michael also spent time in the United States as both a practitioner and scholar in th\ e sport industry. His research interests include sport marketing, consumer psychology, and social media. The projects he undertakes are based in a variety of participant and supporter contexts around the world. Hayden Opie is the Director of Studies, Sports Law Programme, Melbourne Law School, the University of Melbourne. Hayden pursues research and teaching interests in all areas of sports law and is recognised internationally for his work in the field, especially in regard to sports integrity. He has been researching and writing on legal aspects of anti-doping since 1987 and has served on various committees and advisory boards in the anti-doping field. He is the foundingDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 xviiiContributors President of the Australian and New Zealand Sports Law Association and served as a legal member of the Australian government’s Anti-Doping Rule Violation Panel from 2010 to 2015. He is a member of the Court of Arbitration for Sport. Hayden teaches the master’s-level subject, ‘Sports Integrity and Investigations’, with Catherine Ordway on the Melbourne Sports Law Programme.

Catherine Ordway is currently Professor of Practice (Sports Management), La Trobe University and Senior Fellow, Melbourne Law School, the University of Melbourne. Catherine holds a bachelor of arts in jurisprudence and law degree from the University of Adelaide, a Graduate Diploma of Legal Practice from the University of South Australia, and a Graduate Diploma in Investigations Manage - ment from Charles Sturt University. She is internationally recognised for her work in the field of regulatory review in international sport integrity. Catherine is also a member of the Australian and New Zealand Sports Law Association (ANZSLA) and acted for the Australian Olympic Committee in the lead up to the Sydney 2000 Olympic Games. Catherine lectures at the master’s level in sports law and sports management subjects at La Trobe University (risk management), at the Univer sity of Melbourne (sports integrity and investigations) with Hayden Opie, the University of New South Wales (anti-doping), and the University of Canberra (performance integrity). Catherine has also taught undergraduate sports manage - ment units as Senior Lecturer at the University of Canberra. She is currently completing her Ph.D. in governance, leadership, and sports integrity. Geoff Pearson is Senior Lecturer in criminal law at the University of Manchester in the United Kingdom. He has utilised ethnographic research to research football fan behaviour and the impact of legal and policing responses on football crowds since 1995, approaching the subject from a socio-legal and human rights perspect - ive. He has been engaged in research, consultancy and police training on football crowd management throughout Europe and has published extensively on the issue, most notably Football Hooliganism: Policing and the War on the English Disease (2007), Pennant; An Ethnography of English Football Fans: Cans, Cops and Carnivals (2012), MUP; and Legal Responses to Football Hooliganism in Europe (in press), TMC Asser.

Geoff is co-founder of the Annual Ethnography Symposium and between 2003 and 2014 he was Director of the unique MBA (Football Industries) programme.

He is a Manchester United season-ticket holder. Joel Rookwood is a Senior Lecturer in the Faculty of Business, Sport and Enter - prise at Southampton Solent University, United Kingdom, and a Visiting Fellow in Sport Management at the University of Vic, Spain. He studied football science at the undergraduate level and earned master’s degrees in performance analysis and sport management, before being awarded a Ph.D. for his thesis entitled ‘Fan perspectives of football hooliganism’ at the University of Liverpool’s Manage ment School in 2008. He has conducted research and written for various media publi - cations, covering football matches in 110 British grounds, and in stadia across 70Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 Contributors xix countries spanning six continents. He reported on and conducted research at the 2002, 2006, 2010, and 2014 World Cups; the 2004, 2008, and 2012 European Championships; and at confederation equivalents in Asia, Africa, North America, and South America. He has worked in and published widely on sport-for-develop - ment, football fandom, violence, peacebuilding, sports mega-events, and sport and social identity.

David Rowe is Professor of Cultural Research, Institute for Culture and Society, University of Western Sydney and Honorary Professor, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Bath. His books include Popular Cultures: Rock Music, Sport and the Politics of Pleasure (1995); Globalization and Sport: Playing the World (co-authored with Toby Miller, Geoffrey Lawrence and Jim McKay, 2001); Sport, Culture and the Media: The Unruly Trinity (2nd ed., 2004); Global Media Sport:

Flows, Forms and Futures (2011); and Sport, Public Broadcasting, and Cultural Citizenship: Signal Lost? (co-edited with Jay Scherer, 2014). His work has been translated into several languages, including Chinese, French, Turkish, Spanish, Italian and Arabic. In the specific field of sport management, Professor Rowe has published in International Journal of Sport Management and Marketing, Australasian Leisure Management, and European Sport Management Quarterly; and delivered a Keynote Address to the 2005 Sport Management Association of Australia and New Zealand Conference. Katie Rowe is a Lecturer in the sport management programme at Deakin Univer - sity and currently teaches units in Sport Development, Sport Performance, and Sport Practicum. She completed her Ph.D. studies in 2013 with focus on women’s cycling participation in Australia. Katie’s research interests include sport and recreation participation, women’s engagement in sport, and the ways in which sport can be used as a tool to improve community health and wellbeing (sport-for- development). Her research to date has focused on participation issues in sports such as cycling, table tennis, and netball and she is interested in exploring oppor - tunities for development through sport initiatives in local government contexts.

Katie has presented at sport management and physical activity conferences both nationally and internationally. Christopher Rumpf researches and teaches in the field of sport management and sport marketing at the German Sport University, Cologne. His current studies explore the impact of colour and animation on sponsorship outcomes and the affective and behavioural response to sport marketing activities. His articles have appeared in the Journal of Sport Management, Psychology and Marketing, and Marketing Review St. Gallen, among others. João M.C. Malaia Santos has a bachelor’s degree in history and a doctorate in economic history from University of São Paulo (USP), Brazil. He began his academic career in 2010 at University of Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ), where heDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 xxContributors developed his post doctoral research on international sports competitions hosted in Brazil (1919−2016). João is currently director of São José Rugby Club and works on the master’s programme in sports management at the University Nove de Julho (São Paulo, Brazil). João’s research interests focus on organisational theory, critical manage ment, international relations, history of sport, sociology of sport, and sports economics. In 2015, he was a commentator for ESPN Brazil’s coverage of the Rugby World Cup.

Nico Schulenkorf is Senior Lecturer for Sport Management at the University of Technology, Sydney (UTS). His research focuses on the social, cultural, and health- related outcomes of sport-for-development and event-management projects. He is particularly interested in the role of sport as a vehicle for sustainable development and peacebuilding within and between disadvantaged communities. For his long- term contribution to the advancement of social justice on an international level, Nico was awarded the 2008 UTS Vice Chancellor’s Human Rights Award. Nico is co-founder and editor of the Journal of Sport for Development and serves on the editorial board of the European Journal for Sport and Society and Sport and Entertain - ment Review. Emma Sherry is an Associate Professor within the La Trobe University Centre for Sport and Social Impact, specialising in the area of sport development. Emma has com pleted a bachelor of arts at the University of Melbourne and a masters of business (Sport Management) and a Ph.D. at Deakin University. Emma’s Ph.D.

studies investigated conflict of interest in the Australian Football League. Her current research interests include community development through sport activities, under taking a broad range of research projects with national and regional sport organi sations in Australia and Oceania, including Netball Australia, National Rugby League, Australian Football League, and Tennis Australia.

Additional research areas include access and equity in sport participation, and sport and recreation for at-risk and marginalised communities. Emma is currently supervising a number of Ph.D. students in the areas of sport-for-development in India and with refugee communities, para-sport athlete wellbeing, and elite athlete career transition. Olan Scott is an Assistant Professor in Sport Management at University of Canberra. His research into sport media particularly focuses on the mainstream media and fan engagement in social media. Dr. Scott is heavily involved in industry-focused research including social media marketing, fan development, strategic planning, and brand-awareness market research in the Canberra com - munity. His investigations examine how events are framed by the media for audience interpretation. In addition, he also researches the use of social media, leading projects involved in social media marketing for professional sports teams.

He has also been a board member of the Canberra Cavalry since March 2015. Dr.

Scott’s research provides a greater understanding of the way sports governingDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 bodies, teams, and players interact with the paying public to build their loyalty base.

Understanding and improving the way the industry approaches and engages fans offers sports an opportunity to improve its positive societal role.

Clifford Stott is Professor of Social Psychology at Keele University in Staffordshire, United Kingdom. His work revolves around crowd psychology, collective conflict, and public order policing. He has published over 50 articles in leading interdisci- plinary journals and co-authored and edited three books, one of which was on the 2011 English ‘riots’. He works regularly with police forces, governments, and football authorities across the world and is widely recognised as a global expert in his field. In 2014, he was awarded the Economic and Social Research Council’s (ESRC) national award for the impact of his work on public policy. In 2015, his work was acknowledged by the ESRC as one of its ‘Top 50’ achievements in its 50-year history. His research underpins recent human-rights-based reforms of public order policing in the United Kingdom, Sweden, Denmark and Queensland, Australia. Jules R. Woolf is an Assistant Professor at Adelphi University in the Department of Exercise Science, Health Studies, Physical Education and Sport Management. He completed his Ph.D. in Sport Management at the University of Texas at Austin where he also earned a master’s degree in exercise physiology. His multidisciplinary background informs his practice as he attempts to combine his research training in physiology, management, and communications. His research interests involve the ways in which institutional and organisational forces impact the nexus between sport and health. In essence, he is interested in the ways that sport is managed to promote positive and avoid negative health outcomes. A main focus of his research examines doping in sport. His research has been published in the Journal of Sport Management, International Journal of Sport Policy and Politics and the British Journal of Sports Medicine, among others. Contributors xxiDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This book was conceived with the assistance of several people. From within the global community of sport management scholars, we received widespread encour- agement and support for the book, with several colleagues engaged as contributors.

The international expertise and thoughtful reflections of these authors has pro - vided profound insights into critical aspects of sport management. Thank you for sharing your knowledge and for taking time to write, edit, and amend the chapters.As editors, we were conscious of the need to make the material research driven yet accessible and relevant for a wide audience of students, academics, and practi- tioners of sport management. Each of the contributing authors has honoured our intent; we thank them for their collegiality and enthusiasm in achieving that research goal. We also wanted to ensure the overall quality of the book and subjected all chapters to rigorous editorial feedback. We believe that this approach has been important to secure coherence and continuity in the development of different concepts and issues presented in the book. We especially thank Dr Natasha Black for her outstanding editorial advice. We also wish to acknowledge the encouragement and professionalism of the Taylor and Francis editorial team: Simon Whitmore (Senior Commissioning Editor), William Bailey (Editorial Assistant), and Cecily Davey (Editorial Assistant).

Finally, and perhaps most importantly, we like to express our love and gratitude to Anja, Henry, Tanya, Tara and Alanna who cheered from the sidelines as this book evolved.Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 1 CRITICAL ISSUES IN GLOBAL SPORT Nico Schulenkorf and Stephen Frawley Background and context Sport holds significant social, cultural and economic importance to people all over the world. Every year, billions of dollars are spent on sporting goods and services, including sport equipment, broadcasting licenses, naming rights and live entertain - ment. From a business perspective, the sport sector employs millions of people and presents a crucial component of many national economies. For example, sport’s contribution to the English economy has reached over £20 billion, about 2 per cent of the total economy (Sport England, 2013). This places sport up in the top 15 industry sectors above motor vehicles, telecommunication services, legal services, accounting, publishing, advertising and the utilities. However, sport is more than simply a business. Sport also provides important opportunities for social engage ment and active participation contributes to a healthy lifestyle. Overall, the significance of sport is felt on the sporting fields around the world where profes- sional sport managers, development officers, programme coordinators, coaches and volunteers are focusing on growing the potential of athletes, clubs, businesses and (sport) communities. With the sport industry experiencing exponential growth, sport managers, sport management academics and graduates of sport management programmes are increasingly required to be experts across a number of disciplines in a fast-changing business environment. Therefore, universities around the world are providing numerous sport-specific subjects, including sport management, sport development, sport globalisation, sport marketing, sport and the media to equip students with the required knowledge to master imminent social, cultural, technological and economic challenges. While in the past sport management was often seen as a by- product of business education, today more and more sport management degrees are offered at reputable universities at both the undergraduate and postgraduate levels.Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 At the same time, research in sport management has developed into a well- respected and rigorous field of study. Dozens of high-quality academic journals and book publishers provide important outlets for sport management academics to publish their latest research findings.Critical Issues in Global Sport Management was conceived with the clear intent to engage a wide range of sport management scholars including academics, students and the wider sport community in current, critical and applied sport management issues. To achieve this goal – and against the background of an increasingly global sport audience – this book provides 20 intriguing chapters and topical case studies from around the world. This collection of chapters is written by leading interna- tional sport management experts and examines contemporary issues and the latest challenges faced by the global sport industry. For example, in recent years the issues of integrity and ethical behaviour in professional sport and sport management have been widely reported and debated. Such topics are receiving significant media attention and they provide a continual challenge for sporting administrators who have to address issues such as match-fixing, doping, bribery and corrupt govern - ance structures. Critical Issues in Global Sport Management deals with such concerns and many others from a critical management perspective, highlighting the fact that not all is well with the global sport system and that cultural change may be required.

Purpose of the book In the past, sport programmes, projects and events have been examined from a number of academic perspectives including history, sociology, politics, marketing, management, strategy, urban planning and economics. What was lacking, however, was a book that identified and evaluated the current issues and complexities faced by those charged with the responsibility of managing sport in compound business contexts as well as intricate social environments. With Critical Issues in Global Sport Management we want to address this issue and provide a book that discusses the latest trends and issues faced by sport managers around the world. Moreover, we want to provide an attractive text for students, one that brings sport management education to life. In short, we want to assist in making reading, learning and classroom discussions relevant, meaningful and enjoyable! In contrast to ‘‘plain’ sport management textbooks that describe concepts and standard aspects of management in a pre-defined and often restricted manner, this compilation of research-based chapters goes beyond standard management know - ledge to explore and discuss a wide range of current issues and global developments in the management of sport. In other words, we put Critical Issues in Global Sport Management above standard introductory sport management books; it should be used for advanced undergraduate or postgraduate coursework program mes, or as a supple- mentary volume that complements standard texts (e.g., Beech and Chadwick, 2013; Hoye, Smith, Nicholson and Stewart, 2012; Rosner and Shropshire, 2010) with more critical and in-depth analyses of contemporary sport management topics.

2 Schulenkorf and FrawleyDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 To achieve the goal of providing an attractive yet rigorous sport management book, we have secured an impressive array of acclaimed authors who have contri - buted chapters and expert knowledge in their favourite areas of research and practice. With contributions from the United States, United Kingdom, Australia, New Zealand, Germany, Austria and Brazil, the group of authors also contributed to the global flavour and cross-cultural perspectives reflected in this book. We have asked all authors to link critical theory with current practice to bring their chapters to life through real-life cases and practical examples. In this way, Critical Issues in Global Sport Management combines research-based investigations into current global issues in sport management with dedicated critiques of contemporary cases in their own right. For us, these aspects set our book apart from other textbooks and we are convinced that Critical Issues in Global Sport Management will allow for timely debates, rigorous discussions and critical reflections in the classroom and beyond – something we consider crucially important in an increasingly global (sport) world. About this book In this introductory chapter we have briefly provided the background, purpose and context for Critical Issues in Global Sport Management. In the remaining 19 chapters of this book we invite readers to explore, learn, discuss and reflect on the latest concepts, issues and trends in managing sport. In particular, readers will enjoy timely chapters that are broadly categorised into three overarching sections:

Governance, integrity, and welfare (Chapters 2–7); Globalisation (Chapters 8–14); and Technology and social media (Chapters 15–19). Finally, in the last chapter of the book we as editors provide a brief reflection on the issues discussed and we look forward to future challenges in sport management. The section on governance, integrity and welfare in sport begins with Chapter 2, provided by Johanna Adriaanse, Sarah Cobourn, and Stephen Frawley. Their chapter engages with the critical topics of governance, CSR and diversity manage - ment. The authors examined how the three constructs have developed in sport, and how they are related to one another. Implications for sport managers are suggested and recommendations for future research in this growing field are provided.

Continuing with the theme of governance and diversity management, in Chapter 3, Johanna Adriaanse goes into more detail discussing the topic of gender diversity in the governance of international sport federations. Her chapter show cases that while women’s participation in many sports has been increasing over time, female representation in leadership positions remains a serious challenge. Adriaanse provides empirical evidence for her findings through a recently con ducted audit of gender distribution in the composition of the executive boards of inter national sport federations. The negative and potentially damaging conse quences of the omission of women in executive roles are clearly outlined. In Chapter 4, Catherine Ordway and Hayden Opie define and discuss the concepts of integrity, corruption, doping, match-fixing and betting in sport. The authors suggest a number of approaches and strategies towards managing Critical issues in global sport 3Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 corruption issues and protecting the integrity of sport. Next, in Chapter 5, Markus Breuer and Sebastian Kaiser continue with the theme of corruption and discuss the timely topic of match-fixing and manipulation in sport. Their focus is on the conse quences of betting and manipulation of individuals, clubs and leagues, as well as the potentially damaging influence that powerful multi-club investors/owners may have on ‘their’ clubs. In Chapter 6, Jules Woolf explores the challenge of how to manage drug use in sport. He explains the complexity of dealing with doping from a sport management perspective and provides an analysis of the World Anti- Doping Agency’s current strategies and tactics. Finally, in Chapter 7, Annette Greenhow and Lisa Gowthorp deliberate sport-related head injuries and con - cussion issues from a medical, legal and managerial perspective. Illustrated through two inter national case studies, the chapter specifically discusses the regu lation and governance of sports-related concussions and the implications for sport managers and their organisations. The section on globalisation is introduced by Geoff Dickson and João Malaia who in Chapter 8 discuss a number of key domains in which globalisation can be evidenced in today’s sporting world. The consequences of topics such as global recruitment of players and their merchandising options, the global broadcasting of media content and scheduling of games in foreign markets, as well as overseas investment in sporting clubs and teams are critically discussed and implications for sport managers are provided. In Chapter 9, Wolfram Manzenreiter and John Horne critically investigate the (un)intended socioeconomic impacts of global sport mega-events. They illustrate their arguments through a case study of the 2012 London Olympics, which provides numerous implications and lessons learnt for sport event organisers. Next, in Chapter 10, Olan Scott, Michael Naylor and Katherine Bruffy discuss the timely topic of social media with a focus on interna- tional fan engage ment. The authors provide a number of contemporary social media examples to illustrate opportunities and challenges in this space; they also outline the lessons learnt for an effective use of social media aimed at maximising market ing potential and engaging fans from all over the world. Next, Joel Rookwood in Chapter 11 reflects on his long-term experiences in researching the complex topic of hool igan ism in sport. He focuses on English football when outlining the issues caused by hooligans for other sport stakeholders, and he provides managerial impli cations for preventing and controlling hooligans in and around the stadium. In a related topic, Geoff Pearson and Clifford Stott discuss current developments in the science of football crowd management. In Chapter 12, they call for a more holistic, engaged and evidence-based approach towards understanding and managing football crowds. Chapter 13 introduces the concept of sport-for-development (SFD) and pro - vides an overarching review of theoretical and empirical work done in this field of study. SFD uses sporting projects as a vehicle for achieving social, cultural, psycho- logical, educational economic or health-related outcomes for disadvantaged communities. Nico Schulenkorf, Emma Sherry and Katie Rowe highlight current strengths and weaknesses in SFD research and practice, and they provide 4 Schulenkorf and FrawleyDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 recommendations for future work in this emerging field. Chapter 14 connects with the previous one as it discusses the topic of sport and international diplomacy.

Authors Robert Baker and Pamela Baker critically analyse diplomacy efforts on various levels and showcase an intriguing international sport-for-diplomacy initiative they have been engaged with for a number of years.The final section on technology and social media in sport begins with Bill Gerrard’s Chapter 15 on analytics and technology in high performance sport. It explores how in recent years, technological developments have revolutionised the collection of performance data with profound consequences for performance analysis. In particular, the impacts, opportunities and challenges of tracking data are discussed and managerial implications are provided. In Chapter 16, Harry Collins and Robert Evans critically examine the role of technologies in supporting match officials and argue that getting the ‘right’ outcome should be seen as a problem of increasing ‘justice’ rather than increasing ‘accuracy’. The authors suggest that technology must be used by officials wherever possible – a standpoint that should provide for some interesting debates between sport traditionalists (or romanticists?) and supporters of video referees. In Chapter 17, Brett Hutchins and David Rowe engage in a critical discussion on global mobile media, digital communication and traditional television – a challenging management context they describe as ‘the tyranny of perpetual inno - vation’. The authors explain why professional sport managers and sport business owners tend to struggle in their attempts to lead – rather than react to – develop - ments in mobile and digital media. In a closely related contribution, Larena Hoeber and Orland Hoeber discuss the opportunities and challenges of social media analytics in Chapter 18. In an applied manner, the authors provide examples of different social media analytics software which they believe should be an essential element of any sport organisation’s social media strategy. Finally, in Chapter 19, Christopher Rumpf and Christoph Breuer discuss how the adoption of digital technology can impact on sport management research and practice, and how it may enhance the efficiency and effectiveness of sport sponsorship. The authors provide an overview of technology-based measurements that may be used to better manage, assess and improve sponsorship activities. In Chapter 20, we as editors reflect on what the eclectic combination of chapters in this book has revealed about contemporary and critical issues in global sport management. This is done against a background where each of the chapters has provided relevant theory, practical examples and managerial implications.

Therefore, the final chapter allows us to use comparisons and draw links to provide the bigger picture regarding current trends and future challenges in global sport management.

References Beech, J. and Chadwick, S. (2013). The business of sport management. Harlow, UK: Pearson Education. Critical issues in global sport 5Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 Hoye, R., Smith, A., Nicholson, M. and Stewart, B. (2012). Sport management: Principles andappli cations (3rd ed.). Abingdon, UK: Routledge.

Rosner, S. and Shropshire, K. (2010). The business of sports(2nd ed.). Sudbury, UK: Jones and Bartlett Learning.

Sport England. (2013, July). Economic value of sport in England. Retrieved from www.sport england.org/media/177230/economic-value-of-sport.pdf 6Schulenkorf and FrawleyDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 PART 1 Governance, integrity and welfareDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 This page intentionally left blankDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 2 GOVERNANCE, CSR AND DIVERSITY A critical field of study in global sport management Johanna A. Adriaanse, Sarah Cobourn and Stephen Frawley Governance has only emerged in the last couple of decades as an explicit fiel\ d of study, primarily in response to management failures of corporate entities around the globe since the 1980s. Failures of large corporations, such as Enron in the United States and OneTel in Australia, have emphasised the need for adequate corp orate governance to protect the rights and interests of the stakeholders.

Accord ing to one of the pioneering researchers in the field, Bob Tricker (1993), the impetus for research into governance was the poor performance of corporate leadership. The role and structure of boards were therefore investigated with the aim of improving performance and thus enhancing the sustainability of the corp - orate entity. As with the field of governance, the study of corporate social responsibility (CSR) is a relatively new phenomenon. According to Harjoto and Jo (2011), ‘One of the most significant and contentious corporate trends of the last decade is the growth of corporate social responsibility’ (p. 45). While CSR as a concept has received a great deal of scrutiny over recent years, the fundamental purpose for an organisation’s CSR involvement remains very much uncertain. Friedman (1970) suggested that CSR is a tool employed by organisations to generate shareholder returns while also benefiting broader society. A more detailed discussion of how CSR is defined is outlined later in this chapter, but in general terms, CSR describes ‘how firms manage the business processes to produce an overall positive impact on society and refers to serving people, communities, and the environment in ways that go above and beyond what is legally and financially required of a firm’ (Harjoto and Jo, 2011, p. 45). Before the recent increase in CSR as a corporate strategy, the discussion within management circles (both academic and industry) was very much centred on understanding the fundamentals of good corporate governance. This theme has dramatically accelerated since the emergence of the global financial crisis in 2008.Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 As a consequence of this event, the role and importance of both CSR and corp - orate governance have been highlighted and reinforced (Harjoto and Jo, 2011).

Hopkins (2001), for instance, outlined more than 15 years ago that the concept of corporate governance needed to extend to incorporate CSR. The purpose of this chapter therefore is to first examine, within the context outlined above, how governance and CSR have developed in sport. Secondly, the chapter will explore the relationship between governance and CSR and, further, their relationship with diversity practices. Areas for future research will be discussed.

Governance: ‘pilot versus watchdog’ Governance involves the exercise of power relations in organisations and the frameworks that prevail within the duties of directing, monitoring and regulating that comprise their core business. Governance, however, needs to be distinguished from management. Tricker (1984) explained that the role of management is to ensure that the business operations run efficiently and effectively. This involves the coordination of the processes of product planning, design, marketing, production and distribution. By contrast, governance is not concerned with the day-to-day operations of an organisation; its focus is of a higher order. There is an emerging literature describing the nature of corporate governance and different approaches. Of particular importance is describing the ‘function’ or ‘purpose’ of governance. For example, Thomas Clarke (2004), in his introduction to Theories of Corporate Governance: The Philosophical Foundations of Corporate Govern - ance wrote that the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) provides a useful definition for the function/role of governance. Clarke (2004) cited the following extract from an OECD report on governance and management:

Corporate governance is the system by which business corporations are directed and controlled. The corporate governance structure specifies the distribution of rights and responsibilities among different participants in the corporation, such as the board, managers, shareholders and other stake - holders, and spells out the rules and procedures for making decisions on corporate affairs. By doing this, it also provides the structure through which the company objectives are set, and the means of attaining those objectives and monitoring performance. (p. 1) Others have a different view of the function of governance; for instance, Cadbury defined it as follows: Corporate governance is concerned with holding the balance between economic and social goals and between individual and communal goals. The 10Adriaanse, Cobourn and FrawleyDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 governance framework is there to encourage the efficient use of resources and equally to require accountability for the stewardship of those resources.

The aim is to align as nearly as possible the interest of individuals, corp - orations and society. (as cited in Clarke, 2004, p. 2) This means that boards are not only accountable for the financial resources of the company, but also have a responsibility to consider the needs of stakeholders. Yet another approach emphasises the dynamics of corporate governance, described as ‘a continuing process through which conflicting or diverse interests may be accommodated and co-operative action may be taken’ (Commission on Global Governance; as cited in Clarke, 2004, p. 2). Despite variations in approaches to corporate governance, it is evident that board members or directors play a critical role. The board of directors is active at all stages throughout the life of a company. As Clarke (2007a) commented, the board of directors is ‘the fulcrum of corporate governance, the critical nexus in which the fortunes of the company are decided’ (p. 33). In the early stages of a company, it represents the DNA or blueprint for the company’s lifespan. As the company grows, the board of directors represents the source of values and objectives that will further develop and sustain the company. According to a number of leading researchers in the field of corporate governance, in fulfilling their duties, all boards have to balance the strategy and accountability elements of their contribution in ways that encourage performance while maintaining effective control (Daily, Dalton and Cannella, 2003; Johnson, Daily and Ellestrand, 1996; Zahra and Pearce, 1989). Based on this literature, the key roles of boards may be considered as follows:

• Control: Monitoring management and ensuring accountability.

• Strategy: Approving the strategic direction of the organisation.

• Counsel: Providing advice and counsel to management.

• Institutional: Building institutional relationships with investors, stakeholders and the community.

The metaphor ‘pilot versus watchdog’ captures the tension in the function of governance between directing – such as setting strategic goals and objectives – and monitoring – such as protecting the interests of stakeholders (Carter and Lorsch, 2004; Clarke, 2004; Hoye and Cuskelly, 2007). Situating sport governance within governance Governance is relevant for any group of people who organise themselves for a common purpose. However, governance of corporate entities needs to be distin- guished from governance of non-profit organisations. There has been a recent orthodoxy in corporate governance, with a focus on protecting and enhancing Governance, CSR and diversity 11Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 share holder value (though this is contested by approaches based on a wider con - cern for stakeholder interests; Clarke, 2007a). The focus in non-profit govern ance is more clearly on providing a community service or facilitating the engagement of members in a social activity. After examining several perspectives on the differences in governance characteristics of corporate versus non-profit organi- sations, Hoye (2002) concluded that there are five main differences. Compared to profit-oriented organisations, non-profit organisations have • multiple measures of organisational performance, • shared leadership between an executive and board chair, • more diversity in board membership, • a diversity of constituents to serve, • pressures to maintain volunteer decision-making structures and processes.

(Hoye, 2002, pp. 21–22) Although there are many types of sport organisations, the majority of those provid - ing participation opportunities in sport and physical activity can be classified as non-profit, as their main purpose is to provide a service to members rather than making profits and increasing shareholder value. Sport governance is a relatively new concept and relates to the governance of sport organisations. As a field of study, it emerged approximately a decade after the commencement of research into corporate governance. In Sport Governance, Hoye and Cuskelly (2007) documented the scholarly literature since the inception of the field in the late 1980s. They defined sport governance as ‘the structures and processes used by an organisation to develop its strategic goals and direction, monitor its performance against these goals and ensure that the board acts in the best interest of its members’ (Hoye and Cuskelly, 2007, p. 9). It is apparent that the pilot versus watchdog metaphor, as previously described, is also applicable in the realm of sport.

Further, Hoye and Cuskelly identified the main research themes related to sport governance as generated by the following questions:

• What are the core roles and responsibilities of the board?

• What board structures and processes are most effective for sport organisations?

• What relationships exist between the board and management? Who exerts authority and power?

• What are the key influences on governing boards and its members?

The main research themes that emerge from these questions include board mem - bers’ roles, board structures and processes, board-staff relations and key influences in sport governance. A somewhat different perspective was suggested by Ferkins, Shilbury and McDonald (2005). Although they recognised research themes that were similar to those proposed by Hoye and Cuskelly (2007), they presented an integrated model of sport governance research consisting of three components: (a) 12 Adriaanse, Cobourn and FrawleyDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 environmental dynamics, (b) sport governance factors and (c) governance capabilities. An adapt ation of their model is presented in Figure 2.1. The purpose of the model is to provide an overview of research themes in the current liter - ature on sport govern ance and their interrelationships. The first component, environmental dynamics, includes both influences – those that are external to the organisation and those that are internal and specific to a sport. For example, compliance with legal requirements is an external influence, while funding sources and member ship numbers are internal influences (i.e., specific to a parti - cular sport organisation). The second component, sport board dynamics, includes board composition, board roles and responsibilities and directors’ interactions – which are comparable to some of the research themes suggested by Hoye and Cuskelly (2007). The third component of the integrated research model, sport governance dynamics, considers the develop ment of a strategic direction, monitoring management and building relationships with key stakeholders. This component appropriately reflects the nature of govern ance, which has previously been characterised as being a pilot versus a watchdog. Ferkins et al.(2005) argued that the strategic role of the board is a major factor in the governance of sport organisations due to the transition of many national sport bodies from predominantly volunteer-based to professional management structures. The introduction of paid professionals in sport organisations has led to the change from a council of representatives to a modern board of directors to govern the sport. Since the day-to-day operations are now managed by paid profes- sionals, the role of the board has changed to providing strategic direction and counsel to management. A critical part of an organisation’s strategic plan nowadays is the inclusion of a CSR strategy. Therefore, the development of a CSR strategy as part of an organisation’s overall strategic direction has emerged as a major research theme. Despite the variations in perspectives in the research literature on sport govern - ance, one of the main themes has been board structure and composition. In reviewing the sport governance literature to date, Ferkins et al. (2005) found that this theme has been scarcely addressed by sport management scholars. They recom - mended more research into this critical area of knowledge development. Hoye and Cuskelly (2007) also referred to the dearth of studies exploring board composition in sport organisations. Yet, they argued that composition is an essential issue: ‘The questions of who should comprise the board and how they get elected, appointed, selected or invited to a position as a board member are central to the governance of non-profit sport organisations’ (Hoye and Cuskelly, 2007, p. 74). They suggested that one of the key aspects of board composition is the diversity of its members, which should reflect the organisation’s membership and the stakeholders whom they are representing. The types of diversity that may be usefully represented in the boardroom include age, gender, ethnicity, culture, religion, profession and life experience. Although all these aspects of diversity are important, the main focus in the academic literature has been on gender diversity. Governance, CSR and diversity 13Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 CSR: what is it, really?

CSR is a broad field that has been attracting a great deal of academic attention in recent years. CSR as a concept encompasses terms such as sustainability, com - munity engagement, corporate citizenship and shared value. The fundamental principle of CSR is that businesses are responsible for their actions and therefore should embrace societal concerns within their operations and in interactions with key stakeholder (Porter and Kramer, 2006). Despite its growing history and increa - sing prominence in business discourse, there is significant confusion regarding how CSR should be defined. This has led to an expansion of terms and definitions to describe similar concepts such as corporate citizenship, corporate accountability, sustainability and sustainable capitalism. These terms are synonymous and therefore interchangeable. Clarke (2007b) specifically noted the confusion in the definition of sustainability. For instance, in some definitions, CSR is subsumed under the sustainability banner, while in others, sustainability is considered a component of CSR. However, despite other competing, complementary and overlapping terms, CSR is the most widely used and will therefore be the central term debated in this chapter. Given the proliferation of terms, finding a widely accepted definition for CSR has been a common challenge across multiple disciplines and sectors. Nonetheless, five key dimensions have emerged as commonalities among the various definitions (Carroll, 1999; Dahlsrud, 2008):

14 Adriaanse, Cobourn and Frawley Environmental dynamics External influencesInternal influences Sport governance dynamics Setting strategic direction (including CSR) Monitoring management Building relationships with key stakeholders Sport board dynamics Board composition (including diversity) Board roles and responsibilities Directors’ interaction Figure 2.1 Integrated research model of sport governanceDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 • Environment: protecting the natural environment.

• Social: managing the relationship between business and society.

• Economic: managing socio-economic or financial impacts.

• Stakeholders: interaction with stakeholders, such as suppliers, customers and so on.

• Voluntary: actions not prescribed by law, based on ethical values, beyond legalobligations.

Given the points outlined above, one of the most commonly cited definitions refers to CSR as follows: ‘The manner in which businesses manage their economic, social and environmental impacts as well as their stakeholder relationships in their key areas of influence: the workplace, the marketplace, the supply chain, the com - munity and public policy realm’ (John F. Kennedy School of Government, 2008, p.

1). Until recently, CSR was mostly viewed as a business cost to be traded off with profitability. However, over the past decade, companies have realised that CSR activities can benefit both society and business at the same time (Cobourn, 2014).

CSR and sport Sport is a prominent international social and economic institution (Jenkins, 2012).

The global sport industry has grown rapidly over the past four decades and is now worth an estimated US$1.2 trillion (Plunkett Research, 2014). The economic value of sport and the ripple effects of revenue creation reflect the substantial power of the industry. In today’s business environment, many sporting organisations operate as business franchises and are, therefore, expected to act within legal and ethical boundaries and societal expectations. Many stakeholders in global sport manage - ment have been active in community initiatives for decades, from athletes visiting children in hospitals, to teams promoting healthy lifestyles and participation in physical activity. However, over the past decade, there has been a dramatic increase in the level of support within the sports industry for CSR. This is best evidenced by the large number of social and environmental initiatives and programmes that have been put in place. As sport has become increasingly globalised, this has resulted in key sport stakeholders becoming much more influential members of the global community.

As a result of enormous team revenues, player salaries and increasing ticket prices, pressure has been placed on professional sporting organisations to implement more meaningful community-based programmes (Babiak, 2010). Some sport organi- sations have met this demand with efforts to give back to local communities using a variety of strategies and tactics (Cobourn, 2014). For instance, a number of sport organi sations run community outreach activities to ‘address important social issues, build good-will in their communities and, at the same time, enhance their public image’ (Babiak, 2010, p. 562). Sport, therefore, has become a lens through which larger social perspectives of identification, community and sociability are examined (Hunt, Bristol and Bashaw, 1999; Melnick, 1993; Sutton, McDonald, Milne and Cimperman, 1997). CSR across all industries covers an increasingly wide range of Governance, CSR and diversity 15Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 issues, including employees, operations, customers, suppliers, environmental sustain ability, community, ethics and human rights. The specificity of each of these responsibilities does vary according to the type of industry or business.

Governance, CSR and diversity Increasingly, a key feature of CSR strategy for sport and non-sport organisations has been the focus on social inclusion and encouraging diversity. Diversity ‘is defined as real or perceived differences among people that affect their interactions and relationships’ (Bell, 2007, p. 4). Similarly, diversity refers to ‘differences between individuals on any attribute that may lead to the perceptions that another person is different from self ’ (van Knippenberg, De Drue and Homann, 2004, p. 1068).

There are various types of diversity, including – but not limited to – age, gender, race and ethnicity, education, religion, physical appearance or ability, sexual orient - ation and culture. In the application of CSR, the growing concern for diversity in governance has often been termed diversity management. Managing diversity is about ‘creating a climate in which the potential advantages of diversity for organisational or group performance are maximised while the potential disadvantages are minimised’ (Cox and Beale, 1997, p. 2). In a business context, diversity management is the ‘proactive manage ment technique designed to utilise employee differences in order for an organisation to glean a competitive advantage in the marketplace’ (Fink and Pastore, 1999, p. 313). The embracing of diversity has grown in importance across many industries and contexts in alignment with the growing CSR movement. The focus on diversity can be attributed to a number of factors:

• Changing demographics in many communities has resulted in an increase in the median age, the proportion of racial minorities and women in the work - place.

• Social pressures have shifted in a manner that leads organisations to fulfil an ethical obligation to have diverse workplaces.

• Legislation has been enacted requiring equal employment or access to oppor - tunities irrespective of an individual’s demographic characteristics or back ground.

• The value-in-diversity hypothesis suggests that diversity can positively influence desired individual group and organisational outcomes. (Cunningham, 2011, p. 10) Therefore, organisations are increasingly realising that effective management of their social and environmental risks (and obligations) can improve business per - form ance (Margolis and Walsh, 2003). Until recently, the terms diversity and inclusion and social responsibility were used together as organisations attempted to legitimise equity as part of the triple bottom line. Sustainable organisations use a 16 Adriaanse, Cobourn and FrawleyDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 triple-bottom-line approach to track ecological and social performance in addition to traditional financial performance (Savitz and Weber, 2006). However, sustain- ability refers to more than simply the environment, and many organisations are now further pursuing social responsibility by launching diversity and inclusion initiatives as part of their business strategies (Savitz and Weber, 2006). The incorpo- ration of social responsibility and diversity and inclusion has progressed to a growing understanding of how diversity and inclusion are vital to the core business strategy of a sustainable organisation (Applegate and Puentes, 2009).

Governance, CSR and diversity in sport Effectively managing diversity is now critical in light of the social and economic pressures that sport organisations are facing in the twenty-first century (Spracklen, Hylton and Long, 2006). According to Doherty and Chelladurai (1999), sport organi sations need new and diverse perspectives, ideas and approaches for success.

Given that sport organisations are not immune to the influence of environmental changes, increasing diversity is expected in these organisations, among athletes, coaches, officials, staff and administrators. Furthermore, the dependence of many sport organisations on volunteers can increase the importance of managing diver - sity. Examples of current and increasing diversity-related CSR issues for organi sations include, for example, women and racial minorities in coaching and management; the international and interracial composition of professional sporting teams; the inclusion and employment of people with disabilities; the interaction of younger and older volunteers; and issues with athlete migration and racism, especially in football, with the trade of players from Africa to Europe (Bailey, 2005; Cornelissen and Solberg, 2007; Doherty and Chelladurai, 1999). Given that diversity is now a critical issue for people working in sport, it is vital that the sport workforce understand the dynamics and impacts of diversity in order to maximise the benefits of having a diverse workforce. Sporting managers must strategically address the opportunities and challenges of managing an increasingly diverse workforce. According to Mai-Dalton (1993), social responsi- bility – the moral obligation to treat people fairly – should be the first and only reason for supporting diversity in organisations. However, Wright, Ferris, Hiller, and Kroll (1995) also noted, importantly, that if competitive advantage is based on human and organisational resources, then increasing diversity not only requires embracing reality, but also changing policies and procedures to align with the needs of the changing marketplace. For example, when NASCAR sought to increase the diversity of its spectators, it sought the help of NBA star, Ervin ‘Magic’ Johnson. NASCAR’s chief operating officer at the time, George Pyne, noted the following: ‘Magic will help NASCAR achieve its goals to better educate new audiences and facilitate greater participation among the industry and communications of colour’ (‘Magic Johnson to help NASCAR’, 2004, p. 1).

Overall, diversity influences important benefits to organisations such as cost savings, access to talented human resources and com petitive advantage (Robinson Governance, CSR and diversity 17Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 and Dechant, 1997). Diversity can also facilitate business growth in areas such as increasing creativity and innovation, improving problem-solving and enhancing leadership capabilities (Cunningham, 2011).These outcomes far outweigh any potential negative effects (Cunningham, 2011).

Gaps in practice and research In an introductory survey of interest on the interplay between ideologies of race and identity within sport cultures, Carrington (2004) claimed that significant progress has been made since the ‘intellectual lacuna’ (p. 1) of the 1990s. In parti - cular, the works of Back, Crabbe and Solomos (2001); Carrington and McDonald (2001); Garland and Rowe (2001); Williams (2001); and Ismond (2003) have established strong epistemological literature on race, ethnicity and diversity in social studies of sport. However, despite greater attention to racial equality in sport in recent years, the research and practice of sporting organisations towards creating equality of outcomes has been limited. Little work has been done at the inter - section of strategic CSR implementation and diversity policies. Whilst the theo retical proposition that diversity has subsequent economic benefits for organi- sations is strong, as identified above, the empirical research to investigate this is limited. Further research is needed in this area to assist sporting organisations in understanding, articulating and enhancing these benefits. In a comprehensive review of gender diversity in corporate boards including 400 publications, Terjesen, Sealy, and Singh (2009) found that, among other results, women directors were more committed to CSR than men, who were more concerned about economic performance. In particular, findings from the review indicated that boards with three or more women directors were more inclined to consider non-financial performance measures such as CSR involvement and stakeholder satisfaction. Similarly, in the context of sport organisations, future research should investigate the influence of gender diversity in board composition on the organisation’s non-financial performance measures including CSR. In addition, diverse sport boards by definition draw their directors from a wider range of the population. This often results in a better representation of the key stakeholders of the organisations as well as enhanced sensitivity to a wider range of perspectives (Terjesen et al., 2009). This raises the following questions: To what extent do these diverse boards contribute to building positive and ethical relation - ships with their key stakeholders, which is a salient aspect of CSR? Key stake holders of sport organisations include the players, fans, employees, sponsors and media. If boards indeed have a positive impact on relationship building, in what manner are relationships with these partners developed? There is a clear gap in the literature that has not addressed this issue to date, with important implications for sport management practice. In order to fully realise the extent to which an organisation is successfully imple menting CSR, it must measure its progress on both social objectives and the 18Adriaanse, Cobourn and FrawleyDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 degree to which these objectives improve the economic value for business.

Measure ment of CSR initiatives is an area that requires much more attention from both sport management and management researchers in the future. Despite the relatively widespread interest in CSR, the measurement tools to evaluate impact are still in their infancy. Organisations require a systematic model to assess the impact of CSR initiatives on stakeholders and society, not just the business itself (Lemon, Roberts, Raghubir and Winer, 2011). This area remains a significant gap in the current CSR literature. Whilst organisations are increasingly realising that strong CSR and governance in diversity and inclusion may improve financial performance, there is a large gap in the sport literature regarding the actual link between CSR initiatives and finan - cial performance. Future research could use financial data to examine the direct link between CSR policies and initiatives, and the subsequent financial return on investment. By highlighting the direct connection between addressing societal and governance issues and achieving economic value creation, organisations will be better able to articulate, understand and improve their CSR initiatives.

Conclusion As the above discussion illustrates, the intersection of CSR, governance and diver - sity has become a central topic across most industries. The world has become more heterogeneous in many ways, from demographics and attitudes to beliefs and preferences. Further work is now needed to continue exploring the theoretical and practical aspects of the intersections of CSR, governance and diversity within the sporting context.

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For the first time in its 100-year-old history, a woman was elected to take a seat at the FIFA executive table alongside 24 male members (FIFA, 2013). Since women and girls gained access to football clubs several decades ago, football has emerged as one the fastest growing participation sports for females. The first Women’s World Cup in football took place in 1991 in China, demonstrating evidence of its popularity at a global level. While participation rates for women playing football have grown exponentially, women’s participation in the governance of the sport remains a serious challenge. The election of the first woman on the FIFA executive was an important step; however, with only one woman out of 25 directors (4 per cent), women remain markedly under-represented. On a wider scale, it appears that gender diversity in sport governance is a critical issue not only for FIFA, but also for many international sport federations (IFs). Yet, the business case for women’s participation in the governance of organi- sations has been solidly established. When a coach picks the best team for the field, she or he considers the entire pool of players, all the talent available. In contrast, when the best team is selected for the board room, half of the population is currently ignored. Clearly, the pool of talent and skillsets will significantly increase when women are included in the selection process. Against this background, Terjesen, Sealy and Singh (2009) conducted a review of research on women directors on corporate boards based on more than 400 publications in the past 30 years. They found that gender diversity mainly had a positive impact on the organi- sation’s performance. Women’s participation on the board led to more sensitivity to other perspectives, which contributed to better problem solving and decision making. Women also demonstrated a critical approach by frequently askingDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 questions which enhanced the board’s independence. Further, the researchers found that boards with three or more women were more active in going beyond financial performance measures such as stakeholder satisfaction, innovation and corporate social responsibility.A growing number of studies have investigated the relationship between gender and sport leadership, in particular the issue of women’s under-representation in sport governance. Researchers have examined this issue in a range of countries, including Australia (Adriaanse and Schofield, 2013; McKay, 1992, 1997; Sibson, 2010), Canada (Hall, Cullen, and Slack, 1989; Inglis, 1997; Shaw and Slack, 2002), Germany (Doll-Tepper, Pfister, and Radtke, 2006; Pfister and Radtke, 2009), the Netherlands (Claringbould and Knoppers, 2007, 2008), New Zealand (Cameron, 1996; Shaw, 2006), Norway (Fasting, 2000; Hovden, 2000, 2006; Skirstad, 2002, 2009), the United Kingdom (Shaw and Hoeber, 2003; Shaw and Penney, 2003; White and Brackenridge, 1985) and the United States (Burton, Grappendorf, and Henderson, 2011; Schull, Shaw, and Kihl, 2013). These studies have all focused on the governance of national sport organisations. At an international level, Henry and his colleagues (Henry et al., 2004; Henry and Robinson, 2010) investigated women’s representation in the governance of IFs. These studies are of great signif- icance; however, they have included only those federations that are part of the Olympic Movement. Consider ing that less than half of the IFs are actually part of the Olympic Movement, there is a lack of research into gender representation in the governance of the broader group of IFs. The present study seeks to fill this gap and extend the prevailing knowledge and understanding by examining gender diversity in the governance of both Olympic and non-Olympic IFs. The research questions that framed the study were: (a) What is the gender ratio on boards of IFs with reference to board directors, chair and chief executive? (b) To what extent has gender balance and/or a critical mass of women been achieved on IF boards? (c) In light of the findings, what are the implications for sport manage ment practice? The study is based on the Sydney Scoreboard (www.sydney scoreboard.com/) – a global index for women in sport leadership – which gathers and displays data on women’s representation in sport governance globally. The chapter begins with a review of the literature on gender diversity in sport gover n ance and explains the theoretical framework. This is followed by a descript - ion of the methodology, which comprised an audit and comparison of IF boards (N = 76) in 2012 and 2014. Next, the results of the audit, including the percentages of women board directors, board chairs and chief executives, are presented and discussed. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the implications of the study\ ’s findings for sport management practice.

Women’s under-representation in sport governance In a comprehensive review of research, based on nearly 100 publications over the past 40 years, Burton (2015) provided a multi-level examination of scholarship that contributes to understanding the scarcity of women in sport leadership positions.

24 AdriaanseDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 She distinguished research at three levels: macro, meso, and micro. From a macro- perspective, where the focus is at the societal and/or sport sector level, the under-representation of women suggests that sport is a gendered institution with hegemonic masculinity as the norm. The sport sector shows institutionalised masculinity as an operating principle, which is evident in the findings of a range of studies on the gendered structure of sport organisations (Hall et al., 1989; Hovden, 2010; Shaw and Slack, 2002; White and Brackenridge, 1985). At a meso-level, where the focus is on analysis within sport organisations, Burton (2015) contended that the scarcity of women is explained through stereo- typing of leaders, issues of discrimination, and gendered organisational cultures.

Some of the more notable findings involved men’s privileged position in sport leadership roles (Adriaanse and Schofield, 2014; Fasting, 2000; Inglis, 1997; McKay, 1992; Pfister and Radtke, 2009; Sibson, 2010) and the discrimination in recruit - ment processes (Claringbould and Knoppers, 2007; Hovden, 2000). Analysis at the micro-level focuses on the individual men and women within the sport context and how they make sense of their experiences of power, policies, and procedures. Scholars have often used discourse analysis to help understand how constructions of gender are embedded in organisational discourses that inhibit women from advancement to sport leadership positions. Key findings demonstrate that governance and senior management roles are dominated by discourses of masculinity and that subordinate positions are associated with those of femininity (Claringbould and Knoppers, 2012; Shaw and Hoeber, 2003). A common thread throughout the research on gender and sport leadership at all three levels is the focus on the concept of power and related notions of gender hierarchy, hegemonic masculinity, male privilege and exclusionary power.

According to Connell (2009), an internationally acclaimed scholar on gender, power is a key dimension of gender relations. It is about the way in which control, authority, influence and force are exercised along gender lines. Power relates to the concept of patriarchy, a gender order in which men dominate women. According to Connell (2009), ‘The power of husbands over wives and fathers over daughters is still an accepted idea in much of the world, even in modified forms such as the idea of the father as “head of the household”’ (p. 76). The concept of gendered power relations in the context of managing organisations including sport organi- sations is further explored in the next section.

Gendered power relations in organisational management The control of men over women not only occurs at an individual level, but is also impersonally realised through institutions or the state. The work of Kanter (1977), Burton (1987), and Wajcman (1999) provide important examples of institution- alised power. Kanter’s pioneering study on gender dynamics in U.S. corporations in the 1970s disclosed that the prevailing gender hierarchy in organisations was not the result of individual differences between men and women, but that of the Gender diversity and governance 25Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 structure of the organisation. Gender inequality arose because women were located in dead-end jobs at the bottom of the organisation or appeared as tokens at the top.

This ultimately led to the notion of a gendered institution in which hegemonic masculinity prevails. Kanter further found that relative numbers or ratios are significant for affecting behaviour in organisations. One or two women tend to have limited influence, but when a minority group obtains a presence of one-third or more, it is thought to become a critical mass and therefore able to influence the culture of the organisation. Such groups can form alliances with other minority members and contribute to the organisation’s governance in ways that can bring about change. Kanter identified balanced groups as those in which the gender ratio ranges between 40 and 60 per cent. In such groups, gender-based differences become less important. In other words, women are more likely to be seen as individuals with their own skills and perspectives, and not as representatives for women.Kanter’s (1977) notion of gender balance in groups parallels that in the context of public policy in governance. In this context, gender balance refers to gender parity in the number of directors on the board. As a measure of gender parity, a minimum of 40 per cent representation of each gender on the board is generally adopted. This approach is often described as the 40:40:20 target, which means including 40 per cent women, 40 per cent men, and 20 per cent of either gender in the composition of the board. This target has been recommended by the Australian Human Rights Commission (2010) in their 2010 Gender Equality Blueprint report and internationally, for example, by the European Parliament as a non-binding resolution to be achieved by 2020 (Australian Human Rights Commission, 2010; Whelan and Wood, 2012). The present study examines board composition in sport governance by investigating the gender ratios on IF boards.

In particular, it aims to analyse to what extent boards have obtained gender balance and/or a critical mass of women in their composition.

Method An audit was conducted of the gender distribution in the composition of IF boards.

Both Olympic and non-Olympic IFs that were members of SportAccord were selected for inclusion. SportAccord is an umbrella organisation (not-for-profit) based in Lausanne that coordinates and supports IFs through knowledge sharing (SportAccord, n.d.). It provides expertise and resources on critical issues commonly faced by the international sport bodies, such as good governance, anti-doping, integrity, social responsibility and digital media. Data were collected through the Sydney Scoreboard, an interactive website, which collects and displays data on the gender composition of boards of national sport organisations, national Olympic committees and IFs. In relation to the latter – which represents the focus of this study – data include the name of the IF, the number of male and female directors on each board, gender of the board chair and gender of the chief executive. The board is defined as the group of officials 26AdriaanseDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 (directors) empowered through the constitution to govern and oversee the running of an organisation. Directoris understood as a person who is on the board of directors of an organisation either through election or appointment. Finally, a chair is the person responsible for leading the board; in some organisations the board chair is named president. The chief executive is the senior executive (usually paid) who is responsible for the organisation’s overall operations and performance and who operates in accordance with the delegations and directions given by the board.

He or she may also be referred to as general manager, managing director, or secretary-general. Data were collected during two periods of time. The first period was between September 2010 and December 2012, while a repeat audit was conducted between January and September 2014. An open invitation to submit data was sent to all 6,000 members of the International Working Group on Women and Sport (IWG) network via the organisation’s e-newsletter. The IWG is an independent coordi- nating body comprising representatives of key government and non-government organisations from different regions of the world to empower women and advance sport. Every four years, it hosts a world conference and the Sydney Scoreboard is the official legacy of the fifth IWG World Conference on Women and Sport which took place in Sydney in 2010. In addition to providing data on the gender distribution of boards of the international sport bodies, participants were also asked to identify the source of information (e.g., annual report or official website of the sport organisation) and the date of data collection. Further, information for those IFs whose data was not provided by the IWG network was gathered from the official website of the IF.

Subsequently, the data for each IF were entered on the Sydney Scoreboard database. Using these data, tables were created showing percentages of women board directors, women chairs, and women chief executives on boards of 76 IFs for the two time periods ending 2012 and 2014.

Results Table 3.1 shows the percentage of women directors on 76 IF boards in 2014 and 2012. As can be seen, in 2014 women’s representation ranged from 0 to 100 per cent, with a global mean of 13.3 per cent. Three of the 76 IFs have between 40 and 60 per cent women’s presence, which means that they have obtained the recom mended gender balance in the composition of their board. They are the International Skating Union, the International Hockey Federation and the International Triathlon Union.

A critical mass, defined by a minimum of 30 per cent women’s representation, has been obtained in four federations: the International Equestrian Federation, the International Federation of Sleddog Sports, the International Surfing Association and the International Gymnastics Federation. The majority of federations, 44 of 76 IFs, show women’s representation between 4 and 28.6 per cent. At the bottom of the table are 24 federations without any women on their board, including several Gender diversity and governance 27Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 TABLE 3.1 Percentage of women directors on boards of international sport federations (N = 76) International Federation Female Board Female Board Difference Directors Directors + / − 2014 (%) 2012 (%) INF: International Netball Federation 100 80 +20 ISU: International Skating Union 45.45 29.41 +16.04 FIH: International Hockey Federation 40 37.5 +2.5 ITU: International Triathlon Union 40 42.86 −2.86 FEI: International Equestrian Federation 33.33 14.29 +19.04 IFSS: International Federation of Sleddog Sports 33.33 35.71 −2.38 ISA: International Surfing Association 33.33 25 +8.33 FIG: International Gymnastics Federation 30.43 28.57 +1.86 ISA: International Rowing Federation 28.57 25 +3.57 IFF: International Floorball Federation 27.27 8.33 +18.94 IOF: International Orienteering Federation 27.27 9.09 +18.18 FIRS: International Roller Sports Federation 25 27.27 −2.27 ICU: International Cycling Union 250 +25 ISAF: International Sailing Federation 25 18.18 +6.82 WCF: World Curling Federation 25 25 0 WDF: World Darts Federation 25 28.57 −3.57 IAAF: International Association of Athletics Federations 22.22 15 +7.22 FIBA: Federation Internationale De Basketball 21.74 21.74 0 IFMA: International Federation of Muay Thai Amateur 20.59 0 +20.59 TWIF: Tug of War International Federation 20 20 0 UIAA: International Mountaineering and Climbing Federation 200 +20 WSF: World Squash Federation 20 25 −5 United World Wrestling 19.05 9.09 +9.96 WDSF: World DanceSport Federation 18.75 18.18 +0.57 IRF: International Racquetball Federation 16.67 27.27 −10.6 WFDF: World Flying Disc Federation 16.67 18.18 −1.51 BWF: Badminton World Federation 14.29 7.69 +6.6 CMAS: World Underwater Federation 14.29 9.52 +4.77 IIHF: International Ice Hockey Federation 14.29 13.33 +0.96 ILS: International Life Saving Federation 14.29 5.26 +9.03 FIL: International Luge Federation 13.33 12.5 +0.83 IFBB: International Federation of Body Building and Fitness 13.33 7.14 +6.19 FIVB: International Volleyball Federation 12.5 13.33 −0.83 IWWF: International Waterski and Wakeboard Federation 12.5 22.73 −10.23 IBU: International Biathlon Union 11.11 20 −8.89 FIDE: International Chess Federation 108.33 +1.67 ICF: International Canoe Federation 10 13.33 −3.33 IFAF: International Federation of American Football 10 0 +10Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 TABLE 3.1 Continued International Federation Female Board Female Board Difference Directors Directors + / − 2014 (%) 2012 (%) IFSC: International Federation of Sport Climbing 10 30 −20 UIPM: International Modern Pentathlon Union 9.52 10.53 −1.01 CMSB: Federation Mondale Des Sports de Boules 9.09 13.33 −4.24 IPF: International Powerlifting Federation 9.09 0 +9.09 WBF: World Bridge Federation 9.09 13.04 −3.95 FIM: International Motorcycling Federation 7.69 7.14 +0.55 WKF: World Karate Federation 7.69 7.69 0 FMJD: Worlds Draughts Federation 7.14 7.14 0 IGF: International Golf Federation 7.14 25 −17.86 WTF: World Taekwondo Federation 7.14 8.82 −1.68 WAKO: World Association of Kickboxing Organisations 5.88 5.88 0 IWF: International Weightlifting Federation 4.76 0 +4.76 FINA: Federation Internationale De Natation (Swimming) 4.17 4.55 −0.38 FIFA: Federation Internationale de Football Association 4 0 4 AIBA: International Boxing Association 0 7.14 −7.14 CIPS: Confederation Internationale De La Peche Sportive (Sport Fishing) 0 0 0 FAI: The International Air Sports Federation 0 4.65 −4.65 FIAS: International Amateur Sambo Federation 0 0 0 FIBT: International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation 0 0 0 FIK: International Kendo Federation 0 11.76 −11.76 FIP: Federation of International Polo 0 0 0 FIPV: Federacion International De Pelota Vasca 0 0 0 FIQ: Federation Internationale des Quilleurs (Bowling) 0 12.5 −12.5 IAF: International Aikido Federation 0 0 0 IBAF: International Baseball Federation 0 0 0 ICC: International Cricket Council 0 0 0 CSF: International Casting Sport Federation 0 0 0 IFA: International Fistball Association 0 0 0 IGF: International Go Federation 0 0 0 IHF: International Handball Federation 0 0 0 IJF: International Judo Federation 0 4.76 −4.76 IRB: International Rugby Board 0 0 0 ISSF: International Shooting Sport Federation 0 0 0 ITF: International Tennis Federation 0 6.67 −6.67 JJIF: Ju-Jitsu International Federation 0 0 0 PI: Pentathlon International 0 9.09 −9.09 WCBS: World Confederation of Billiard Sports 0 0 0 WMF: World MiniGolf Sport Federation 0 0 0 Global Average 13.32 12.00 1.32Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 that govern popular global sports: the Inter national Tennis Federation, the Inter - national Cricket Council, the Inter national Rugby Board, the International Handball Federation and the Inter national Baseball Federation. At the other end of the spectrum is the International Netball Federation that is governed by women directors only (100 per cent). This portrays a ‘reverse’ case of gender inequality where men are under-represented; in fact, men are not represented at all. Regarding women’s representation as chair (or president) of the federation, six of the 76 IFs (8 per cent) in 2014 had a woman in this leading position. They include the World Underwater Federation, the International Equestrian Federation, the International Federation of Sleddog Sports, the International Netball Federation, the International Triathlon Union and the World Curling Federation (see Table 3.2). In addition, this table provides an overview of the federations with a female chief executive, also known as secretary-general in IFs. In 2014, women occupied the chief executive position in 15 out of 71 IFs (21 per cent). They include the governing bodies of popular global sports such as handball, netball, and triathlon.

It is noted that five of the 76 IFs operated without a chief executive at the time of the study. When comparing the 2014 results with those of 2012, a trend over time emerges (see Table 3.3). First, the percentage of women board directors of all IFs that participated in this study slightly increased from 12 per cent in 2012 to 13.3 per cent in 2014. This represents a change of 1.3 per cent for the two periods. An 30 Adriaanse TABLE 3.2 International sport federations with women chairs and women chief executives in 2014 Leadership Position IFs IFs with women chair/ CMAS: World Underwater Federation, FEI:

president (6) International Equestrian Federation IFSS: International Federation of Sleddog Sports, INF:

International Netball Federation, ITU: International Triathlon Union, WCF: World Curling Federation.

IFs with women chief FIBT: International Bobsleigh and Skeleton Federation, executive/secretary-general (15) FIQ: Federation Internationale des Quilleurs (Bowling), IBU: International Biathlon Union, IFSC: International Federation of Sport Climbing, IGF: International Go Federation, IHF: International Handball Federation, IJF:

International Judo Federation, INF: International Netball Federation (IFNA), IOF: International Orienteering Federation, ITU: International Triathlon Union, IWWF: International Waterski and Wakeboard Federation, JJIF: Ju-Jitsu International Federation, UIAA:

International Mountaineering and Climbing Federation, UIPM: International Modern Pentathlon Union, WDSF: World Dance Sport Federation.Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 upward trend has also occurred with reference to women in the leadership positions of chair and chief executive. Women’s representation as chair of an IF has increased from 7 per cent in 2012 to 8 per cent in 2014. Finally, a more significant change can be seen in women’s presence as chief executive: from 9 per cent in 2012 to 21 per cent in 2014, a remarkable increase of 12 per cent.

Discussion Gender balance and critical mass on IF boards The findings of the study indicate that although women’s presence as directors on IFs’ boards has increased between 2012 and 2014, women remain markedly under- represented in the governance of global sport. Overall, the gender dynamics on IF boards are characterised by a prevailing gender hierarchy in which men continue to dominate women. Only three federations have obtained what is described as gender balance (at least 40 per cent of women on the board) and another four federations have a critical mass of women (over 30 per cent) on their board. The likely consequence for the 69 of the 76 international federations that failed to achieve either gender balance or a critical mass is loss of potential. As discussed previously, the business case for gender diversity in governance is strong. In other words, whilst gender diversity on boards is an ethical and democratic issue in termsof adequate representation of all stakeholders, it also impacts on the organisation’s performance. Terjesen et al.(2009) found that gender diversity on boards contri - buted to more effective corporate governance. Several other studies have con cluded that in order to reap the benefits of gender diversity, a minimum of 30 per cent women’s representation is required ( Joecks et al., 2013; Konrad, Kramer and Erkut, 2008; Torchia, Calabro and Huse, 2011). After empirically testing Kanter’s critical mass theory with German organisations, Joecks et al.(2013) found a link between gender diversity on the board and firm performance. They found the critical mass to be approximately 30 per cent women’s representation because when it reaches this threshold it can influence the culture of the organisation. If women’s presence is less than the critical mass of 30 per cent, gender diversity is likely to result in having no influence or even a negative influence on the perform - ance of the organisation. This means that those international sport federations that lack a critical mass of women – which are the vast majority of IFs – may well be Gender diversity and governance 31 TABLE 3.3 Percentage of women as directors, chair and chief executive of IFs in 2014 and 2012 Leadership Position2014 2012 Change Women directors 13.312 +1.3 Women chairs 87 +1 Women chief executives 219 +12Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 under-performing. In short, they lack a diversity of perspectives on the board which may result in diminished capability to be innovative, solve problems, and make sound decisions. This also applies to the International Netball Federation, the reverse case, which lacks a critical mass of male directors.Similarly, although women’s representation in the positions of board chair and chief executive of IFs has increased between 2012 and 2014, neither indicator has achieved either gender balance or a critical mass globally yet. The most powerful and influential positions, namely the board chair and chief executive, remain largely occupied by men. Again, the lack of gender diversity suggests that the governance of sport from a global perspective is being compromised and not reaching its full potential. The 12 per cent increase of women’s presence in the chief executive role to 21 per cent in 2014, however, is promising. Chief executives can be regarded as the pipeline for board directors and therefore bode well for an increase of female directors in the future. Nevertheless, based on the current status, the question arises as to how we can accelerate gender diversity in the governance of international federations. The next section considers implications of the study’s findings for sport management practice.

Strategies to accelerate gender diversity on IF boards A common intervention to accelerate gender diversity in governance has been the introduction of gender quotas and targets. Both refer to the requirement of a minimum number or percentage of women or either gender, but a key difference is that quotas are mandatory while targets are voluntary (Whelan and Wood, 2012).

One of the strongest examples of using quotas which brought about profound change is the case of Norway. In 2005, Norway became the first country in the world to pass a quota law requiring a minimum of 40 per cent of either gender on the board of directors of public limited liability companies by 2008 (Torchia et al., 2011). Sanctions for non-compliance included the dissolution of the company. As a consequence, women’s representation on these Norwegian boards increased from 7 per cent in 2003 to 40.3 per cent in 2010. In the context of sport governance, Adriaanse and Schofield (2014) have exam - ined the impact of gender quotas on gender diversity on boards of national sport organisations in Australia. They found that a quota of a minimum of three women was an effective way to increase women’s presence in governance, but it was only a first step towards achieving gender diversity. It needed to operate in conjunction with several other conditions, including women assuming influential board positions and, most importantly, directors adopting gender diversity as an organisa- tional value. In contrast to quotas, gender targets operate as a voluntary, aspirational goal for the level of gender representation in an organisation. In 1996, the International Olympic Committee chose to adopt targets over quotas for women’s membership in national Olympic committees and international sport federations associated with the Olympic Movement. Although many organisations responded positively 32 AdriaanseDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 to the proposed target of 20 per cent female representation by 2005, by 2010, aspirations had not yet been achieved, with the percentage of women on national Olympic committees reaching 17.6 per cent and on IFs, 18.3 per cent (Henry et al., 2004; Henry and Robinson, 2010). It is evident from this example that voluntary targets have limited impact. Accordingly, using quotas may be a more effective intervention for achieving gender diversity on sport boards. Nevertheless, the introduction of quotas is often opposed on the grounds that they represent additional regulation and therefore limit the efficiency of business. Critics also argue that quotas undermine the principle of merit, with many women believing they will be viewed as tokens when hired on the basis of fulfilling a quota (Whelan and Wood, 2012). Another strategy to accelerate gender diversity is to adjust the recruitment and selection process. As previously mentioned, discrimination in the recruitment of directors has been identified as inhibiting the presence of women on sport boards (Burton, 2015; Claringbould and Knoppers, 2007; Hovden, 2000). Men can control boards by framing the selection process in a manner that maintains the male- dominated culture of the sport board. This happens when male board members select those with similar characteristics in an attempt to ‘re-create themselves’.

Moreover, the common strategy of searching in networks of friends and colleagues for potential board members re-confirms the existing gender structure. Based on their research into women’s participation in the governance of the Olympic Movement, Henry and Robinson (2010) therefore recommended that IFs develop a list of potential candidates for ‘posts of responsibility within the … IF. This list would be gender-balanced with a minimum target of 40 per cent representation from either gender’ (p. 15). When board vacancies occur, suitable candidates – both men and women – can be nominated from this pool of potential candidates. A final strategy to advance gender diversity is to adopt gender reporting. This involves federations monitoring the gender distribution in the composition of their board and reporting the results on a regular basis (e.g., bi-annually). The advantage of this strategy is that it raises the awareness of this critical issue in sport governance – in other words, it puts gender equality firmly and officially on the map. Further, regular gender reporting tracks the progress of gender diversity in the governance of global sport in a statistical way with ‘hard’ data that allows for the identification of good practices and effective interventions. Gender reporting can be adopted on a voluntary basis by the individual IF. Alternatively, international bodies such as the International Olympic Committee or SportAccord could make it a requirement for membership of their organisation.

Conclusion Despite compelling research evidence that shows the benefits of gender diversity in governance, the findings of this study indicate that women’s participation in the governance of IFs remains a serious challenge. The study was based on an analysis of data from the Sydney Scoreboard: a global index for women in sport leadership. Gender diversity and governance 33Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 In 2014, the global average for women’s representation as board directors was 13.3 per cent, while board chair/president was 8 per cent and chief executive/secretary- general was 21 per cent. These findings suggest that women continue to be largely under-represented in the key leadership roles in global sport. A trend over time discloses that women’s representation on all three key indicators has improved; however, few federations (seven of 76 IFs) have achieved either gender balance or a critical mass of women on its boards in 2014. The most promising result was in reference to the position of chief executive, which demonstrated a 12 per cent increase in women’s presence between 2012 and 2014.The governance of global sport reflects a prevailing gender order in which men and masculinity continue to occupy a privileged position. Given the paucity of international federations that achieve gender balance and/or a critical mass of women in the composition of its boards, it is evident that the vast majority of IFs fail to adhere to ethical business practices. This is because important stakeholders are under-represented or not represented at all. Further, it is evident that these federations fall short of maximising the organisation’s performance potential. In particular, a lack of different perspectives can impair the board’s decision-making and problem-solving capability. Considering the implications of the study’s findings for sport management prac - tice, three key strategies to advance gender diversity are suggested. First, although the introduction of gender quotas and targets are usually met with some resistance, they have proven to be effective in the acceleration of gender diversity in govern ance.

Second, to counteract bias in recruitment processes, the establish ment of nominating committees is recommended with the task of identifying suitable male and female candidates for board positions. Finally, it is suggested to adopt gender reporting to monitor progress towards gender diversity in the govern ance of sport globally.

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Joecks, J., Pull, K. and Vetter, K. (2013). Gender diversity in the boardroom and firm performance: What exactly constitutes a ‘critical mass?’ Journal of Business Ethics, 118, 61– 72. doi:10.1007/s10551-012-1553-6 Pfister, G. and Radtke, S. (2009). Sport, women and leadership: Results of a project on executives in German sports organisations. European Journal of Sport Science, 9, 229–243.

doi:10.1080/17461390902818286 Gender diversity and governance 37Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 4 INTEGRITY AND CORRUPTION IN SPORT Catherine Ordway and Hayden Opie Sport looms large in the lives of many people around the world. With the practice of sport comes the many pleasures and rewards of physical exercise, feats of athletic skill, competition and contest, self-esteem, social connection and entertaining spectacle. Important human values are found, taught, and reinforced through sport; for example, the pursuit of excellence, honesty, fair play, respect for rules and laws, non-discrimination and respect for others, the educational value of good example, ethical behaviour and peaceful existence (see, for example, International Olympic Committee (IOC), 2015; World Anti-Doping Agency (WADA), 2015). Specific examples of those values grouped under the label of sportsmanship include teamwork and team spirit, playing earnestly and never giving up, accepting the umpires’ decisions, humility in victory and graciousness in defeat. All of those attri - butes demonstrate the value of sport to individuals and society as well as contri bute to a collective love of sport for both participants and spectators (for a summary of research on participant motivation and behaviour, see Sport Participation in Australia; Richards and Murphy, 2015). In significant measure, they underpin the ongoing support that governments and commercial enterprises of many kinds show for the development of sport. However, over the past few decades, dark clouds have begun to dim this shining vision of sport. From doping by famous athletes to the misappropriation of funds at the highest levels of international sports organisations, such clouds are considered threats to the integrity of sport. In 2011, the then IOC president, Jacques Rogge, in his address to celebrate the hundredth year of the Japanese Olympic Committee said, ‘We have made doping a top priority, and now there is a new danger coming up that almost all countries have been affected by and that is corruption, match- fixing and illegal gambling’ (‘Jacques Rogge: Corruption’, 2011, para. 2). The doping scandal surrounding the American cyclist and seven-time winner of the Tour de France, Lance Armstrong, attracted worldwide attention. As a supremeDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 athlete, cancer survivor, and philanthropist, Armstrong was an inspiration to many.

He encapsulated so well the values associated with sport. When Armstrong was revealed as a serial doping cheat and liar who pursued aggressively and remorse- lessly those who claimed he doped (U.S. Anti-Doping Agency, 2012), not only was Armstrong’s reputation severely damaged, but so was that of his sport. Other international superstar athletes who have been caught doping have included Ben Johnson (Dubin, 1990) and Marion Jones (Shipley, 2007). Doping has not only been at the initiative of individual athletes. Through the 1970s and 1980s, the East German government maintained an extensive and hugely successful doping programme across many sports in an effort to prove to the world the superiority of its political and social system (Franke and Berendonk, 1997; Ungerleider, 2001).

In Australia, an unresolved doping scandal, now in its third year, has raged around the Essendon Football Club of the Australian Football League over an ill-fated ‘supplements program’ (Le Grand, 2015).Doping damages the integrity of the sporting competition as well as the values of sport (e.g., Lumpkin, 1983). Not only are athletes disgraced as ‘cheats’, but suspicion of doping falls on other winning performances via the unproven sug - gestion that a victory could not have been achieved, or a record broken, without doping. Athletes disinclined to dope come under pressure to do so because they come to believe that they can never succeed when everyone, or nearly everyone, at the highest levels is breaking the rules. On the other hand, the increasingly stringent rules against doping can sweep up athletes who have unwittingly consumed a prohibited substance and it becomes very difficult for at least some of them to avoid an undeserved ‘disgraced drug cheat’ epitaph to their sporting careers. There have been some notorious instances of fixing the outcome of a sporting competition or some event within it in return for payment. Fixing is commonly associated with betting. Arguably the most famous fixing case of all time is the ‘Black Sox Scandal’ in the United States. This is a play on the name of the famous Major League Baseball (MLB) team the Chicago White Sox, whose players were alleged to be involved. It gave rise to the infamous expression, ‘Say it ain’t so, Joe’, and launched the sporting administration career of MLB’s first Commissioner, the larger-than-life figure Judge Kenesaw Mountain Landis. The heavily favoured Chicago White Sox lost the 1919 World Series to the Cincinnati Reds. Although the eight accused players were acquitted of criminal charges by a jury (the confessions of three of them had vanished mysteriously), Commissioner Landis placed all of them on the permanently ineligible list which amounted to a life ban (Sigmund, 2004). More recently, major incidents have included scandals in German association football (Harding, 2005), English cricket, 1rugby league in New South Wales (Massoud, 2014), 2and association football in Victoria, 3resulting in criminal convictions and substantial or life bans for some of those involved. The integrity of the governance of the world’s largest sports federation, the Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA), has been called into question with ongoing controversy over whether the decisions to award the Integrity and corruption in sport 39Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 hosting rights for the 2018 and 2022 World Cups to Russia and Qatar, respectively, were tainted by bribery and improper voting deals and should be cancelled (Davis, 2015). Also, various FIFA officials and others in the ‘football family’ from the Americas have been detained in Switzerland with a view to their extradition to the United States to face serious criminal charges relating to commercial dealings in football (‘FIFA Scandal’, 2015).While the integrity of sport has in recent years become a widely used term, 4 and protecting it a cause worthy of significant effort, it is essential to understand exactly what the term means and what safeguards and responses protection involves. That is the purpose of this chapter, which will commence with an analysis of the meaning of the terms integrity of sport, corruption, doping, match-fixing and sports betting. In the second part of the chapter, strategies originating from beyond sport will be drawn upon to identify and explain possible risk countermeasures and miti - gation solutions. These range from good governance practices through intelligence-gathering and enhancement of athlete welfare to disciplinary and penal measures. It is intended that practitioners and students of sports adminis- tration will be able employ an understanding of these terms and strategies to promote integrity in sport.

Terminology Integrity of sport and associated terms such as corruption in sport and match- fixing are widely used with the assumption that there is a common international understanding of their meanings. It is also often believed that the behaviour they reflect is of recent origin. Neither is accurate. However, the scale of occurrence, public attention, and regulatory responses linked to that behaviour are now unprecedented. Commensurate with the human values found, taught, and reinforced through sport, it is suggested that attaining and maintaining a state of integrity should be the aspiration of athletes, sports administrators, and sports organisations alike. What then is meant by the term integrity of sport and what is the scope of its operation?

Integrity of sport The Macquarie Dictionary provides the following definition of integrity: ‘Integrity (noun) 1. soundness of moral principle and character; uprightness; honesty 2. the state of being whole, entire, or undiminished 3. sound, unimpaired or perfect condition’ (‘Integrity’, 2001, p. 984). These meanings can be applied to sport in the sense that the audience is entitled to rely on the outcome of a match or competition on the basis that it has be\ en played in accordance with the sport rules. This suggests that the outcome, or elements of the competition leading to the outcome, have not been affected by either cheating to win (e.g., by doping) or cheating to lose (e.g., match-fixing). In that sense, not only does the competition have integrity, but so do the athletes who 40 Ordway and OpieDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 participate in it. This provides a normative, formal, or rule-based definition of the integrity of a sporting competition.Reliance on that rule-based approach can present difficulty in some commonly encountered circumstances. Should a batter in cricket who has lightly glanced the ball into the hands of the wicketkeeper ‘walk’ or await the call of the umpire who may not have observed the snick? Is it acceptable to not try as hard to win as one might in order not to risk injury or to preserve energy for a later stage of a competition? Furthermore, is it acceptable to deliberately lose so as not to meet a strong opponent in the next phase of a tournament or to gain a favourable selection in an end-of-season draft for uncontracted players in a professional league? In the sport of Sumo, it has been known for leading wrestlers to intention - ally lose to young, inexperienced opponents so they may have a share of winnings and help build their fledgling careers. In each of these circumstances, the formal rules may not be broken, but is there a lack of integrity? If so, in which ones and why? The Australian Sports Commission (ASC, n.d.) expands on this rule-based approach by defining integrity as ‘the integration of outward actions and inner values’ (ASC, n.d., para. 1), and a sport as having integrity where it remains ‘true to its values, principles and rules’ (ASC, n.d., para. 6). By introducing principles and values, more reference points become available to determine the integrity of particular behaviour. The standards thereby reached may not result in sanctions under the rules of the sport, but may take form as unwritten rules or customs (e.g., in association football, returning the ball to the opposition after a stoppage to treat an injured player) or simply attract the disapproval of fellow participants and spectators. These customary standards may evolve into formal rules of the sport. For sports administrators and sports organisations, the attainment of integrity applies to behaviour principally off the field of play. Compliance with established constitutions and rules governing the sport’s organisation as well as respecting the laws of the land are to be expected. As with the conduct of the sporting compe - tition, the notion of integrity extends beyond the formal rules. For an organisation to project an image of integrity, it has been suggested that its individuals should be ‘considerate, compassionate, transparent, honest, and ethical’ (Duggar, 2009, p. 2).

Sport participants and others dealing with a sports organisation should be able to place their trust in the organisation with justifiable confidence. A dilemma may arise for an organisation whose mission is to protect the integrity of sport. Is it consistent with integrity to engage in ‘sharp practice’ or employ arguably unethical (but not illegal) measures so as to disrupt or successfully prosecute behaviour which breaches the anti-doping or anti-match-fixing rules of a sport? In other words, does the end justify the means? A number of elements of the behaviour of sports administrators and sports organisations off the field of play which lack integrity are often considered under the rubric of ‘corruption’. This term will now be examined. Integrity and corruption in sport 41Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 Corruption The Macquarie Dictionary provides the following definition of corrupt: ‘Corrupt (adjective): 1. dishonest; without integrity; guilty of dishonesty, especially involving bribery; a corrupt judge 2. debased in character; depraved; perverted; wicked; evil’ (‘Corrupt’, 2001). Transparency International (n.d.), a respected watchdog of gover n ment and business behaviour worldwide, defines corruption as ‘the abuse of entrusted power for private gain’ (‘How Do You Define Corruption?’ section). The United Nations Convention against Corruption describes corruption in these terms:

Corruption is an insidious plague that has a wide range of corrosive effects on societies. It undermines democracy and the rule of law, leads to violations of human rights, distorts markets, erodes the quality of life and allows organized crime, terrorism and other threats to human security to flourish. (U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime, 2004, p. iii) Corruption cannot occur without the involvement of people who lack integrity.

The higher up the leadership ladder corruption occurs, the more evil it becomes.

The more endemic corruption is in a society, the more difficult it is as a practical matter to impress on athletes and sports administrators that corruption in sport is wrong and that a path of integrity should be followed. In sport, corruption has been identified as relating to money, power, status and privilege (Unger, 2015). It is usually found in sports organisations in connection with commercial activities such as broadcasting and sponsorship deals and the allocation of hosting rights to major events. In the field of organisational govern - ance, corruption typically raises its head in the rigging of elections, making grants for facilities and development programmes and in patronage and kickbacks to friends and allies of those in power.

Doping The World Anti-Doping Code creates ten categories of anti-doping offence which are known as ‘violations’. These include the use of prohibited substances or doping methods, the possession or trafficking in prohibited substances and refusing to undergo testing (WADA 2015). 5 Match-fixing A number of terms have been used to describe the phenomenon of improperly influencing the outcome of a sporting contest or the happening of some element within it. These include match-fixing and spot fixing, manipulation(Council of Europe, 2014) and sporting fraud (Legal India, 2013). Match-fixing and spot fixing will be used here.

42 Ordway and OpieDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 Match-fixing involves a lack of sporting integrity. Not only might it be contrary to the rules of sport, it may also amount to a crime. There is, however, no agreed- upon definition of match-fixing. This is in part attributable to the circumstance that some instances of ‘match-fixing’ may not be regarded as wrongful if done for some strategic or tactical sporting reasons. 6Other forms of match-fixing may contra vene the rules of sport, but not the criminal law. The criminal law is more likely to become involved when the fixing is associated with gambling. Heron and Jiang (2010) suggested that match-fixing involves ‘improperly influ - encing the outcome or any dimension of a sports event for financial or personal benefit’ (p. 99). Carpenter (2013) described match-fixing as ‘a dishonest activity by participants, team officials, match officials or other interested parties to ensure a specific outcome in a particular sporting match or event for competitive advantage and/or financial gain which negatively impacts on the integrity of sport’ (p. 215). Match-fixing can involve deciding not only who wins and loses, but the win - ning margin too. Spot fixing entails the improper influencing of an event or contingency withina sporting competition. That might include the time and rate of scoring, the score at certain times, the occurrence of particular events such as who scores first, the number of penalties awarded and so on. In its most common form, match-fixing involves an intentional underperform - ance by players. Also of significance are instances where referees unfairly favour a particular player or team. The instigator of the fix may offer the corrupted individual or team a bribe in the form of payment of money or some favour, such as career advancement or access to prostitutes. Particularly in the case of individuals, the corrupting request may follow a period of ‘grooming’. The term grooming here is used in the same way as criminologists describe sexual predators incrementally gaining the trust of their potential victims in child abuse cases (Salter, 2003). In the sports setting, organised criminals, or former athletes, attempt to create friendship bonds with vulnerable players. They seek to attend the same social venues, and provide gifts such as alcohol, prostitutes, and gambling accounts before requesting information about playing conditions and coaching strategies which can be used as a form of gambling insider trading. 7Additionally or separately, the corrupted individual may be blackmailed by threats of violence or the prospect of exposure of some indiscretion, such as using banned doping agents or illicit drugs which might have been supplied by the instigator in the first place. 8The prospects for links to organised crime are obvious. J. Anderson (2012) suggested that it is important to draw a distinction between ‘gambling-led corruption’ and non-betting related match-fixing, such as instances where a participant might bribe an opponent so that the instigator may progress in the competition. It is the explosion in Internet-based sports betting (to which national borders offer only modest impediment) that poses the most significant threat to the integrity of sport: ‘The danger is that from illegal betting comes match-fixing, and you see more … attempts to manipulate matches. It is as dangerous as doping for the credibility of sport. It’s only the beginning of a huge battle’ (Lane, 2011, p. 9). Integrity and corruption in sport 43Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 Sports betting There is no international legal system for the regulation of betting on sports.

Individ ual nations adopt different approaches. Some prohibit betting in all its forms, while others allow some betting and in yet others many types of betting are available. Both Australia and the United Kingdom have relatively unrestricted sports betting opportunities, while in China, India and the United States, sports betting is either illegal or heavily constrained (P. M. Anderson, Blackshaw, Siek - mann and Soek, 2012). Whether sports betting should be lawful and, if lawful, how much betting and under which circumstances it should be permitted remain contested social issues globally. However, it is suggested that lawful sports betting should not in isolation be regarded as a sports integrity issue. In countries where sports betting is lawful, it may be either extensively or lightly regulated. Grey markets is a term that refers to lightly regulated betting markets because it becomes difficult to trace bets and establish the bona fide of either or both gamblers and betting service providers, despite a level of regulation. Black (illegal) and grey sports betting markets are believed to offer greater prospects for betting participants to be linked to match-fixing, money laundering, and organised criminal activities. The Internet is progressively breaking down national regulatory approaches to sports betting with those willing to use Internet-based grey and black market operators finding it relatively easy to do so.

Three solutions: anti-corruption strategies and their application to sport In his 2010 article ‘A Critical Mass of Corruption: Why Some Football Leagues Have More Match-Fixing than Others’, leading academic and investigative journalist in the field of match-fixing in sport, Declan Hill (2010), argued that the data indicates that when similar conditions exist in a football leag\ ue ina different country with a different cultural background – England in the 1950s [or China in the 2000s], players also engaged in match-fixing.I argue that it is the introduction of new market alternatives, combined with situations of relative deprivation and expectations of corruption, that lead to high levels of corruption and the eventual collapse of the leagues. (p. 222) For sports administrators, sports boards, and those funding sports (whether govern - ment agencies or sponsors/partners), it is worth examining what can be done to the micro-conditions inside individual clubs or sports to make them more resistant to corrupt practices.

44 Ordway and OpieDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 Leadership: ethical decision-making The basic premise in looking to leadership to reduce the risk of corruption is that although the most robust structures can be set in place (and some of them will be referred to below), if the people entrusted with the stewardship of the organisation are open to – or actively engaged in – corrupt practices, then corruption within the organisation will thrive.The influence of leaders in setting the culture of an organisation, both positively and negatively, has been researched extensively (Duggar, 2009). In its report, Safe Hands: Building Integrity and Transparency at FIFA, Transparency International (2011) observed that if sports, such as football, are perceived to be led by a culture of corruption, then they will, in turn, have a higher probability of threats to their integrity. 9Corrupt leaders will set the tone for the organisation, and demonstrate that cheating and other corrupt practices are not only condoned, but might be actively encouraged. 10On the other hand, it is thought that negative, self-motivated or other corrupt practices are extremely unlikely to be instigated or permitted by leaders with integrity. This effect increases when the leader is positioned higher on the ladder of authority. One of the leading anti-corruption think tanks, the Australian Commission for Law Enforcement Integrity (ACLEI, n.d.-b), recognises that ‘individuals vary in their motivation and decision-making processes’ and that therefore organisations must vary their integrity strategies based on a values alignment (‘Values Alignment’ section, para. 1). It is therefore important for sports organisations to assess both the hard skills (knowledge and experience) and soft skills (values, inter-personal and emotional intelligence) in their decision-makers (Edwards and Clough, 2005). Attracting and developing people with integrity is an obvious risk management strategy for a sports organisation. It is therefore important for sports organisations to possess an understanding of how skills and values associated with integrity might be developed. There are a number of models that describe adult cognitive develop - ment. A model such as ‘vertical leadership: 7 leadership action-logics’ deve loped by Rooke and Torbert (2005; Torbert, 2004) from the transformational leadership work made popular in the 1980s, is one model that describes a staged develop- mental approach to vertical development. Vertical development fosters higher or later stages of vertical leadership. This concept is based in adult development theory which has stages describing levels of cognitive, emotional, and relational capabilities. Cook-Greuter (2004) described vertical development as the capacity to learn to see the world through new eyes, how we change our interpretationsof experience and how we transform our views of reality. It describes increases in what we are aware of, or what we pay attention to, and therefore what we can influence and integrate. (p. 276) Integrity and corruption in sport 45Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 Each stage of thinking becomes increasingly more complex, incorporating the previous level(s) and expanding awareness and capability as it increases the way a person makes sense of reality. 11 While a minority of people could be described as ‘born leaders’, Rooke and Torbert’s (2005) research supports the idea that sophisticated leadership skills can be taught. Therefore, the identification and development of positive vertical leadership traits in sport decision-makers is crucial. Using models like action-logics, and implementing its profiling and vertical development tools, could assist sport decision-makers in moving from a culture of people operating at the lower ‘opportunistic’ levels of leadership, to those who have the ability to lead effectively and inspire others. Termed ‘Transforming (Strategist)’, ‘Alchemists’, or ‘Ironic/ Ionist’ leaders in the action-logics model, these leaders are able to generate personal and organisational transformations, exercise powers of mutual inquiry, vigilance and vulnerability and are conscious of paradox (Brown, 2013). Nelson Mandela’s striking example of exemplary sport leadership is described by Mohamed Muhsin (2013), himself said to be a visionary and highly functioning leader, as follows:

Mandela, in one of the most audacious political gambles of his career, appear - ed before the mostly white crowd of 62,000 wearing a Springbok jersey to shake the players’ hands before kick-off. The-then All Blacks coach Laurie Mains said the entire stadium was electrified at the sight of South Africa’s first black president sporting a garment that was indelibly associated with the apartheid regime. (para. 4) That outward display of unity and reconciliation set the tone for wider develop - ments. It might therefore be suggested that if sports organisations have leaders who are focused prominently on promoting an ethical vision for the organisation, ahead of self-interest and greed, then the risk of on-field integrity issues would be signif- icantly diminished. Partnerships: information-sharing and inter-agency collaboration It has been recognised for some time by the sports industry that, in order to protect sport from various integrity threats, it must work closely with governments and agencies with access to relevant information, knowledge, and resources. In the anti- doping environment, then WADA President, John Fahey, introduced the Guidelines for Coordinating Investigations and Sharing Anti-Doping Information and Evidence (WADA, 2011a), stating the following: ‘For some time now we have been saying that testing alone is not enough to lead the fight against doping in spo\ rt, and that ADOs need to develop stronger relationships with law enforcement agencies’ (WADA, 2011b, ‘Guidelines’ section, para. 3). One major limitation of testing as a 46 Ordway and OpieDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 detection method is that it only applies to athletes, and therefore, coaches, doctors, and others involved in doping are not exposed through this approach. The other major limitation is that current testing methods cannot detect all prohibited sub - stances (or the detection windows are very short) – for example, peptide hormones (Barroso, Mazzoni and Rabin, 2008). Those involved in administering or trafficking in prohibited substances, including athlete support personnel, there fore need to be identified through means other than testing. One way is through developing partnerships with law enforcement agencies. In May 2005, WADA and the Anti-Doping Norway Anti-Doping Symposium identified cooperation with police and customs as two of 18 factors for selecting athletes for detection purposes. This thinking was reflected in new powers given to the Australian Sports Anti-Doping Authority in 2006 (Ings, 2007). The Australian Sports Anti-Doping Authority was the first national anti-doping organisation to have legislated powers of information disclosure to allow it to exchange inform - ation with other sports and law enforcement bodies, such as Australian customs, the state and federal police, the Therapeutic Goods Administration, national anti- doping organisations, and the International Sports Federations (IFs). Sharing inform ation between government agencies is consistent with the commonwealth ‘whole of government’ approach, particularly for bodies with investigative powers (Carson, 2003). In 2007, WADA (2007) described ‘a new era in anti-doping’, recognising that the illegal manufacture and distribution of performance-enhancing drugs (such as that seen in the U.S. Bay Area Laboratory Co-Operative scandal) required coordi- nation with law enforcement. In 2006, the International Criminal Police Organi sation (INTERPOL) and WADA committed to work together to identify areas for cooper ation (WADA, n.d.-b). The 2008 Memorandum of Understanding set out a framework for cooperation in tracking doping, in particular in the area of evidence-gathering and information-sharing. This arrangement included the provision by the French government of a seconded officer based at INTERPOL’s headquarters in Lyon to liaise between WADA, the governments, and the sport movement (WADA, 2008; ‘WADA Advances Cooperation’, 2008). The cooperation agreement between INTERPOL and WADA (2009) was formally signed in 2009. Similarly, in relation to match-fixing, it has been recognised that ‘no organisation can tackle the problem of match-fixing alone’ (INTERPOL, 2015, para. 4). In May 2011, INTERPOL and FIFA entered into a joint initiative with FIFA (2011) pledging to contribute €20 million over ten years to INTERPOL’s Integrity in Sport programme. INTERPOL and FIFA stated that a cross-sector approach is necessary at national, regional, and international levels in order to successfully reduce match-fixing. Further, ‘strategies should incorporate partnerships between national football associations and betting organizations as well as public authorities including law enforcement and regulators’ (INTERPOL, n.d., ‘A Multi-Faceted Approach Section’, para. 2). The first phase of the programme (2011–2014) focused on raising awareness, with the second phase from 2014 onwards, addressing Integrity and corruption in sport 47Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 capacity building with targeted training courses delivered to participants in all regions of the world (INTERPOL, n.d.). This has included the opening of a multimillion dollar INTERPOL Global Complex for Innovation building in April 2015 in Singapore (INTERPOL, 2013; ‘Interpol Opens New Singapore Head - quarters’, 2015). The enthusiasm for public–private partnerships of this nature may have cooled somewhat after INTERPOL announced its decision to suspend the agreement in June 2015, following the FBI investigations into corruption against football’s governing body, which included a freeze on the use of the remaining financial contributions from FIFA. That raises concerns over INTERPOL accepting money from organisations it could potentially be investigating, as its independence would be called into question (Simons, 2015).

Good governance: transparency and accountability Many of the IFs and major games organisers, such as the IOC, are based in Switzerland. This location was arguably chosen because of the favourable tax status enjoyed, but also, as private organisations are not subject to the level of corporate accountability that might be expected in many other jurisdictions (Fridman, 1999).

Over the last 15 years, Swiss taxation and corporations laws have been reviewed with the aim of tightening up governance requirements relating to private corp - orations (Geeraert, 2014; Jones, 2013; Zulauf and Weder, n.d.). In the absence of any sweeping changes coming through in the near future, the Action for Good Governance in International Sports Organisations, has developed the Sports Governance Observer (SGO) tool (‘Sports Governance Observer’, 2015). The SGO is an example of a mechanism to shine a light on the IFs in a consis\ tent way to demonstrate the extent to which these organisations implement best pr\ actices in good governance. The headings used by the SGO include 1 Transparency and public communications, 2 Democratic process, 3 Checks and balances, and 4 Solidarity (Chappelet and Mrkonjic, 2013).

Under the heading of ‘Democratic Process’, the SGO assesses whether the organi- sation ‘has gender equity guidelines for its leading officials’ (Alm, 2013, p. 219).

There is mounting evidence in the corporate world (Ruigrok, Peck and Tacheva, 2007; van der Walt and Ingley, 2003) and in anti-corruption research (Transparency International, 2014a) that leadership diversity – and gender equity in particular – is a risk management tool that could also positively impact integrity outcomes in sport. Requiring organisations in the sports movement to report on the gender split of their executive, senior managers as well as their coaching, high performance, and officiating staff would also promote transparency (Alm, 2013; Sydney Score - board, n.d.).

48 Ordway and OpieDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 Another method for creating greater transparency is the publishing of inde - pendent governance reports. This can occur at the instigation of the sports body, governments, or private watchdogs. At the international level, a number have appeared in recent years, including the following:

• FIFA (football): Safe Hands report (Transparency International, 2011); • International Cricket Council (cricket): Lord Woolf and Pricewater - houseCoopers 2012 report and Fair Play: Strengthening Integrity and Transparency in Cricket (Transparency International, 2013); and • Union Cycliste Internationale (cycling): Cycling Independent Reform Com - mission 2015 report.

Surprisingly, it has taken the recent crisis involving the prosecutions of current and former senior members of the FIFA Executive (‘FIFA Scandal’, 2015) for the IOC to announce the introduction of independent auditing of the governance and funds provided to the IFs (Play the Game, 2015). 12 Awareness and education No behavioural change strategy is complete without both awareness and education programmes. Outward communication channels with the aim of creating general awareness of the challenges and possible solutions are made available for the general public, media outlets, school children and stakeholders with an indirect association with the sports industry. Those directly impacted by integrity risks need to have more detailed and targeted education programmes. Education and advocacy have been the primary strategies used by the national anti-doping organisations since anti-doping first became a serious issue on the agenda for sports ministers around the globe (e.g., Australian Sports Drug Agency Act, 1990). To combat match-fixing, education and awareness have also been prioritised. For example, prior to the recent suspension of the relationship,INTERPOL and FIFA adopted the following strategies to lower the risk of match-fixing:

• Prevention: Prevention measures include awareness raising, training, and education.

• Information: All partners – including stakeholders, key actors, and targets – need general details about match-fixing to ensure there is a shared under - standing of the problem. Each group also needs specific advice that can directly assist them in their individual roles in protecting the integrity of sport (INTERPOL, n.d., p. 2).

A similar approach has been adopted through a partnership between the German Transparency International chapter and the German Professional Football League.

Since 2014, the German Transparency International chapter has been advising the Integrity and corruption in sport 49Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 German Professional Football League on the project, ‘Transparency and Integrity in Football’, which focuses on how to prevent match-fixing. Germany was the first pilot country involved in Transparency International’s (2014b) education sessions, workshops, and media events on how to stop match-fixing.

Sport industry regulatory frameworks Sports have gradually improved the documentation of their policies and pro - cedures so that it is clear to athletes and their entourage what level of behaviour is expected of them. Leaving aside considerations of the appropriateness of im - posing ‘role model’ status on elite athletes, it is now very common for athletes to be contract ually bound to codes of conduct or ethics codes, team and sponsor ship agree ments, and nutritional, medical, and anti-doping policies. These agreements prohibit behaviour ‘bringing the sport into disrepute’ or against the ‘spirit of sport’. For example, the Australian Olympic Committee (2015) Team Membership Agreement for the 2016 Rio Olympic Games sets out the athlete’s obligations as follows:

As a member of the Team, I shall:

… 2) respect the spirit of fair play and non-violence and behave accordingly; … 4) not at any time engage in conduct (whether publicly known or not andwhether before or after the date of my selection), which has brought, brings or would have the tendency to bring me or my sport into disrepute or censure. (Clause 4.1) The anti-doping policies have developed in sophistication from the simple 1928 ban by the then International Amateur Athletic Federation on the ‘use of stim - ulating substances’ (International Association of Athletics Federations, 1928) to the current four-part, 152-page World Anti-Doping Code (WADA, 2015) which serves as a model for adoption by sports organisations worldwide under the leader ship of WADA. The Codesets out that ‘doping is fundamentally contrary to the spirit of sport’ (WADA, 2015, p. 14). This harmonised approach received the support of national governments via the UNESCO (2005) International Con vention against Doping in Sport (see also Marriott-Lloyd, 2010). Included in INTERPOL and FIFA’s match-fixing prevention strategies are deter rent regulations involving sanctions for unprofessional behaviour (INTER - POL, n.d.). INTERPOL and FIFA reflect WADA’s standardised and harmon ised approach by reiterating the importance for ‘all stakeholders [to] operate in a coordinated manner, especially at national level, to ensure a comprehensive and unified approach to both the prevention of match-fixing and responses to allegations of match-fixing’ (INTERPOL, n.d., para. 2).

50 Ordway and OpieDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 Early warning systems For law enforcement agencies investigating corruption, money laundering and fraud offences, it is crucial to be able to follow the money trail. Investigations are often triggered by financial thresholds or other irregular accounting practices (Australian Transactions Reports and Analysis Centre, 2011). Similarly, to identify possible match-fixing, sports organisations are using quantitative analyses of betting market statistics (e.g., SportRadar; www.sportradar.com/). By analysing regulated and some grey betting markets (though not usually the unregulated or black markets), recommendations can be made on whether to allow the match to go ahead, or which matches warrant further investigation. Initial piloting work is currently being done to analyse performance measurements based on patterns, trends, decisions and behaviour in play (motivation, decision-making, intensity and vulnerability) to identify those players who attract suspicion and warrant further investigation (e.g., SportsWizard; http://sportswizard.com/).In anti-doping, qualitative analytics on athletes’ motivations to dope, such as return from injury, career progression (breaking in or prolonging) and reference events, have been taken into account in assigning target testing for many years (Hanstad and Loland, 2005). This work has more recently been supplemented by quantitative data collected from ‘biological passports’ (WADA, n.d.-a). The Wo r l d Anti-Doping Code allows for anti-doping rule violations to be proven via ‘any reliable means’ (WADA, 2015, Article 3.2). Over the last 15 years approximately, anti-doping organisations have used markers and biological indicators to be able to assess an individual’s ‘normal’ thresholds (Ashenden, 2002; Schumacher and Pottgiesser, 2009).

Whistleblowing and reporting systems It is important that people with knowledge about corrupt practices have the oppor tunity to safely report their concerns and information to the investigative bodies. Integrity organisations have a strong interest in protecting whistle blowers, particularly when the information may relate to the activities of organised, and possibly highly dangerous, criminals. Therefore, some sports organisations have encouraged people to provide information anonymously or via encrypted services.

Conversely, investigators need to be able to verify the source of the information provided in order to be able to determine its reliability. Using law enforcement tools, sport and anti-doping agencies receiving information via well-publicised ‘Stamp Out Doping’ (or similarly named) integrity hotlines 13assess the information to exclude the possibility that information may be erroneous or mistaken, or provided with the intention to adversely impact competitors. Integrity units, officials and networks While there is no standardised understanding of what an ‘integrity officer’ duty statement might contain, a number of sport organisations have established integrity Integrity and corruption in sport 51Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 units to develop and enforce their own codes of conduct and ethics policies. Many sport organisations have focused on recruiting and/or developing intelligence and investigative skills, such as in horse racing, 14cricket, 15and tennis. 16Government agencies, such as the Australian National Integrity of Sport Unit (NISU), have tended to have a purely policy-based role. NISU is focused on education, facili- tating an integrity network of state government, sport and law enforcement personnel and providing template documents to support the work of other integrity units (Australian Government Department of Health, 2013). Legislation and the role of penal measures At the international governmental level, participants at the fifth World Conference of Sports Ministers in May 2013 adopted a range of recommendations calling on UNESCO Member States to enact legislation to protect the integrity of sport from the threat posed by transnational organised crime, doping, the manipulation of sports competitions and corruption (UNESCO, 2013; see also Bang, 2013). The Intergovernmental Committee for Physical Education and Sport has also included ‘better integrity in sport’ for the first time in the latest draft version of the International Charter of Physical Education, Physical Activity and Sport (Andersen and Alvad, 2015; UNESCO, 2014). In relation to match-fixing, Australia is one of the leading nations in adopting a national policy and prescribing a maximum ten-year jail term (Australian Govern - ment Department of Health, 2014). By way of comparison, while Australia also has a national anti-doping framework 17 and a national anti-doping organisation established through its own Act of Parliament, Australia (along with WADA) does not consider it appropriate to criminalise doping in sport. 18 Asset protection: athlete welfare In the context of integrity in organisational models generally, ACLEI (n.d.) cites asset protection as one of its corruption prevention key concepts. ACLEI’s (n.d.) asset protection model ‘recognises that investment and proper management of integrity and professional standards builds the capability of an agency, in the same way that investing in people or information does’ (‘Asset Protection Model’ section, para. 2).

This concept can be applied specifically to the sports context. Integrity in the organisation can be seen as an asset in the same way as both athletes and staff need to be developed and empowered by their sports within an integrity framework. In his book The Insider’s Guide to Match-Fixing in Football, Declan Hill (2013) went further by arguing that the first priority is to address baseline survival issues. Hill called on sports organisations to reduce integrity risks through providing for the athletes’ welfare, paying them appropriately and on time and supporting vulnerable athletes (e.g., those with gambling and prescription drug addictions). WADA has also funded a number of important social science studies into doping athletes’ motivations and rationale in order to assist in shaping the education and welfare 52 Ordway and OpieDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 programmes (Moston, Engelberg and Skinner, 2015). It is clear from both WADA’s and Hill’s research that financial rewards are motivators both in cheating-to-win (doping) and cheating-to-lose (match-fixing) scenarios which leads to the conclusion that measures aimed at minimising the financial vulnerability of players will, at least in some cases, head off such cheating activity.Anecdotal evidence suggests that differences in the approach of sports organi- sations to player welfare impacts on integrity issues. For example, the Australian Football League has taken a strong ‘health’ approach to tackling illicit drug use among its players, which arguably has paid dividends in both assisting the players and in protecting the sport’s brand (Harcourt, Unglik and Cook, 2012). By way of com parison, there have been questions raised in connection with the match-fixing case involving Ryan Tandy (Massoud, 2014) about the role the sport (rugby league) and the club should have played in disrupting/detecting suspicious behaviour. 19 Although an independent investigation appointed by the National Rugby League (NRL) Integrity Unit cleared Canterbury Bulldogs’ General Manager of Football Operations, Alan Thompson, and the NRL’s Head of Football, Todd Greenberg, of knowing about Tandy’s gambling debts, and failing to act ahead of the fix, more import antly, questions remain about the extent to which the club/NRL should have supported Tandy to help overcome his gambling and drug addictions (‘Greenberg Cleared’, 2014; ‘NRL Reportedly Investigating Todd Greenberg’, 2014; Welch, 2014).

Research and the facilitation of new ideas and approaches A number of organisations have committed funding and/or supported new ideas and research through paper prizes and other grants and competitions to encourage people interested in integrity in sport issues to share and develop their solutions.

In the anti-doping field, since 2001, WADA has committed US $60 million to research (WADA, n.d.-c). The IOC (2014), National Olympic Com mittees and sports on the Olympic Program have a number of different PhD and other research grants available to those interested in promoting integrity aims. General anti-corruption competitions have also awarded prizes for sport integrity initiatives (International Anti-Corruption Conference, n.d.). Transparency International has continued its commitment to integrity in sport by promoting, what it terms as a space for new analysis, commentary and recommendations by leading voices in the field of sports governance to strengthen transparency, accountability and participation [to] showcase the work of TI national chapters and the wider anti-corruption movement in tackling corruption in sport. (Sweeney, 2015, para. 5) In the spirit of people-powered approaches to anti-corruption (Beyerle, 2014), there have been recent social media campaigns to try to return control of sports Integrity and corruption in sport 53Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 organisations to the fans and the players. For example, the New FIFA Now campaign (www.newfifanow.org/), led by European Parliament members Ivo Belet and Emma McClarkin, held a coalition meeting in Brussels on 21 January 2015.

The summit sought to establish a FIFA Reform Commission and published a Charter for Change (New FIFA Now, 2015) and Guiding Principles for Demo - cracy, Transparency and Accountability (New FIFA Now, n.d.-a). It remains to be seen whether initiatives of this kind can exert sufficient pressure to create lasting change in the otherwise largely unaccountable sports organisations.

Conclusion Here muscles win, and speedy feet, not lots of money spent to cheat (‘Cheating in the Ancient Olympics,’ para. 1) 20 Whether the motivation is to uphold the intrinsic positive values of sport, or otherwise to protect a sport’s brand from a purely commercial perspective, it is clear that it will only become more important that sports administrators have a good understanding of what the possible threats to the integrity of sport are and how those threats might be dealt with.Cheating has long been present in every human endeavour causing some psychologists to spend their entire careers examining why we cheat (Fang and Casadevall, 2013). Sport presents unique challenges that go beyond the traditional temptations of corruption: fraud, nepotism, and other self-serving abuses of trust. Cheating to win (doping) and cheating-to-lose (match-fixing) incentives have only been further exacerbated by the vast financial gains made by athletes through sponsorships, prize money, and season contracts, or via the punters eager to participate in the various regulated or poor-to-unregulated gambling markets. As has been outlined in this chapter, and in the chapters to follow in this book, there is no ‘silver bullet’ or single solution to solve all the integrity challenges facing sport today. Whether by tackling cultural and leadership issues through awareness and education campaigns, enforcing sport rules and legislative processes, improving relationships with like-minded entities or creating greater transparency around pre- and post-reporting mechanisms, it is clear that sport must look to other industries for guidance and solutions. Sports organisations will have to adopt higher standards of accountability and transparency. Sport integrity is a complex concept. By draw ing on and adapting a number of strategies, sports administrators have the oppor tunity to leave a positive legacy for the next generation inspired to believe in the spirit of sport.

Notes 1 In a case of spot fixing as part of an alleged betting scam, three no balls were arranged to be bowled during a test match between Pakistan and England. The players involved 54Ordway and OpieDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 were convicted and jailed (see R v. Amir, 2011, EWCA Crim 2914; Gardiner, S. ‘R v Amir and Butt, 2011 EWCA Civ 2914).

2 In 2011, Ryan Tandy of the Canterbury Bulldogs of the Australian NRL was charged and convicted of the criminal offence of ‘attempting to dishonestly obtain a financial advantage by deception’. This involved a case of spot fixing where betting dividends of $100,000 could have been won had the first score in a match resulted from a penalty, which Ryan deliberately conceded (see Massoud, 2014).

3 In 2013, an elaborately planned match-fixing scandal orchestrated by an Asian betting ring engulfed the Victorian Premier League, a state-based association football competition which sat below the Australian national competition. The Southern Stars team had won only one of 21 matches, yet on 18 August 2013, the bottom-of-the-table club defeated the competition leader 1-0. Some specially imported players and the local ring leader were convicted of various criminal offences and life bans were issued (Portelli and Rolfe, 2014).

4 For example, Senator McCain introduced the bill which became the Amateur Sport Integrity Act into the U.S. Senate in 2001 (S. 718) and in Australia, the National Sport Integrity Unit was established by the Commonwealth Government in 2012 (Australian Government Department of Health, 2016).

5 Numerous cases have considered these violations. For more, see David (2013).

6 Ibid cl 3(i). For example, compare the coaching techniques of blooding(i.e., resting star players and giving an opportunity for junior athletes to play off the bench; Woolley, 2009) and tanking (i.e., deliberately losing towards the end of the season to be in a stronger posi tion to select players in the following season draft process; Balsdon, Fong, Thayer, 2007).

7 The example of South African cricket captain, Hansie Cronje, is instructive (Forrest, 2012). For more, see Anderson, Duval, Van, and McArdle (2014).

8 Extortion is discussed further, for example, by Declan Hill (2002).

9 For example, following the December 2010 announcement that Russia would host the 2018 Men’s World Cup and Qatar the 2022 Men’s World Cup, Transparency Inter - national outlined a number of specific, concrete actions the international governing body of football, FIFA could take to repair its reputation (see, for example, ‘England Miss Out’, 2010).

10 ACLEI (n.d.-a) also refers to leaders setting the ‘tone from the top’ and ‘regards managers and supervisors as the frontline of corruption control’ (‘Leadership and Culture’ section, paras. 1–2).

11 With thanks to Caron Egle of Sage Thinking (www.sagethinking.com.au/) for her explanation of conscious leadership development.

12 The status of the FIFA Executive members who voted in the 2018 and 2022 men’s World Cup tournaments (as at November 2015) are set out by New FIFA Now (n.d.-b).

13 Australian Sports Anti-Doping Authority hotline (www.asada.gov.au/anti-doping- programmes/intelligence) and confidential Report Doping webpage (www.asada.

gov.au/report-doping); UK Anti-Doping, ‘Report Doping in Sport’ (www.ukad.

org.uk/what-we-do/report-doping/); UCI (cycling) Professional cyclist help line (www.cyclingsa.com/anti-doping-press/2014/9/28/uci-launches-anti-doping-helpline-for-professional-riders); British Horseracing Authority, Race Straight hotline, Integrity, BHA, (www.britishhorseracing.com/resource-centre/integrity/) 14 For example, the British Horseracing Authority (n.d.) is currently undergoing a review involving ‘the timeliness of investigations, case management and processing of applications; communication; participant engagement and education; internal processes Integrity and corruption in sport 55Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 and performance monitoring; and technological threats and opportunities’ (‘Integrity Review’ section, para. 3).

15 In 2000, the International Cricket Council launched their Anti-Corruption and Security Unit; however, only 1 per cent of their profit was budgeted and spent on the unit (Carpenter, 2012).

16 The International Tennis Federation reportedly spends 30 per cent of its worldwide development fund on its Integrity Unit (Gardiner and Naidoo, 2006).

17 On 11 February 2011, all Australian sports ministers endorsed on behalf of their governments, an updated National Anti-Doping Framework with the aim of aligning domestic anti-doping efforts in Australia through a set of agreed upon principles, along - side clearly identified areas for cooperation among Australian governments (Australian Government Department of Health, 2015).

18 This is in contrast to the approach taken in France, Italy and Germany where doping is decriminalised; for example, in 1998, vials of EPO were found in a French Festina team car following a police raid at the Tour de France. Several riders and team support crew were suspended (‘WADA Against Jail’, 2014).

19 In April 2014, Tandy was found dead from a reported drug overdose (‘Former NRL Player’, 2014; Massoud, 2014).

20 In ancient Greece, fines paid by athletes who broke the rules went to buy bronze statues of Zeus hurling thunderbolts like javelins. Called ‘Zanes’, they were set up along the road to the stadium, where the athletes could read on them warnings in couplets like this one (‘Cheating in the Ancient Olympic’, n.d.). References Alm, J. (ed.). (2013, April). Action for good governance in international sports organisations.Retrieved from Play the Game website: www.playthegame.org/fileadmin/documents/ Good_governance_reports/AGGIS_Final_report.pdf Amateur Sport Integrity Act of 2001, S. 718 107th Cong. (2001).

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However, the elimination of uncertainty from sports contests, known as match- fixing, causes competitors to give up their integrity; further, fans become less engaged and less excited, thus decreasing their willingness to pay for events. In 2011, Hein Verbrug gen, president of SportAccord, stated that integrity in profes- sional organised sports is the most important commodity (Pitsch, Emrich and Pierdzioch, 2015). Similarly, McNamee (2013) pointed out that the basis of asports contest has been undermined if the outcome is predetermined through match-fixing. Fans must believe that what they see on the field of play represents a true test of the competitor’s skills, otherwise there is a real risk that they will stop watching the contests and the sport will lose sponsors and broadcasters(Carpenter, 2014). According to Carpenter (2014), the Council of Europe Convention on the Manipulation of Sports Competition has experienced a significant increase in the number of cases of match-fixing, which can be attributed primarily to two factors:

the proliferation of different types of betting and the development of a large market for illegal liquid betting, particularly in Europe. Carpenter (2014) provided a review of cases involving match-fixing that have gone to the Court of Arbitration for Sport: FK Pobeda, Aleksandar Zabrcanec, Nikolae Zdraveski v. UEFA (CAS 2009/A/192), FC Carpaty and FC Metalist v. Football Federation of Ukraine (unreported, 2 August 2013), Besiktas Jimnastik Kulübü v. UEFA (CAS 2013/A/Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 3258), Fenerbahce Spor Kulübü v. UEFA (CAS 2013/A/3256), and Eskisehispor Kulübü v. UEFA (CAS 2014/A/3628).

The current chapter will first explore the fundamentals of match-fixing, includ - ing brief descriptions of different kinds of match-fixing. Then, gambling related to match-fixing will be examined. Lastly, match-fixing induced by investors will be discussed using a simple model based on a profit-maximising individual investor who holds shares of more than one club at the same time. Due to the ongoing professionalisation of sports and large-scale investments by individual investors as well as multinational companies, multi-club ownership situations are becoming more relevant.

Fundamentals of match-fixing Definition of match-fixing Match-fixing refers to any activity that alters the uncertain outcome of a contest and destroys the integrity of sport, which includes both bribery (receiving benefits) and duress by threats (e.g., threats by criminals) and duress by circumstances. The current chapter shall also not limit match-fixing to a specific stakeholder group.

Thus, athletes, trainers, patrons, investors or unrelated third parties such as gambling agencies can be considered as having the ability to influence the uncertain outcome of a sports event. Athletes who are neither bribed nor threatened yet intentionally perform below their skill level can be regarded as a special case. The focal question is if the integrity of the contest is compromised under these special circumstances. Although professional athletes are expected to make their best effort to win a competition, each individual is free to choose how to maximise their skills and contributions from several possible actions that include performing below their own best effort. Therefore, match-fixing will only be considered if two or more contestants and/or teams have agreed to a particular outcome prior to a contest.

Variations of match-fixing A review of extant literature reveals that the term match-fixing has been applied to a variety of phenomena involved in compromising the integrity of professional sporting events. Figure 5.1 provides a general overview. The first category in Figure 5.1 relates to match-fixing used by gamblers or gambling agencies to maximise their individual payoff from gambling or offering bets on sports events. The sharp increase in the global betting market is generally given as one of the main reasons for an increased significance of match-fixing.

Carpenter (2014) differentiated sports gambling into three categories:

1 Illegal sports betting: Any gambling on sporting events that is not allowed by applicable laws. Gambling on illegal sports was recently estimated to have a value of £320 billion per year (McNamee, 2013; Singh, 2013). Match-fixing and manipulation in sport 65Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 2Irregular sports betting: Any gambling on sporting events that is inconsistent with usual or anticipated patterns of the market.

3 Suspicious sports betting: Any gambling on sporting events that appears to be linked to a manipulation of the contest.

The second category in Figure 5.1 relates to match-fixing that is based on collu - sion, such as bilateral agreements between the parties involved. Incentives for match-fixing involving collusion often involve a tournament such as the FIFA World Cup. In one of the most notorious examples, it is widely believed that West Germany colluded with Austria to determine the result of their match against each other in the 1982 World Cup (Caruso, 2007). A win by Germany by one or two goals would ensure that both teams would qualify for the second round. After West Germany scored a goal, neither team scored again and both sides played passively and appeared to deliberately avoid scoring chances. West Germany won the match and both teams advanced to the next round of the tournament. The 3-point rule used in European football leagues can be used to illustrate the importance of a tournament’s setup on match-fixing. According to the rule, winning teams receive 3 points, losing teams receive no points, and both teams receive 1 point when a match ends in a draw. Under this system, two teams of the same quality that play each other twice a season would prefer having a sure-fire home win and an away loss rather than struggling in each game with a high probability of a draw and receiving 1 point for each game (2 points in total). In this scenario, the two teams could easily engage in collusion by agreeing that the home team would win each match, thus ensuring they would both receive 3 points and decreasing their chances of relegation (Shepotylo, 2005). In fact, some have suggested that the system of promotion and relegation employed by European football leagues is disposed to match-fixing via collusion (Caruso, 2007). However, strong incentives for collusion are mainly found in matches between balanced teams and not for matches in which one team is the odds-on favourite because betting behaviour could otherwise be easily detected as suspicious. Nevertheless, 66 Breuer and Kaiser Match-fixing Betting related match-fixing Collusion Match-fixinginduced by investors Figure 5.1 Overview of match-fixingDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 collusion can be difficult to detect as the threshold between match-fixing and a subpar performance by an athlete or team is often difficult to differentiate. Low- evaluation players could simply exert less effort than very motivated and well-paid players (Caruso, 2007). Caruso (2007) reviewed the extant literature and identified formal approaches for analysing the economics of match-fixing. Finally, match- fixing via collusion can occur when the same investors hold shares of more than one professional sports club at the same time.In a general sense, any factor that has a strong influence on a club can be regarded as a potential threat to compromise the integrity of a match or contest.

The next sections will further focus on betting-related match-fixing and multi- club ownerships situations. Collusion will not be further discussed since its economic impact appears to be smaller than other forms of match-fixing and is difficult to prove when suspected between two or more teams.

Betting-related match-fixing Operational importance Bozkurt (2012) performed a general analysis of match-fixing in European football contests using third-party data and found that 20 out of 28 current E.U. member states experienced match-fixing scandals in the past, and includes the following countries: Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Croatia, Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Latvia, Malta, Poland, Portugal, Slovenia, Spain and the United Kingdom. Furthermore, based on the assumption that match-fixing activities were often not monitored in the past, it can be assumed that problems occurred in other European countries that were not identified in Bozkurt’s (2012) analysis. Carpenter (2012) provided a detailed overview of match-fixing scandals across several different sports, including the following incidents:

1 Basketball: In 2011, ten people were indicted in the United States in con - nection with a scheme to fix multiple college basketball games from 2008 to 2011.

2 Cricket: In August 2010, three international Pakistani cricket players were impli cated in a scandal related to intentionally bowling no-balls in certain situations, which is known as spot-fixing. The players were convicted and imprisoned.

3 Horseracing: In May 2011, the British Horseracing Authority charged 13 jockeys and owners with serious breaches of the rules in several races that occurred in 2009. Eleven individuals were found guilty and were temporarily banned from horseracing for varying lengths of time.

4 Snooker: In April 2010, John Higgins, who was the three-time world champ - ion at the time, and his manager, Pat Mooney, who was a World Professional Billiards and Snooker Association (WPBSA) board member, were accused of Match-fixing and manipulation in sport 67Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 taking bribes. Higgins received a six-month suspension and was fined £75,000. Mooney was also suspended and resigned from his position on the WPBSA board.

5 Sumo wrestling: In 2011, the Japan Sumo Association cancelled a tournament after 13 veteran wrestlers were suspected of involvement in a match-fixing scandal.

6 Tennis: In 2007, Nikolay Davydenko was suspected of match-fixing when several bets – ten times the usual amount – were placed in favour of his oppo - nent, despite Davydenko having just won the first set 6-2 and being the favourite to win the match. The bets were placed with the online British gambling company Betfair, which reported the activity as suspicious. Both players were cleared of any wrongdoing after a lengthy investigation. In 2011, top-100 player Daniel Koellerer from Austria was found guilty of three offences in relation to match-fixing. Possible rules and regulations Bozkurt (2012) provided a detailed overview of current criminal law provisions for all 27 E.U. member states. However, relying on national laws without considering multi national regulations is likely to fail since punters often use foreign gambling agencies to place bets on sports events. Since the laws regulating professional sports and gambling differ from country to country, the International Centre for Sport Security (ICSS, 2014) made several recommendations for principles to protect the integrity of sports competitions, including the following:

1 Recommendations for public authorities including betting regulatory author - ities. In addition to the implementation of effective negotiation procedures and a stronger financial support, the ICSS proposed the centralisation of all national information regarding sports betting, a limitation of bets per person/ period and stronger transnational cooperation.

2 Recommendations for sport organisations include good governance, and harmonization of disciplinary provisions, awareness, education and prevention.

Sports actors (i.e., athletes, trainers) should not be able to bet on their own competitions.

3 Recommendations for sports betting operators focused on money laundering requirements.

Currently, sport organisations like the Union of European Football Associations (UEFA) have devised several strategies to deal with the increasing threat of betting- related match-fixing, such as appointing more than 50 integrity officers to operate within national organisations. The UEFA also implemented a system to monitor gambling patterns with informants in the field. Furthermore, the UEFA and European Club Association have agreed to a Memorandum of Understanding that establishes a partnership between football clubs and national associations (Bozkurt, 68 Breuer and KaiserDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 2012). However, these steps only affect the strongly regulated gambling market within Europe and not the illegal market, which might be a first step but will not save sports integrity in the long run. Additionally, the UEFA and FIFA have set up an early warning system for monitoring gambling patterns and working together with Interpol (Bozkurt, 2012).

Managerial effects According to Carpenter (2014), match manipulation that can be linked to organi sed crime often involves some form of money laundering. Since websites providing sports betting can be located anywhere in the world, criminal organisations shop for countries where there is least supervision and control from public authorities for their operations (Bozkurt, 2012). If we assume a strong level of match-fixing in a country or a league (e.g., Greece 2008–2011), the minimised uncertainty of out come can lead to high levels of competitive imbalance. In the Greek example, the creation of ‘rich’ clubs and ‘poor’ clubs resulted from match-fixing activities (Manoli and Antonopoulos, 2015). It is common sense that a low competitive balance lowers the overall attractiveness of a league and thus, the customer’s willingness to pay. The extent of match-fixing in professional sports leagues is difficult to deter - mine (although most discussions assume an increasing level). One of the few investigations was conducted for Germany by Pitsch, Emrich, and Pierdzioch (2012; see also, Pitsch et al., 2015). Whereas a quantitative analysis with the support of the German Football Association and a second approach using Internet forums and newsgroups failed, a third, e-mail-based approach was successful and resulted in a final set of 277 records. Due to the randomised nature of the responses, the results stand up to scrutiny: 22.7 per cent of the participants answered that they had experienced match-fixing, 1while 14.8 per cent experienced match-fixing in the 2010–2011 season. Pitsch et al. (2012) concluded that match-fixing is not a top- league phenomenon in Germany, but is widely spread and a considerable number of players have already been involved in match-fixing. However, the demand for football was not affected negatively. Moreover, match-fixing is not always based on investing money as incentives. In many cases, players agreed to engage in unsports- manlike behaviour for non-monetary benefits like clothes or a crate of beer (Pitsch et al., 2012). Case study: match-fixing in German professional football Within the last ten years, the name ‘Robert Hoyzer’ has become a synonym for bribery in professional sports in Germany. Hoyzer was a young and talented referee who refereed matches in several minor leagues and the German Deutscher Fussball- Bund (DFB) Cup. In 2005, he admitted that he had received money and other benefits for privileging teams. According to German press reports, he received more than €10,000 from professional bettors from Croatia. In 2006, he was found guilty of supporting match-fixing and fraud and was imprisoned for more than two years Match-fixing and manipulation in sport 69Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 according to German anti-corruption laws. In total, ten matches were found to be fixed. In the eight cases where Robert Hoyzer acted as referee, the remaining matches were refereed by another referee. Hamburger Sportverein received a compensation payment of €1.5 million from the German Football Association. The club dropped out of the DFB Cup (against a minor league opponent) based on several decisions made by Robert Hoyzer. Since the tournament had already finished when the scandal was made public, the match could not be repeated.The Hoyzer scandal shocked German football fans. Hardly anyone had ever suspected the threat to sports integrity that results from bribing the referee. However, several changes have been implemented: Prior to the scandal, information on which referee will referee a certain match was made public long before the match. This setting facilitated bribery since professional bettors had plenty of time to place their bets and contact/bribe the referees. As a result of the Hoyzer scandal, the decision about the referee is now only made public two days prior to the match. Although this change cannot prohibit match-fixing all together, it has become more difficult for criminals since the preparation time is reduced significantly.

Match-fixing induced by investors Private investors have gained more and more importance in international sports during the last decades. Whereas some leagues restrict the power of investors (e.g., the German Bundesliga and its ‘50% + 1’ rule that ensures that the majority shareholder of any professional club has to be a non-profit organisation), most sport organisations welcome private as well as constitutional investors. Patrons from the Russian Federation and the Middle East have become especially popular in European football (e.g., in England and France).

The concept of multiple club ownerships For our analysis, we consider the following structure as multiple club ownership. A single investor dominates at least two different sports clubs that are competing in the same league or tournament. Domination can result from different scenarios:

• A single investor might hold directly or indirectly more than 50 per cent of the shares of each club (majority shareholder).

• A single investor might have a dominating position in or against the club’s management. This multi-club ownership situation might result from a minor stake in the club’s shares and any additional fact that ensures the investor’s influence. One might think of the minority shareholder as being the main sponsor of a club, owning the stadium, and so on.

Due to this differentiation, multi-club ownership situations in a wider sense might also appear in those sport leagues that restrict the power of single investors by rules and regulations like the German 50 per cent + 1 rule.

70 Breuer and KaiserDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 Up to now the operational importance of multi-club ownerships has been very limited. In European professional football, multi-club ownerships became relevant for the first time in the late 1990s. In these years, the English National Investment Company held shares of both Athlitiki Enosis Konstantinoupoleos (AEK) Athens and Slavia Prague, which had to play against each other in the UEFA cup (Müller, 2003). Outside Europe, the Anschutz Entertainment Group held a majority of three Major League Soccer clubs in the United States at the same time (‘\ Zukunft der 50+1-Regel’, 2008). Formal analysis In the following section, we will provide a simple analysis of multi-club owner - ships in professional sport leagues. First, we act on the assumption of two different sports clubs named Team A and Team B. Both are dominated by a profit-maximising investor. The revenue is the only variable of the target function. Costs are not considered. Individual preferences for one of the two clubs, as they would be expected by a patron, are not assumed either. The revenues will be considered as R Afor Team A and R Bfor Team B. They imply revenues from merchandising, sponsoring, ticketing and profits from selling TV rights, and so on. All of these aspects are strongly related to the athletic success of each team. The athletic success itself is represented by the individual position on the table at the end of a season. We act on the assumption of a situation where the final league table is determined by a single match between Team A and Team B on the last match day. This constellation is often used to deduct negative effects from multi-club ownership situations and is characterised by strong incentives to influence the result of this final match by an ex ante intervention regarding the result. The turnovers are noted by the additions ‘V’ for a team’s victory, and ‘L’ for a lost match. So we have R AVfor Team A winning the match and R BLfor Team B losing. The greater the athletic success, the greater the estimated turnover so that R AV> R ALand R BV> R AL. From an economic point of view, the victory of Team A should be more attractive for the investor, implying a general incentive for an agreement that ensures Team A defeating its rival Team B in the final match.

Formally, this incentive is given by the expression R AV+ R BL> R AL+ R BV.

Considering the marginal revenues, this leads to MR A> MR B.

Without any ex ante agreement, the probability for Team A winning the final match is given by the expression q. A draw is excluded in this model so that the probability for Team B winning is given by 1 –q. This simplification is acceptable because even a draw will help either Team A or B accomplish its objectives. The model covers two periods, T 0and T 1, so that the revenues from both periods have to be considered as well an investor’s point of view (see Figure 5.2 for a visual).

Turnovers from the second period are discounted with the interest rate i. The investor’s possibility to influence the outcome of the sports event is restricted to the final match day. Match-fixing and manipulation in sport 71Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 During the ongoing season, the consumers/spectators should have no possibility to react on a (real or assumed) match-fixing agreement. This is why revenues in T 0 are directly dependent on the result of the match between Team A and Team B and the final table. One possible arrangement is that Team A will become the champion if the team wins the match, whereas Team B will be located in the mid-field of the table. In T 1, consumers can sanction the investor by reducing their interest either in Team A, Team B or both. Declining attendance figures could be one sanction.

Revenues from ticketing and merchandising would be affected directly; in the long run, reduced earnings from sponsoring and the sale of TV rights seem likely as well.

Effects such as these would likely affect both clubs dominated by a single investor.

If consumers presume an ex ante agreement, then we expect the turnover to be R A/B ; in the case of a match that has been recognised as upright where the stronger team is winning, the turnover should be - R A/B . As sanctions have to lead to reduced earnings, we assume - R A/B >R A/B . The fact that the athletic success of Team A is more profitable than Team B, winning the match is valid for T 0and T 1, as well as for the sum of revenues from both periods. Moreover, we assume asymmetric information between consumers and investors in the following design: the consumers have no reliable information whether the outcome of the match has been fixed by the investor himself or not.

In order to judge, they can only rely on public information (media) and an analysis of the match itself. On this basis, they can conclude that either the match was honest and fair (probability p), or it was the opposite and the result was arranged ex ante (probability [1 –p]). The consumers’ conclusion does not have to reflect reality! It is possible that no arrangement was made, but it is assumed (e.g., if a single player – especially the goalkeeper – made more mistakes than in a ‘standard’ match). The other way around a fixed result could be not detected and the public assumes a fair tournament. On the basis of the structure presented here, the target function of the investor can be written as follows: 72 Breuer and Kaiser Final match between A and B season’s end T 0 T1 Figure 5.2 Timeline for match-fixing induced by investorsDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 The upper row gives the first period (T 0), while the lower row represents the esti - mated pay offs in the second period. All terms noted by a qrepresent pay offs for Team A winning the match. Those terms noted by 1 –q describe revenues caused by Team B winning the match; p indicates payoffs, which are realised by a match that has been identified as a fair game without any agreement. The other way around, terms connected to 1 –pindicate consumers considering the event as fixed. First, a standard two-club situation should be analysed. From an investor’s point of view, q is a binary variable. If he decides to influence the result of a match, it is q = 1. If there is no agreement on the match results, q is between 0 and 1 and can only be estimated (e.g., by analysing betting odds). The assumptions of the spectators and indirectly the revenues in T 1, too, are not directly influenced by the investor’s choice. If there is no agreement on the result, there is uncertainty on the match itself as well as on the consumers’ assumptions. A detailed analysis leads to the conclusion that the additional payoffs in the case of match-fixing are bigger than the other way around (i.e., uncertainty of outcome, integrity). This is valid for every case in which both clubs are affected by the consumer’s sanctions in the same way and intensity as long as the investor’s interference is assumed. This presupposition is not obligatory in reality (e.g., fans of single clubs differ regarding their preferences for integrity), but from the model, no arguments against this assumption can be derived. Hence, on the basis of the underlying model, a threat to the integrity of sports events can be derived. There are strong incentives driving a profit-maximising investor to influence the outcome of a fictional final match between Teams A and B. Consumers’ abilities to sanction the clubs in the second season are not powerful enough to guarantee or push integrity under the current model restrictions. So far, we have assumed that match-fixing (Team A wins the final match; no uncertainty for the investor) has no influence on the consumers’ perception (if they perceive the event to be integer or not). In reality, it seems obvious that any actual investor’s intervention should increase the probability that fans assume match- fixing (although we should not think of an automatism). The following aspects might play a role in this context:

• One or more players might contact the press and make the intervention public (whether for common reasons like problems with the club management or strong personal preferences for integrity).

• The match itself indicates an agreement because of an important individual failing.

• If there was a money transfer between Team A and Team B, this could be detected by the press or the league management (e.g., during the licensing process).

Within the structure of the model, these aspects can be considered by the intro - duction of a variable (0 < < p). Introducing , the probability p (assumption of a fair sports event by the fans) is reduced to a certain degree. The other way Match-fixing and manipulation in sport 73Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 around, the counter probability (1 –p) increases by the same figure. Thus, the new estimated payoff can be derived as follows:

Depending on the value for , it is possible to derive situations where an integer match (without any match-fixing) leads to higher revenues for the investor. In general, the higher the value for , the higher the incentive for a fair sports event.

If = p, the investor deciding on an intervention gains the smaller revenues in T = 1, which becomes relevant if the fans assume an agreement. Finally, this leads to an abstention from any intervention! A detailed analysis leads to the following results: The difference between high revenues, in the case of the consumers’ assumption of ‘integrity’, and low revenues, in the case of assumed match-fixing, shows the potential for spectators’ sanctions.

The higher the potential for consumers’ sanctions, the higher the probability that a given is above the critical value and thus, the investor abstains from influencing the outcome of the match.

Managerial effects The outlined model shows that there are incentives for a profit-maximising invest - or to arrange the outcome of a match between two dominated teams under specific conditions (final match at the end of a season, league table effects). Con - sider ing the fact that a real agreement normally increases the probability that this agreement is assumed by the consumers, too, the situation differs: The con sumers’ option to sanction single clubs or the complete league in the follow-up season can especially influence the investor’s decision dominating at least two clubs.

Heermann’s (2007) general conclusion that there is always a threat to the integrity of professional sports if an investor owns more than a single team participating in a tournament is not supported by the results of this model. Turning to the players, we must raise the question of how they are facing an investor’s possible interventions. Especially for older players, match-fixing could be an incentivising alternative to an integer event. In addition to the owners and the athletes, the consumers are the most important stakeholders. Our model accepts explicitly that integrity is important for the consumer’s individual utility. In reality, however, we have realised for decades that with events in professional wrestling, for instance, integrity does not seem to play an important role for the spectators of these contests. It is widely known that the outcomes of single fights are arranged by the federation. In some other sports, we have to accept that integrity does not seem to be as important as the victory of the supported team. The possible acceptance of fixed matches has to be assumed as quite high in those cases.

74 Breuer and KaiserDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 Conclusion The current chapter examined the widespread occurrence of match-fixing and manipulation in professional sports, differentiating and describing several varieties of match-fixing. Whereas betting-related match-fixing has become an important topic in sports media coverage, the potential problems resulting from investors with ownership stakes in multiple clubs are widely disregarded by journalists as well as fans. The economic impact of match-fixing scandals varies from country to country. For example, the Hoyzer scandal in Germany had a minimal effect on the public’s interest in football and fans’ willingness to pay to watch the matches.

Conversely, professional football leagues have collapsed due to match-fixing in Singapore, Malaysia, and Vietnam (Hill, 2010). Therefore, it is difficult to accurately assess the overall negative effects of match-fixing and manipulation because they vary across different countries and different sports. Consequently, general steps toward the fight against manipulation would likely be ineffective; instead, with each action taken, the specific and marginal costs and benefits on the individual market must be considered.

Note 1Match-fixing was defined as the request to single or multiple players to act in an unsporting way. Moreover, the request had to be connected with individual benefits, including – but not limited to – money.

References Bozkurt, E. (2012, September 17). Match fixing and fraud in sport: Putting the pieces together .

Retrieved from the European Parliament website: www.europarl.europa.eu/document/ activities/cont/201209/20120925ATT52303/20120925ATT52303EN.pdf Carpenter, K. (2012). Match-fixing – the biggest threat to sport in the 21st century? International Sports Law Review, 2, 13–24. Retrieved from http://iasl.org/pages/en/ sports_law_iasl_journals.php Carpenter, K. (2014). Match-fixing: Framing the fight-back. International Centre for Sports Security Journal, 2(4), 62–69. Retrieved from http://icss-journal.newsdeskmedia.com/home Caruso, R. (2007, May). The economics of match-fixing (MPRA Paper No. 3085). Retrieved from Munich Personal RePEc Archive website: https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de /3085/1/MPRA_paper_3085.pdf Heermann, P. W. (2007). Mehrheitsbeteiligung an einer deutschen Fußballkapitalgesellschaft im Lichte der sog. ‘50%+1-Klausel’ [Majority stake in a German football corporation in light of the so-called ‘50%+1 Rule’]. Causa Sport, 4, 426–436. Retrieved from www.causasport.ch/cas/show?id=00_CaS-2015-3_STARTSEITE Hill, D. (2010). A critical mass of corruption: why some football leagues have more match- fixing than others. International Journal of Sports Marketing and Sponsorship, 11 (3), 221–235.

Retrieved from www.imrpublications.com/journal-landing.aspx?volno=L&no=L International Centre for Sport Security. (2014, May). Guiding principles for protecting the integrity of sports competitions. Paris: Sorbonne-ICSS Research Program on Ethics and Sports Integrity. Match-fixing and manipulation in sport 75Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 Manoli, E. A. and Antonopoulos, G. A. (2015). ‘The only game in town?’: Football match-fixingin Greece. Trends in Organized Crime, 18, 196–211. doi:10.1007/s12117-014-9239-3 McNamee, M. (2013). The integrity of sport: Unregulated gambling, match fixing and corruption. Sport, Ethics and Philosophy, 7, 173–174. doi:10.1080/17511321.2013.791159 Müller, C. (2003). Wettbewerbsintegrität als oberziel des lizenzierungsverfahrens der deutschen fußball liga GmbH [Competitive integrity as overall objective of the licensing procedure of the German football league GmbH]. In K. Zieschang and C. Klimmer (eds) Unternehmensführung im profifußball: Symbiose von sport, wirtschaft und recht [Corporate management in professional football: Symbiosis of sport, business and law] (pp. 19–44).

Berlin: Erich Schmidt Verlag GmbH and Co.

Pitsch, W., Emrich, E. and Pierdzioch, C. (2012). Fixing im deutschen fußball: Eine empirische analyse mittels der randomized-response-technik [Fixing in German football: An empirical analysis using a randomized-response technique] (Working Paper 120/2012). Hamburg:

Helmut Schmidt University.

Pitsch, W., Emrich, E. and Pierdzioch, C. (2015). Match fixing im deutschen fußball [Match fixing in German football]. In E. Emrich, C. Pierdzioch and W. Pitsch (eds) Falsches spiel im sport: Analysen zu wettbewerbsverzerrungen [False play in sport: Analysis of distortions of competition] (pp. 157–171). Saarbrücken: Saarland University Press.

Rottenberg, S. (1956). The baseball players’ labor market. Journal of Political Economy, 64, 242– 258. Retrieved from www.journals.uchicago.edu/toc/jpe/current Shepotylo, O. (2005, November 8). Three-point-for-win in soccer: Are there incentives for match- fixing? doi:10.2139/ssrn.755264 Singh, P. P. (2013, February 19). How does illegal sports betting work and what are the fears? BBC Business News. Retrieved from www.bbc.com/news/business Zukunft der 50+1-Regel offen [Future of the 50+1-Rule under discussion]. (2008, May 3). Kicker. Retrieved from www.kicker.de/news/fussball/bundesliga/startseite/artikel/ 375897 Further reading Anderson, P. M., Blackshaw, I. S., Siekmann, R. C. R. and Soek, J. (eds). (2012). Sports betting:

law and policy. New York: Springer.

Brooks, G., Aleem, A. and Button, M. (2013). Fraud, corruption and sport. London: Palgrave Macmillan.

Haberfeld, M. R. and Sheehan, D. (eds). (2013). Match-fixing in international sports: Existing processes, law enforcement, and prevention strategies. New York: Springer.

76 Breuer and KaiserDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 6 DOPING CONTROL AND GLOBAL SPORT Jules R. Woolf Consider the following proposal: You could become the CEO of your favourite sports team for only five years, but then you will die. You can have your dream job for five years, but then your life will end. Are you interested?This scenario is analogous to a proposal offered to elite athletes in 1982. Dr. Bob Goldman asked 198 world-class athletes if they would take a magic drug that would guarantee a victory in every competition they entered for the next five years. However, the drug would also kill them upon the conclusion of the five-year period. Over half of the athletes (52 per cent) were reported to have agreed to the proposal (Goldman, Klatz and Bush, 1984). Goldman reportedly repeated this survey every two years until the mid-1990s and always received similar responses (Bamberger and Yaeger, 1997). This scenario, and the results, became popularly known as the Goldman dilemma. So, why does this matter? The results of the Goldman dilemma are generally taken as fact and per - petuate a narrative that athletes are willing to do absolutely anything for sporting glory – even sacrifice their own life. Indeed, a colleague of Goldman, Dr. Gabe Mirkin, reported that over 50 per cent of elite runners indicated that they would take a pill if it guaranteed they would become an Olympic champion, even if it caused their death within 1 year (Goldman et al., 1984). The belief that athletes will trade death for short-term glory has often been repeated in academic literature (Ehrnborg and Rosen, 2009) and the popular press (Alderson, 2014; Fell, 2014). Some researchers have also found that the general public also perceives a drug problem in professional sport (Becker and Scheufele, 2008). Additionally, the results of the Goldman and Mirkin surveys imply that drug use among athletes is rampant. If 50 per cent of athletes were willing to die for Olympic success, then it would be reasonable to speculate that many more would use drugs if the consequences were not fatal. Furthermore, if winning is so attractive and drug use so prevalent, then sport managers may haveDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 to take drastic action in order to prevent drug use amongst athletes and ensure a level playing field.A significant limitation of the Goldman dilemma was that the survey and methods utilised were not part of a rigorously performed research study. In fact, Goldman et al.(1984) reported only minimal information about the study design and methods used to conduct the survey and then analyse the data. In an effort to replicate the results of Goldman’s survey using a more meticulous research design, Connor, Woolf, and Mazanov (2013) conducted a survey and found that only 0.93 per cent of contemporary elite athletes who participated agreed to accept a proposal similar to Goldman’s original proposal. Additionally, approximately 6 per cent of respondents agreed to accept the proposal if the drug was legal but they would still die in five years’ time, and 12 per cent of respondents would take an illegal drug if there were no consequences (i.e., they would not die or get caught).

Although these numbers are still quite high, especially if you extrapolate these percentages to the world population of athletes, they are nowhere near as high as the numbers reported by Goldman. However, the results of the study conducted by Connor et al.do suggest that some athletes are willing to use drugs even if they harm their health. Furthermore, there have been periodic reports of professional athletes who have been caught using a banned substance, which confirm that some athletes do use illegal drugs to improve their performance. As such, sport managers are faced with the challenge of how to manage drug use amongst athletes. The use of illicit or illegal drugs, also known as doping, is one method utilised by athletes to enhance their performance. The current chapter will examine issues related to doping, as well as anti-doping efforts. The first section will explore the meaning and complexities of doping. The following section will analyse the prevalence rate of doping. Then, the strategies and tactics used to prevent doping will be discussed, which will include an in-depth description of the structure, policies, procedures and activities of the leading anti-doping organisation, the World Anti-Doping Agency (WADA). The chapter will conclude with a short statement on how anti-doping policies are justified in sport. The current chapter will enable readers to define doping, describe the prevalence of doping in sport, and critique media reports and popular stories of doping. Readers should also be able to summarise the governance structure of WADA and describe its role and activities in the global management of anti- doping efforts. Finally, readers should be able to discuss the primary reasons that have made doping into a contemporary sport management issue.

Doping In general, most people think of steroids or performance-enhancing drugs when they hear reports of illegal or banned performance enhancement in sport. How - ever, the issue is much more convoluted. The term drug is defined as ‘chemical substances that, by interaction with biological targets, can alter the biochemical systems of the body’ (Mottram, 2011, p. 3), which does not encapsulate all the 78 WoolfDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 different ways in which an athlete’s performance may be artificially enhanced. For example, blood doping is a procedure whereby an athlete removes their own blood, and then stores it so that it can later be transfused back into their body. In a slightly different procedure that is still considered blood doping, an athlete will transfuse someone else’s blood into their body, provided they have the same blood type.

These methods are not drugs, but they have been shown to reliably improve athletic performance. Hence, the preferred term is dopingas it includes not just drugs, but other material or means to enhance an athlete’s performance outside the rules. The word doping is derived from dop, the name of an alcoholic beverage used in South Africa to improve physical performance (Mottram, 2011). Alcohol consumption provides a feeling of well-being and can alleviate the sensation of fatigue. Stimulants, such as caffeine, strychnine (which is poisonous), and cocaine, have also been used to improve physical performance. For example, marathon runner Thomas Hicks was reported to have used brandy and strychnine in the 1904 Olympic Games. At the time, Hicks did not violate any rules since these types of stimulants were not banned from international athletics until 1928 (Dimeo, 2007). Thus, the list of prohibited substances and methods changes over time. For instance, the use of caffeine was prohibited until it was removed from the list of banned substances in 2004. However, it still remains on WADA’s monitoring list to track trends in use and potential abuse. Sport managers therefore need to remain aware of the evolving definition of a doping offence. Another issue that sport managers should consider is the complexity of doping in sports. A machine is a common metaphor used to describe the human body and understand its functions. However, the human body is an intricate organism and, as such, the use of substances to improve performance may not follow a simple input–output pathway. Popular phrases, such as, ‘you are what you eat’, may have some merit but are gross simplifications. For instance, the idea that athletes who take an increased amount of a substance will experience a linear effect on their performance (e.g., double the dosage will double the effect) may not necessarily be true. In contrast, the negative side effects associated with drugs may manifest or become more pronounced with extremely high doses (Mottram, 2011). Moreover, people may have different responses to drugs, and drugs taken in combination may interact and produce different effects. Consequently, sport managers should consult reliable sources for information when making decisions about doping rather than rely on common knowledge or intuition. Although the negative side effects of drug use have been well documented, there have also been many instances of incorrect information accepted as truth, a lack of rigorous fact checking, and general hyperbole surrounding the dangers of doping substances. For example, the story of the death of Danish cyclist Knud Enemark Jensen during the 1960 Olympic Games in Rome is often cited as a cautionary tale about the risks of doping in sport. Although Jensen was reported to have died due to amphetamine use, an investigation into the circumstances of his death concluded that extreme heat and then a lack of medical attention were the most likely causes Doping control and global sport 79Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 of his death (Møller, 2005). Moreover, Jensen used Roniacol, which is a vascular dilator and would likely inhibit his physical performance because it increases blood flow to both working and non-working muscles. Consequently, the Roniacol would have reduced Jensen’s blood pressure, which was potentially exacerbated by extreme heat and suspected dehydration as Jensen fainted and fell while riding his bicycle. Møller (2005) argued that had Jensen taken amphetamines, they would have counteracted the effects of the Roniacol by restricting blood flow to the skin, which would have potentially improved his blood pressure and performance.

Although Møller’s explanation is problematic since it does not account for the heat stress that Jensen suffered, the investigation is important because it challenges the existing narrative that doping was the primary cause of his death. Furthermore, the official autopsy report attributed the primary cause of death to heatstroke and did not implicate amphetamines or any other drugs. Therefore, any stories or reports that state otherwise and attribute Jensen’s death to doping are not based on the official autopsy report, and are likely to have originated from people who never had access to the actual medical records.Similar to the Goldman dilemma, inaccurate stories, such as Jensen’s death being caused by doping, become regarded as true when they are not thoroughly investigated, which in turn falsely makes them part of the narrative used to inform or justify anti-doping policy. In another investigation of doping-related deaths, López (2011) found no evidence to support the claim that erythropoietin (EPO) killed 18 Dutch and Belgian cyclists in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Never - theless, this is another story that is often used to illustrate the dangers of drugs in sport. Moreover, López (2013) analysed the research literature and media coverage of human growth hormone (HGH) and similarly found little empirical evidence to support the claim that HGH is a highly dangerous (i.e., death inducing) drug. Despite the results of the investigations conducted by Møller (2005) and López (2011, 2013), it would be incorrect to state that drugs and other doping methods are safe and should therefore be legalised. All drugs have negative side effects (Mottram, 2011). For example, EPO has been reported to cause nausea, joint pain, hypertension and thrombosis (Birzniece, 2015). HGH has been reported to cause fluid retention, muscular fatigue and pain, cardiomyopathy and increased risk of diabetes mellitus (Birzniece, 2015; Saugy et al., 2006). Moreover, medical research on health or performance-enhancing substances is generally restricted to the general public and is conducted in clinical settings. Additionally, medical research trials are often short in duration and involve lower dosages than those used by athletes. Given the complexities of doping, sport managers have a duty to be adequately informed of the empirically supported evidence about doping-related issues, and should avoid hyperbole in order to remain credible to both athletes and fans. In light of this statement, the next section will examine the reasons for doping amongst athletes.

80 WoolfDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 Doping amongst athletes Researchers have shown significant interest in understanding the various factors involved in an athlete’s decision to engage in doping that go beyond simple explan - ations such as the desire to win. Donovan, Egger, Kapernick, and Mendoza (2002) hypothesised that while athletes are making a decision about doping, they often consider the threat (i.e., potential for harm and detection), the benefits (i.e., performance enhancement), and their own personal morality. Other factors that have been shown to be involved in the athletes’ decision-making process include the athlete’s personality, influences from the athlete’s reference group (e.g., senior athletes), and the availability and affordability of performance-enhancing drugs.

Some scholars have suggested that personal values and emotions play a more dominant role than other personal or social factors (Moston, Engelberg and Skinner, 2015; Strelan and Boekmann, 2006). Doping has also been examined from a sociological perspective. For example, Stewart and Smith (2008) contextualised doping relative to society, which led them to identify nationalism, commercialism, and the sport culture (e.g., hyper-masculinity) as influential factors. Athletes may become socialised to the norms and rules of a specific sport culture that does not perceive doping as cheating, but instead as a necessary function of the job (Brissonneau and Ohl, 2010). In contrast, being surrounded by a majority of teammates who have negative views about doping may promote similar attitudes in other members of the team (Ohl, Fincoeur, Lentillon-Kaestner, Defrance and Brissonneau, 2013). Clearly, doping is not a straightforward, black-and-white decision and may not occur in isolation. Even when an athlete decides to dope, it may not be an easy decision (Kirby, Moran and Guerin, 2011). Career stage, performance deter - ioration, and injury serve as critical periods for athletes to consider doping (Bloodworth and McNamee, 2010; Lentillon-Kaestner and Carstairs, 2010; Mazanov, Huybers and Connor, 2011; Petróczi and Aidman, 2008). Sport managers should be aware of these vulnerable time periods as they are windows of oppor - tunity to provide needed support. There has also been increased awareness of the influence that an entourage (e.g., support staff, family and friends) may have on the athlete’s decisions and actions (Mazanov and McDermott, 2009). For example, WADA’s education outreach efforts incorporate group and social influences, and its anti-doping policies and procedures are also applicable to the members of an athlete’s entourage (see Table 6.1).

Suspected prevalence It is challenging to accurately gauge the prevalence of doping in sport. Athletes are unlikely to willingly divulge their proclivity to partake in illegal drug consumption.

Strategies, such as athlete surveys, will in all likelihood be biased as the results from prior research studies indicate that survey respondents exhibit a tendency to provide socially acceptable answers (James, Nepusz, Naughton and Petróczi, 2013). Doping control and global sport 81Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 Despite these difficulties, some researchers have collected data that could provide insights into the prevalence of doping behaviour.For several decades, researchers have been surveying adolescent athletes and non-athletes about their use of drugs such as tobacco, cocaine, and anabolic androgenic steroids. In the United States, the Monitoring the Future (MTF) study and the Youth Risk Behavioral Surveillance programme have surveyed steroid consumption since 1989 and 1991, respectively. Results from the MTF study indicated that lifetime prevalence rates (i.e., ever used) in 2014 of steroid use for individuals aged 17 to 18 years was 1.9 per cent and the rate for individuals aged 19 to 28 years was 1.7 per cent (Miech, Johnston, O’Malley, Bachman and Schulenberg, 2015). The results of the MTF study also found that lifetime prevalence rates had steadily declined since 2002 (Miech et al., 2015). In contrast, the percentage of students who considered steroids to be very harmful decreased:

Just over 50 per cent of respondents reported that they believed steroids were very harmful (Miech et al., 2015). The results of the Youth Risk Behavioral Surveillance studies were generally the same as the MTF study and demonstrated a steady decline of overall steroid use amongst adolescents, as well as greater lifetime preva - lence in 2013 (3.2 per cent; Kann et al., 2014). The European School Survey Project on Alcohol and Other Drugs conducted a similar series of studies in school-aged children from 36 European countries and reported a 1 per cent lifetime prevalence rate for steroid use amongst students aged 16 years (Hibell et al., 2012). The issue of adolescent steroid use is a concern for policymakers because of the common belief that they may be influenced by steroid use amongst 82 Woolf TABLE 6.1 WADA anti-doping rules violations Violations 1 Presence of a prohibited substance or its metabolites or markers in an athlete’s sample 2 Use or attempted use by an athlete of a prohibited substance or a prohibited method 3 Evading, refusing or failing to submit to sample collection 4 Whereabouts failures: Three missed tests and/or filing failures within 12-month period 5 Tampering or attempted tampering with any part of doping control – includes attempted intimidation of potential witnesses to ADRV 6 Possession of a prohibited substance or a prohibited method 7 Trafficking or attempted trafficking in any prohibited substance or prohibited method 8 Administration/attempted administration to any athlete (in or out of competition) of any prohibited substance or prohibited method 9 Complicity: assisting, encouraging, aiding, abetting, conspiracy to cover up or be complicit in any ADRV 10 Prohibited association – with any athlete or athlete support person who is ineligible to compete, or has been convicted of an offence that would constitute an ADRV Note: ADRV = anti-doping rules violation. Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 professional athletes (Woolf and Swain, 2014), despite evidence to the contrary (Woolf, Rimal and Sripad, 2014). Doping has also been recognised as a public health issue. For example, anti-doping efforts in Denmark have been extended to recreational gym users (Christiansen, 2009), and government officials in France recently followed suit by creating a ‘charter of commitment’ that targets fitness club chains (WADA, 2015c).While there are genuine concerns about steroid use amongst adolescents and the general public, the media often focuses on the abuse of steroids by elite athletes.

Periodically, athletes and sport commentators speculate on the prevalence of drug use in sport and often make estimates that are significantly higher than the actual rate. In 1986, former NFL player and member of the NFL Hall of Fame, Howie Long, stated that 75 per cent of offensive lineman, the largest athletes on the field, used steroids (Zimmerman, 1986). Recently, the Ultimate Fighting Championship (UFC) commentator, Joe Rogan, provided similar statistics about steroid use amongst mixed martial arts athletes (Rogan, 2015). However, athletes have also exhibited a tendency to estimate the prevalence of steroid use as higher for individ - uals who belong to groups that are dissimilar to their own group (e.g., athletes on other teams) than for individuals belonging to similar groups (Woolf et al., 2014).

Furthermore, an athlete’s own behaviour has been shown to influence his or her estimation on the prevalence of steroid use in sport (Petróczi, Mazanov, Nepusz, Backhouse and Naughton, 2008). This information does not suggest that Long or Rogan engaged in doping, but rather illustrates the frequent inaccuracy of speculation about the identity and number of athletes who do engage in doping. A more concrete approach to determine the frequency of doping amongst professional athletes is to examine the prevalence of positive doping tests. From 1987 to 2013, WADA laboratories reported that adverse analytical findings (AAF) occurred in athlete doping tests at a rate of approximately 2 per cent (WADA, 2015b). It should be noted that an AAF does not automatically result in the athlete being sanctioned or suspended, as additional analyses are required to determine if it meets the anti-doping results violation (ADRV) criteria (see Table 6.1 for a list of ADRVs). WADA (2015b) reported that 2,540 AAFs occurred out of 207,513 samples; of these, 1,687 were confirmed as analytical ADRVs (i.e., positive tests) and the athlete was sanctioned. There were an additional 266 non-analytical ADRVs (e.g., athletes who refused to be tested). This indicates a prevalence rate of 0.81 per cent, which suggests a very low prevalence rate for doping offences (WADA, 2015b). Furthermore, the WADA testing results suggest that professional athletes and sports are relatively doping-free. In contrast, the results may also point to systemic failures to catch dopers, which resulted in an artificially low number of positive tests. A recent review on the incidence of doping in international sport revealed a prevalence rate between 14 and 39 per cent for elite athletes (de Hon, Kuipers and van Bottenburg, 2015). De Hon et al. (2015) computed this range based on the results of a study that examined the prevalence of blood doping amongst elite track and field athletes (Sottas et al., 2011) and an anonymous survey of amateur and Doping control and global sport 83Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 professional athletes in Germany who completed a sports doping questionnaire using a randomised response technique (RRT) design (Pitsch, Emrich and Klein, 2007). The RRT design used by Pitsch et al.(2007) created anonymity by de- identifying respondents’ answers and then applying a mathematical formula to estimate the likelihood of a positive response to questions on sports doping. The RRT design has generally been found to provide a more valid estimate of self- reported doping behaviour compared to standard questionnaire formats (Striegel, Ulrich and Simon, 2010). In summary, exceptionally high estimates made by athletes and sport commen- tators/journalists likely overestimate the prevalence of doping, while non-RRT questionnaire data and laboratory ADRV rates likely underestimate the prevalence since not every athlete who engages in doping will be caught or admit to it. As such, the results of the review conducted by de Hon et al. (2015) arguably provide a more accurate estimate of the true prevalence rate of doping in elite sport. The probability that 1 out of 5, or perhaps 2 out of 5 elite athletes engage in doping is a startling statistic and should be unsettling for those who favour doping-free sports. At this juncture, it is therefore appropriate to review the policies, procedures, and activities of the worldwide chief anti-doping organisation, WADA.

World anti-doping agency WADA was formed in November 1999 as an independent international agency tasked with combating doping in sport. The independent status of WADA is a significant aspect of the organisation to mitigate potential conflicts o\ f interest. Since the interests of sport organisations, such as the International Olympic Committee (IOC) and national and international sport federations, would be best served by minimising the number of doping scandals, these organisations have a compelling incentive to tamper with testing procedures and results to ensure ADRVs are not detected amongst their athletes. Therefore, the establishment of WADA as an independent agency circumvents the potential for anti-doping efforts to become only a façade. Kirkwood (2004) went further and argued that the creation of WADA was a strategy to protect the commercial aspects and brand of the IOC, and that anti-doping efforts have occurred primarily because doping is bad for business.

To maintain its independence, WADA is funded by equal contributions made by the IOC and the governments of countries representing the five Olympic regions:

Africa, the Americas, Asia, Europe and Oceania. The creation of a single agency to coordinate and promote anti-doping efforts was an important milestone. The lack of consistent policies in different sport organisations provided opportunities to challenge the legitimacy of doping sanctions (WADA, 2015a). Consequently, a major initiative for WADA was to establish polices that promoted coordinated anti-doping efforts, a priority that is readily apparent in the agency’s mission statement, ‘to lead a collaborative world - wide movement for doping-free sport’ (WADA, n.d.-b). To facilitate the coordination of anti-doping efforts, WADA created the World Anti-Doping Code, 84WoolfDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 also known simply as The Code. WADA periodically revises The Code, and pub - lished the fifth and most recent version of in 2015. The Codeis a comprehensive document that sets anti-doping policies, rules, and regulations. For example, The Code stipulates that an athlete who commits an ADRV is ineligible to compete for the next four years. All sport organisations that sign The Code have agreed to its policies. The Code also includes information on testing at events and rights for athletes to appeal against the results. A common misperception of WADA is that it is directly involved in adminis- tering drug tests, when in fact it is primarily involved in setting policies, rules, and regulations. In order to establish and implement globally coordinated anti-doping policy and procedures, WADA performs several critical functions, such as oversight of the accreditation process for drug-testing laboratories, maintenance of standards used for testing samples, and conducting investigations and annual dissemination of the list of all prohibited substances and methods, both in and out of competition.

These functions comprise three of the five international standards that WADA uses to coordinate technical areas related to its anti-doping efforts. The remaining standards used by WADA are the issuance of exemptions for the therapeutic use of a banned substance and ensuring the protection of athletes’ privacy and personal information (see Table 6.2). WADA has been generally successful in the global coordination of its anti- doping efforts. The area that remains as a major challenge is the realm of profes sional sport. Even professional sports that are associated with international sport federations and the IOC have come under criticism for their apparent lax enforcement of doping policies. For instance, WADA has called upon the Premier League in England to increase the number of times each player is tested, to include EPO testing and to use biological passports (Gibson, 2013). However, WADA does work with several professional sport leagues, such as the NFL, NHL, MLB, and NBA, to encourage consistent doping policies in line with The Code. A challenge that anti-doping agencies face when addressing professional sport leagues is that athletes form labour unions to represent their interests and to negotiate collective bargaining agreements with league management regarding working conditions, such as minimum salaries, free agency, and health benefits. The labour laws in many countries also typically require that drug-testing policies be negotiated by players’ Doping control and global sport 85 TABLE 6.2 WADA international standards Standards 1 Prohibited list 2 Testing and investigations 3 Laboratories 4 Therapeutic use exemptions 5 Protection of privacy and personal informationDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 unions. Consequently, sport leagues are not legally allowed to unilaterally impose doping policies onto athletes without the consent of the players’ union.Recent negotiations between the NFL and the NFL Players Association regarding blood tests for HGH provide an example that demonstrates the nego - tiation process between a professional sport league and a players’ union. Although the NFL Players Association agreed to include blood tests for HGH as part of the standard drug-testing procedures, they also negotiated an increase to the threshold of a positive test for marijuana and reclassified the terms and subsequent sanctions for amphetamine use in the offseason (Rosenthal, 2014). While it may seem that the players’ union and the league have a shared interest in promoting a doping-free work environment, the union has a responsibility to represent its members. Even if both the league and union want the same outcome, a savvy union will use the negotiations as leverage to obtain something in return such as changes to other aspects of the NFL doping policy. Moreover, the union must protect its members’ interests and ensure the players are treated fairly. Therefore, all doping policies must include safeguards that protect the athletes such as the right to due process, the right to appeal, and guidelines for how and when the public will be notified of a positive test. WADA takes into consideration the rights and interests of athletes by including an athlete’s committee as part of its governance structure.

The governance structure of WADA The governance structure of WADA is uniquely comprised of representatives from the Olympic movement and governments of the five Olympic regions. The inclusion of government representatives is important because governments can implement anti-doping initiatives in their respective countries that are beyond the scope of sport organisations, such as passing laws that impact the manufacturing and trafficking of drugs used in sports doping. WADA has three levels of governance: (a) the foundation board, (b) the executive committee, and (c) several committees with various functions. The found ation board is the ultimate decision-making authority for WADA and is comprised of 38 members. The members from the Olympic movement come from a variety of sport-governing organisations (e.g., IOC, International Paralympic Committee, SportAccord), along with current athletes who serve on the IOC Athletes’ Commission. The inclusion of athletes and representatives from different segments of the Olympic and non-Olympic sports world provides a diverse gover n ing board. The government representatives on the foundation board consist of officials who are typically the sport minister for their home country. In many countries, the government office of the sport minister also represents different configurations of other related interests and/or groups such as youth, recreation, tourism, culture and education. The United States is amongst the few countries that does not have a government official responsible for sport promotion and is currently represented on the foundation board by an executive from the White House Drug Policy Office. The presidency of WADA alternates between represen- 86 WoolfDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 tatives from the Olympic movement and the governments. Currently, the president is former British Olympic Association chairman, Sir Craig Reedie. Reedie’s predecessor was John Fahey, a former Premier of New South Wales. The inaugural president was former Olympian and IOC member Dick Pound, who held the post for eight years.While the foundation board serves as the main decision-making entity for WADA, the 12-member executive committee is responsible for the organisation’s policies, execution, and organisational administration. Similar to the foundation board, the executive committee has equal representation from the Olympic move - ment and governments of the five Olympic regions. Finally, there are several committees with specialised functions related to various administrative operations, such as the Finance and Administration committees, as well as committees dedicated to carrying out the overall mission of WADA, such as the Education Committee. Efforts to promote education and increase public awareness are hallmarks of the WADA anti-doping strategy. In particular, WADA has focused on developing a values-based education that frames doping as a moral issue. Additionally, WADA utilises two other primary anti-doping strategies: the Whereabouts programme and Athlete Biological Passport (ABP) programme.

The WADA Whereabouts programme One challenge with testing athletes out of competition is locating them \ without giving prior notice of testing dates. The Whereabouts programme addresses this issue with the creation of the Registered Testing Pool (RTP), a select group of national and international athletes who are required to provide the time(s) and location(s) of their out-of-competition training activities, as well as other scheduled routine activities, such as familial or educational activities (WADA, n.d.-a). Athletes who are part of the RTP must also provide a 60-minute time period for each day during which they can be located and tested. While this may seem to be a cumbersome process and an invasion of the athletes’ privacy, the use of online tools and mobile phone applications have made it easier for athletes to update represen- tatives from their respective anti-doping agency. Although the out-of-competition testing is not limited to RTP athletes, the Whereabouts programme is designed to facilitate the testing of elite athletes out of competition.

The WADA athlete biological passport programme Rather than relying on the detection of a banned substance or method to deter - mine the occurrence of an ADRV, the ABP programme monitors select doping biomarkers to detect manipulation of an athlete’s physiological variables (WADA, 2014). For example, a urine test for testosterone measures and compares the levels of testosterone and epitestosterone in an athlete’s urine. The normal ratio of testos- terone to epitestosterone is approximately 1:1, and an elevated ratio of 4:1 is indicative of an ADRV based on current testing standards. However, some Doping control and global sport 87Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 individuals may naturally have a higher testosterone/epitestosterone ratio, which requires a longitudinal and comparative analysis to provide sufficient evidence of doping (Mottram, 2011). A consistently elevated ratio over time for these individ - uals may indicate that doping has not occurred, whereas a change in their ratio may indicate a doping violation (Mottram, 2011). The ABP programme has proven effective in real-life testing situations as a case was recently reported in which an ADRV would have been undetected without the use of ABP techniques (WADA, 2015c). In addition to urine samples, the ABP programme has also developed the capacity to examine blood for biomarkers of EPO use and other blood-doping methods (WADA, 2014).

Anti-doping rationale A simple statement on the rationale for anti-doping regulations would be that doping substances and methods are prohibited because they constitute cheating or a violation of the rules. However, a sound rationale must be provided to justify the exclusion of specific substances and methods from a given sport. In order to be prohibited by WADA, a substance or method must meet at least two of the following three criteria: (a) the substance or method has to verifiably (i.e., sup - ported scientifically) enhance performance, (b) the substance or method repre sents an actual or potential health risk and (c) the substance or method must violate the ‘spirit of sport’. Although the last criterion can be considered as relatively subjective, WADA has outlined 11 criteria that constitute the spirit of sport (see Table 6.3). Furthermore, WADA (2015a) described the spirit of sport construct as the essence of Olympism, a philosophy of life based on the fundamental principles stated in the Olympic Charter, and as an ideal that invokes a celebration of the human spirit, body and mind.

88 Woolf TABLE 6.3 WADA spirit of sport criteria Criteria 1 Ethics, fair play and honesty 2 Health 3 Excellence in performance 4 Character and education 5 Fun and joy 6 Teamwork 7 Dedication and commitment 8 Respect for rules and laws 9 Respect for self and other participants 10 Courage 11 Community and solidarityDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 WADA does not enjoy universal support and some scholars have questioned the legitimacy of the agency’s mission (Strelan and Boekmann, 2006). Alternative policies, such as harm reduction, have been proposed (Kirkwood, 2009) wherein athletes are allowed to dope and compete provided they satisfy certain health markers (e.g., acceptable haematocrit range). The harm-reduction approach pre - sents an alternative to the libertarian perspective that all drugs should be legalised and the decision to engage in doping is the exclusive responsibility and individual choice of each athlete. Despite the potential benefits, harm-reduction programmes are not a panacea for doping in sport, but sport managers should be aware of the strengths and weaknesses of alternative viewpoints. Conclusion and future outlook Doping in sport is a complicated area that is often reduced to simplistic arguments and unsubstantiated facts. Enacting anti-doping policy is likewise complicated. For example, the U.S. Anti-Doping Agency recently formed a relationship with the UFC to regulate doping in mixed martial arts. One issue that arose was the use of intravenous (IV) bags to rehydrate athletes after weighing in for a fight. The use of IV bags is traditionally considered an ADRV because they can easily mask various methods of blood doping. However, the use of IV bags in the UFC case appears to be legitimate. While rehydration will improve an athlete’s performance, the primary effect and benefit is to maintain healthy body function rather than harm it.

Therefore, the use of IV bags by the UFC is not against the spirit of sport. This scenario illustrates the inherent difficulties of implementing a globally coordinated anti-doping policy, since the application of it will necessarily vary depending on the unique environment and aspects of each sport. In light of these difficulties, Sir Craig Reedie (WADA, 2015d) has proposed that drug testing must target and match specific procedures appropriate for each sport.

Such efforts would make testing more efficient, and potentially more effective.

Furthermore, cost-effective methods are necessary as doping has become a business enterprise that is largely managed by criminal organisations (Donati, 2007). WADA is aware of the involvement of criminal organisations and collaborates with the International Criminal Police Organisation to combat their role in illegal doping.

Finally, with scientific advancements such as clustered regularly interspaced short palindromic repeats on the rise, athletes may soon be able to manipulate their own genetics through gene doping techniques. Doping in sport is a complicated, ongoing, and ever-evolving issue. Sport managers should be well versed on the intricacy and details involved with this subject.

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Further reading Albergotti, R. and O’Connell, V. (2014). Wheelmen: Lance Armstrong, the Tour de France, and the greatest sports conspiracy ever. New York: Penguin.

Hoberman, J. (2006). Testosterone dreams: Rejuvenation, aphrodisia, doping. Berkeley, CA: Univer sity of California Press.

Møller, V. (2010). The ethics of doping and anti-doping: Redeeming the soul of sport? New York:

Routledge.

Mottram, D. R. (2011). Drugs in sport (5th ed.). New York: Routledge.

92WoolfDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 7 HEAD INJURIES AND CONCUSSION ISSUES Annette Greenhow and Lisa Gowthorp I think as a footballer, you expect to have knocks … you expect maybe to have arthritis later on in years. You do not expect to die of brain damage aged 59.(Dawn Astle 1in Webb, 2014) Sports-related concussion is an important and complex issue, but it is not a new phenomenon. Meehan and Bachur (2009) traced early forms of sports-related concussion to 776 B.C. in the sports of wrestling and fist fighting. The physical risks of contact and collision sports (Luntz, 1980) and challenges of managing injuries (Mitten, 1993), particularly return-to-play or practice decisions, are reoccurring themes across sport, across jurisdictions and across disciplines. However, the recent growth of public awareness regarding sports-related concussion – fuelled by litigation, concussion-related deaths and links to long-term degenerative brain disease – raises questions about the adequacy of the decisions made b\ y rule-makers, including their roles, responsibilities and assessments of risk. It also exposes tensions that arise in balancing the interests of player health and welfare on the one hand, with commercial interests and spectator demands on the other. From a management and governance perspective, it is important to consider the role of international and national sporting organisations in determining where responsibilities lie and in determining who is responsible for setting rules regarding sports-related concussions. For the purposes of this chapter, the organisation with the greatest responsible for rule-making (i.e., ultimate rule-maker) for the sport will be referred to as the sport governing body. Key issues for consideration include whether the relevant sport governing body has recognised the issue, the emphasis it places on the risks involved (and where it sits on its risk agenda) and whether the sport governing body has promulgated rules and implemented appropriate policies and procedures to limit or reduce risk.Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 From a legal perspective, considerations include whether the sport governing body has taken reasonable care over the years to protect and enhance the safety of participants in their sport, and whether the particular sport has kept abreast of evolving science and research on sports-related concussion. A retrospective analysis of research demonstrates that this issue has been dominated by scientific efforts to establish the epidemiology of sports-related concussion. Perhaps equally important is the overarching consideration of whether the regulatory system is properly equip ped to respond to the actual or potential risks associated with sports-related concussion. In other words, it is critical to identify which governing body is ultimately responsible for developing appropriate rules and protocols; who deter - mines whether those rules have been implemented and enforced at the relevant level and, finally, whether appropriate and consistent sanctions for non-compliance have been applied. This chapter will also examine the ethical question of whether, as custodian of the sport, the sport governing body has an obligation to invest in research and education for participants across the relevant constituency and across different levels of the sport. The first part of this chapter will briefly outline the clinical understanding of sports-related concussion, the symptoms and sequelae, and provide an overview of the evolving state of medical art and scientific knowledge. The second part exam - ines the legal vulnerabilities arising from the concussion litigation commenced in the United States by retired NFL players. In 2015, in a court-ordered settlement, the NFL allocated an estimated US $1 billion towards compensating retired NFL players for certain medical conditions attributable to their participation in the sport at the professional level. Finally, the third part of this chapter will consider the regulation and governance of sports-related concussion and the implications for sport managers and their organisations. Medical considerations Since 776 B.C., athletes have participated in sports that exposed them to risks for con cuss ion (Echemendia, 2006; Meehan and Bachur, 2009). Discussions of symptoms associated with concussion can be traced to the time of Hippocr\ ates; however, it was not until the twentieth century that symptoms were examined in scientific studies. The first studies of concussion in a sporting context were of boxers in the 1920s; studies identified the possible neurological effects of repetitive head trauma and dementia pugilistica later, literally meaning ‘dementia of a fighter’ (Martland, 1928; see also Geddes, Vowles, Robinson and Sutcliffe, 1996; Sait, 2013).

Pathologist Harrison Martland (1928) conducted post-mortem examinations in 23 cases and discovered neurological lesions in the brains of boxers. Martland is credited as having discovered ‘punch drunk syndrome’ in 1928. Between late 1930s and the late 1940s, with the growing recognition that this syndrome could be associated with other sports, the term progressive traumatic encephalopathy became the preferred term, leading to what is now described as chronic traumatic encephalopathy (CTE; Cantu, 2007; McKee et al., 2013). 94 Greenhow and GowthorpDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 In contemporary times, sports-related concussion, particularly in contact and collision sports, has become a common occurrence and commonly recognised as an inherent risk associated with participation. It is estimated that two to three players per team will suffer from concussion per season. Australian football injury surveillance data estimate the number of reported concussions to be six to seven per team per year (Orchard, Seward and Orchard, 2013; Richards, 2015a). Based on Magnusson and Opie’s (1995) classification system, the codes of Australian football, rugby league and rugby union are classified as contact sports, with the primary objective of scoring goals or tries. Contact sport has been described as ‘the mid- point between fighting and the milder sports’ (R v. Donovan, 1934, 2 KB 498). In the pursuit of the primary object, physical contact between participants is permitted and occurs continuously at a high impact and often at an aggressive level throughout the game. Soccer, on the other hand, is classified as a collision sport where direct physical contact between players is not permitted, but concussion is still an inherent or inevitable outcome (Magnusson and Opie, 1995). Football players in these contact and collision sports are at a high risk of sustaining concussive and sub-concussive injuries throughout their playing careers. 2 Clinical understandings of sports-related concussion Described as a ‘sacrosanct anatomical structure’, the brain is the epicentre of human behaviour and vitally important to the maintenance of long-term quality of life (Gardner, 2013). Altering the brain will in turn alter a person. Assessing the true extent of alterations to brain function in a living patient is not without its difficulties. Challenges – including those faced by earlier researchers whose experi- mental subjects included monkeys, heartless frogs and mice – are due to the very subjective nature of symptoms, which continue to hamper an accurate diagnosis in the twenty-first century (Dashnaw, Petraglia and Bailes, 2012; Gardner, 2013; Symonds, 1962). Concussion is a brain injury caused by a direct or indirect blow to the head, face, neck or other part of the body, with an impulsive force transmitted to the head, causing the brain to ‘slosh’ inside the skull and disturbing brain function (McCrory et al., 2013). Since Hippocrates, the definition of concussion has continued to evolve, aligning with scientific discoveries and technological advances in diagnostic methods. However, despite these advances, there remains no universally accepted definition of concussion, thus presenting a number of challenges and limitations to this field of study (McCrory, 2001; McCrory et al., 2013). Risks associated with the effects of sub-concussive injuries – blows to the head that do not meet the threshold for diagnosis as a concussion – are not fully understood (Dashnaw et al., 2012). For the purposes of this chapter, the term concussion will include both concussive and sub-concussive head trauma. A football player who has sustained a concussive or sub-concussive injury is thought to be at a greater risk of sustaining another injury if returned to play or practice before asymptomatic. Despite the evolving state of epidemiological Head injuries and concussion issues 95Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 certainty and developments in scientific knowledge, consensus in the medical literature is for conservative concussion management, which is critical to ensure that a player is not further exposed to brain trauma whilst being in an ‘injury- induced vulnerable state’ with a stepwise process for the management and return-to-play decisions (McCrory et al., 2013; Wojtys et al., 1999). In professional sports, time is a luxury; players face pressure to remain competitive and often are unable to allow the brain enough time to fully recover.

Moving towards consensus Collaboration across a number of international sporting federations and among medical experts with an interest in sports-related concussion first occurred in 2001 with the convening of the inaugural Concussion Conference in Vienna and the establishment of the Concussion in Sport Group (CISG). The symposium was organised by the governing body of the contact sport of ice hockey, the Inter national Ice Hockey Federation in partnership with FIFA and the International Olympic Committee. One of the aims of this conference was to provide recom mendations to improve the safety of those athletes who suffer concussive injuries in high-impact sports, such as ice hockey and football (Aubry, 2002). Since 2001, three other symposia have convened to revise the consensus statements issued by the CISG. Revisions were reflective of the evolving state of medical art and scientific knowledge. In 2012, the fourth International Con - ference of Concussion in Sport described injury constructs to include the rapid onset of short-lived impairment of neurological function that usually resolves spontaneously, but may evolve, and a graded set of clinical symptoms that may or may not involve loss of consciousness, some of which may be prolonged (McCrory et al., 2013).

Symptoms and sequelae The latent nature of concussion and the subjective elements of its sequelae contri - bute greatly to the difficulties associated with measuring the nature and scope of the risks it presents. One of the areas of complexity involves the plethora of symptoms and variability of the presentation of these symptoms. A list of symptoms and the differing clinical manifestations in sports-related concussion was developed at the first meeting of the CISG in 2001. In 2012, this list was expanded to include 22 possible symptoms, as outlined in the Sport Concussion Assessment Tool (3rd ed.; McCrory et al., 2013). Symptoms are categorised as somatic (e.g., headaches), cognitive (e.g., fogginess) and emotional (e.g., mood lability). Physical signs include loss of consciousness, amnesia, behavioural changes such as irritability and cognitive impairment, such as slowed reaction times and sleep disturbance (McCrory et al., 2013). However, loss of consciousness is not a precursor to a diagnosis of concussion. To make diagnosis more complex, the symptoms can evolve and those that present in the first few minutes can differ from those presenting many hours 96 Greenhow and GowthorpDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 later, and beyond (Meeuwisse, 2013). Each case is different owing to an evolving and variable range of symptoms and their sequelae.If managed properly, symptoms in 80 to 90 per cent of adult patients resolve in a short period, typically seven to ten days (McCrory et al., 2013). The more complex cases are those in which symptoms continue beyond this timeframe.

However, as described, if concussion is not managed properly, there is a greater risk of further injury or serious damage due to the brain being in an injury-induced vulnerable state. It is this vulnerability that supports the requirement for physical and cognitive rest until the patient is asymptomatic (Wojtys et al., 1999). It is difficult to determine when a patient is asymptomatic, given to the absence of a visible marker, so either a routine MRI or CT scan may be of limited diagnostic value (McCrory et al., 2013). 3Currently, the science is evolving to develop a reliable diagnostic method or tool to determine when a patient is asymptomatic.

Typically, symptoms are more commonly identified in the first instance through the use of neuropsychological tests such as the Sport Concussion Assessment Tool. Chronic traumatic encephalopathy (CTE) and concussion CTE is caused by repetitive brain trauma…. The number or type of hits to the head needed to trigger degenerative changes is unknown…. It is likely that other factors, such as genetics, may play a role in the development of CTE, as not everyone with a history of repeated brain trauma develops this disease. However, these other factors are not yet understood. (Boston University CTE Center, n.d.-a, para. 2) Perhaps one of the most contentious issues in medical literature about sports- related concussion is the nature and extent of the association between repetitive concussive/sub-concussive injuries and CTE. As previously indicated, what is now known as CTE was first discovered in boxers in 1928. CTE is a progressive and degenerative disease of the brain. It has been linked to a history of repetitive concussion, triggering progressive degeneration of the brain tissue and leading to the build-up of abnormal tau protein. Brain degeneration is associated with memory loss, confusion, impaired judgment, paranoia, impulse control problems, aggression, depression and, eventually, progressive dementia (Boston University CTE Center, n.d.-b). Over the past decade, public awareness of CTE has heightened following reports in the United States, where researchers have found a high incidence of CTE in former NFL players. This has subsequently led to a class action suit from retired players against the NFL. At the 2009 Congressional Hearing on NFL Player Head Injuries, the Director of the Boston University CTE Center, Dr. Ann McKee provided testimony based on her research on the nature of CTE and concussion and relationship to engagement in American football (Legal Issues Relating to Football, 2009, 2010). McKee’s testimony included references to 11 cases involving Head injuries and concussion issues 97Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 professional and college footballers, all of which, in her opinion, had exhibited clear evidence of CTE. Her testimony included reference to her observations during her 23-year career, where she had examined ‘thousands of brains, from individuals of all walks of life, of all ages’, concluding that she had ‘only seen this unique pattern with this severity in individuals with repetitive head trauma, and that has included football as well as boxing’ (Legal Issues Relating to Football, 2009, 2010, p. 154).Since the 2009 Congressional Hearing, a ‘brain bank’ has been established to undertake post-mortem examinations to determine the prevalence of CTE.

McKee et al.(2013) reported that post-mortem examinations of 34 out of 35 former professional American football players had shown clear evidence of CTE.

The first Australian case of CTE was reported in February 2014 when a diagnosis was reported by the CTE Centre in the post-mortem examination of a 79-year- old former rugby union player (‘Brain Disease CTE’, 2014). CTE has been identified as a medical condition qualifying for compensati\ on under the NFL court-ordered settlement in the United States, yet the nature, extent, and scope of the long-term risk is an area that has polarised views in the scientific research community. In 2012, the CISG, in the fourth Consensus State - ment, indicated that the ‘cause and effect relationship’ between CTE and concussions or exposure to contact sport had not been demonstrated (McCrory et al., 2013, p. 258). The CISG also observed that ‘the speculation that repeated con - cuss ion or sub-concussive impact causes CTE remains unproven’ (emphasis added) (McCrory et al., 2013, p. 258). In summary, there are, and continue to be, significant differences of opinion regarding the association between the cumulative effects of sports-related concussion and CTE. Despite these differences, legal vulnerabilities have been exposed in court proceedings testing the roles and responsibilities of sports managers and administrators.

Legal vulnerability associated with sports-related concussion This part of the chapter will examine the allegations made against the NFL, the NHL, and FIFA and the potential legal issues pertaining to negligence in the context of the role of the governing body. These issues are highlighted in the case studies involving players who sued for negligence associated with sports-related con cussion. Albeit allegations, the case studies highlight legal vulnerabilities and have led to monumental changes within the management of sports-related concussion and associated policies. Sport does not operate in a ‘law-free zone’ and is not a protected domain or immune from issues associated with harmful conduct against others. In the Australian High Court decision of Agar v. Hyde (2000), Justice Callinan referred to rugby union as a ‘notoriously dangerous sport’ and considered it reasonable to assume that an adult football player was expected to know that there was a risk of injury and a reasonable likelihood of being subjected to fierce, deliberate and harm ful contact within the parameters of the rules of the game. In the context of football, depending on the particular code and the playing position, players are at 98 Greenhow and GowthorpDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 risk of sustaining concussive and sub-concussive injuries across their playing careers (Orchard et al., 2013; Richards, 2015a). Despite these obvious and inherent risks associated with participating in contact and collision sports, the primary focus of this chapter is on more latent risks – those risks associated with the consequences of mismanaging concussion and the exposure to the risk of more serious and long- lasting damage. A concern for the sport manager and the organisation is the potential for litigation and allegation of negligence in failing to provide a safe environment for their players.

Sports-related concussion litigation With debate around CTE and football continuing in the medical and scientific research communities, legal proceedings were initiated in 2011 in the United States to test the legal vulnerabilities surrounding the issue of sports-related concussion.

An Australian court has yet to test the legal vulnerabilities associated with the mismanagement of sports-related concussion. However, it is possible to draw from allegations made in recent litigation claims, primarily from the United States, based on the tort of negligence against the sports’ governing body, the national sporting organisations, the employer club, the team doctor, and the school administrator. Claims against a sport governing body and administrator. The NFL, the NHL, and FIFA have all been sued in respect to their roles as sports administrators responsible for sports-related concussion. The first claim against the NFL was filed in July 2011 in Vernon Maxwell v. National Football League et al., with many claims following, involving an estimated 5,000 players. The claims were consolidated on 31 January 2012. Case Study 1 outlines the facts of the case, the central allegations and the terms of the medical monitoring and compensation settlement for brain injuries allegedly caused by head impacts experienced in NFL football. Case Study 1: The NFL. The central allegation against the NFL in the court proceedings issued since 2011 was that it owed, and failed to discharge, a duty of care to protect players from the hazards of head knocks and repetitive concussions sustained during their playing careers. In some cases, allegations of fraudulent concealment of information were made, with accusations of inherent conflicts of interest in the way the NFL-funded scientific research was managed. The NFL’s initial response was a vehement denial of the allegations that it knew and concealed the risks associated with repetitive concussion – a position it has maintained throughout proceedings. An early chapter in the NFL’s concussion narrative began in 2002 when Dr.

Bennet Omalu, a forensic pathologist in Pittsburgh, conducted a routine autopsy on the body of deceased NFL footballer and subsequently published the paper entitled ‘Chronic Traumatic Encephalopathy in a National Football League Player’ (Omalu et al., 2005). The response from the NFL was immediate. They denied the validity of the research, dismissing the suggested link by Omalu et al. (2005), and published the results of their own research, concluding that in their view, there was no increased risk of repetitive concussion in football. Some suggested that the NFL Head injuries and concussion issues 99Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 embarked upon a campaign to minimise the issue by discrediting the quality of the emerging independent research (Heiner, 2012). The debate that ensued polarised both the football and scientific communities. Allegations of conflict and competing interests were also made against the NFL.With the body of independent scientific research questioning the link between repetitive concussions and football, forensic journalists continued in their pursuit of the NFL, with the media applying the moniker ‘a concussion crisis’. In 2009 and 2010, a Congressional Hearing was convened to investigate the actions of the NFL and to test the substance of the allegations that the NFL was putting commercial interests ahead of its players’ health and welfare. Coincidentally, the NFL undertook significant reforms within its sport, following the Congressional Hearings. These reforms included rule changes that were aimed to make the game safer, develop - ment of mandatory return-to-play directives, and a strong commitment to fund more research, acknowledging this as a serious issue. The NFL, after detailed public examination at the Congressional Hearing, was heavily criticised for failing to regulate its sport for and in the best interests of its players and the public ( Legal Issues Relating to Football, 2009, 2010). Litigation was commenced against the NFL, with the first claim filed in July 2011 that involved 75 retired NFL players. Within a relatively short period of time, 252 other complaints were filed against the NFL that represented over 4,800 NFL players. The common allegation made by the complainants was that the NFL owed a duty of care to protect its players – to inform, educate and warn players about the possible links of football to CTE (Easterling et al. v. National Football League, 2011; Evans et al. v. National Football League, 2012; Vernon Maxwell v. National Football League et al., 2011). These allegations were based on the NFL’s primary role as rule- maker in the sport of American football. Following the Congressional Hearing, and perhaps influenced by the con - cussion litigation, the NFL has continued to take reformative steps by engaging in open self-regulation, permeable to government, stakeholder, and community expectations. Examples include the provision of unrestricted research funds to support concussion medical research, support of youth concussion legislation across each state within the United States, and collaboration with the U.S. military by working on common platforms of concussion and head injuries, both in footballand the military. Rule changes have been made to fundamentally prevent, manage, and treat players who sustain concussion and head injuries during play and training. Inde - pendent neurologists have been assigned to games to add an additional layer of scrutiny to a team doctor diagnosis and return-to-play decisions. In 2012, the NFL announced a US $30 million commitment to support independent studies of neuro logical diseases, representing a sign of the commitment to meet high gover - nment, stakeholder, and community expectations. In July 2014, a mediated settlement of the NFL concussion litigation was reached between the parties and finally approved by the court in May 2015. The large part of NFL’s settlement involved an unrestricted Injury Compensation Fund 100 Greenhow and GowthorpDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 to pay monetary awards to retired NFL players (which currently includes approx- imately 21,000 eligible former players) who show symptoms of severe cognitive impairment, dementia, Alzheimer’s disease, CTE, or amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (ALS).The settlement is monumental, both in terms of quantum and significance, despite being wrapped in the usual ‘no admission of liability’ packaging and justified on a basis of the immediate needs of the claimants and the des\ ire to avoid protracted and expensive litigation. Therefore, the question of whether the NFL breached its duties referred to in the litigation remains moot. In August 2014, a number of amateur soccer players and parents sued FIFA as the sport’s governing body, together with the U.S. Soccer Federation, the U.S.

Youth Soccer Association, American Youth Soccer Organisation, the U.S. Club Soccer and the California Youth Soccer Association. Case Study 2 outlines allegations against FIFA and other soccer administrators in the United States in the case of Mehr et al. v. Fédération Internationale de Football Association et al. (2014).

Case Study 2: FIFA, U.S. soccer and other soccer administrators. Proceedings were filed in the United States against FIFA and a number of other sporting associations in the organisational hierarchy responsible for the management of concussion in youth soccer in the United States (Mehr et al. v. Fédération Internationale de Football Association et al., 2014). Two former junior soccer players and three parents have brought the complaint seeking class action certification. Unlike the NFL and NHL litigation, which involved allegations of mismanagement at the professional level, the FIFA proceedings involve claims of mismanaging concussion at the junior level and alleging that FIFA had a duty to protect players at all playing levels. The allegations include failure by the governing authorities responsible for soccer in the United States to take the appropriate steps to reduce concussion- related injuries. The FIFA complaint relies heavily on the consensus statements issued by the CISG (McCrory et al., 2013) and academic publications seeking to establish the state of the medical art and science at the relevant times (Mehr et al. v.

Fédération Internationale de Football Association et al., 2014). The FIFA complaint alleges negligence against the governing body and organi- sations within the junior soccer hierarchy for failing to educate and warn players, disclose risks, promulgate rules, and concealing and misrepresenting important facts (Mehr et al. v. Fédération Internationale de Football Association et al., 2014). This com - plaint alleges that the defendants knew or ought to have known of the dangers associated with concussion by heading the ball or attempting to head the ball.

Comparisons have been made to other sports where changes to the rules were made to minimise the risk associated with concussion. The central allegation here is that the defendants failed to take the necessary steps to alter the rules and that this failure caused the injuries to the claimants. Further, this complaint alleges a breach of a voluntary undertaking by each defendant that it assumed the role of supervisor, regulator, monitor, and provider of appropriate rules to minimise the risk of injury. Unlike the NFL and NHL litigation, the FIFA complaint is not seeking monetary damages, but rather changes Head injuries and concussion issues 101Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 to align concussion management policies to those of other sports. It is also seeking medical monitoring to detect the manifestation of post-injury symptoms (Mehr et al. v. Fédération Internationale de Football Association et al., 2014).

Case study discussion points and key themes. The following threshold issue is raised in light of the case studies presented above. Who is ultimately responsible for the design, implementation, and enforcement of rules around sports-related concussion? If it is the role and responsibility of the sport’s governing body, the following questions arise from the case studies:

1 Did the governing body know or ought to have known that participants who sustained repetitive concussive events, sub-concussive events, and/or brain injuries were at significantly greater risk for chronic neurological diseases and disabilities during their playing careers or later in life?

2 Did the governing body assume a voluntary duty of care through the creation of its concussion management programmes and policies to inform its players of the risks of concussive events, sub-concussive events, and/or brain injuries?

3 Did the governing body actively and purposely conceal information from its players regarding the severe risks of concussive events, sub-concussive events, and/or brain injuries?

4 Do sport administrators owe duty of care to protect players and inform, educate, and warn them about CTE in light of the evolving science in this area?

Another high profile sport and governing body was sued in a case similar to that of the NFL concussion cases. In November 2013, proceedings were issued against the NHL by a number of retired professional ice hockey players (Leeman et al. v.

National Hockey League et al., 2014). Further claims have been filed and now consol- idated into one action. The litigation has yet to be finalised, with the NHL seeking unsuccessfully to dismiss the action. The regulator of American football at the collegiate level, the National Colle - giate Athletic Association, was sued in 2011 for allegedly breaching its duty of care owed to college football players in the United States (Arrington et al. v. National Collegiate Athletic Association, 2011). A settlement of US$70 million for medical monitoring was reached in 2014, but it has yet to be approved. The clubs employing the players have also been sued in legal proceedings with allegations of mismanaging concussion and causing harm to former professional players as employees. In 2013, the Kansas City Chiefs NFL club was sued by former players in Cooper et al. v. Kansas City Chiefs Football Club, Inc. (2013). Shortly after this claim was filed, proceedings were issued by former players against NFL team, the Arizona Cardinals, in Green v. Arizona Cardinals Football Club LLC. These claims have yet to be finalised. Claims against other parties. In 2000, a former professional football player sued the team doctor for negligence in failing in his duty of care owed to the player when 102 Greenhow and GowthorpDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 sustaining multiple concussions while playing in the NFL (Hoge v. Munsell,2002).

More recently, a claim was filed against a high school and hospital in Dublin, by a former student, alleging mismanagement of sports-related concussion in school rugby union. The primary litigation involving the rule-makers has also led to a series of consequential litigation involving insurance companies and questions around indemnity claims. Insurers and the NFL and the NHL have also been involved in litigation, in attempts to define responsibility for indemnifying against the risks referred to in the NFL litigation (see, for example, Dolmetsch, 2014; TIG Insurance Co. v National Hockey League, 2014). There is yet to be a court ruling on the specific roles and responsibilities around the regulation of sports-related concussion. Despite the absence of a clear precedent, the legal claims that have been issued demonstrate that there are genuine legal vulnerabilities and risks associated with the mismanagement of con cussion in a sporting context. Litigation in and of itself only provides recom - pense to those directly involved in proceedings or captured through class action certifications. However, what can be inferred from the litigation is that at the very least, a sport manager will need to ensure that formal concussion policies and protocols are in place, with active enforcement, compliance policies, and preventive measures for the long-term good of the sport and well-being of participants.

Regulation and governance in Australia Within the Australian context, allegations such as those contained in the NFL, FIFA, and NHL litigation would likely constitute a novel case and would very much depend on the particular circumstances and merits of each case. An overarch - ing consideration is whether, at the relevant time, reasonable care was taken to protect and enhance the safety of participants in the sport. This would also require a determination of whether concussion protocols reflected the state of medical art and scientific knowledge in sports medicine at the particular time. From a regulatory perspective, questions arise concerning the implementation and enforce ment of the protocols by sport governing bodies, requiring appropriate and consistent sanctions for non-compliance. There are relatively few cases in Australia involving claims for personal injuries sustained in contact or collision sport, and only a small number of cases involving claims directly against the sports administrators in failing to protect participants (Agar v. Hyde, 2000; Green v. County Rugby Football League of NSW, 2008; Haylen v. New South Wales Rugby Union Ltd., 2002). There are no cases that examine legal responsibility of a governing body in Australia in relation to sports-related con - cussion and negligence involving claims for personal injuries suffered by a professional player. At the elite level, compensation associated with career-ending concussive injuries have, thus far, been determined in accordance with the terms of the player contract and the collective bargaining agreements. 4 Head injuries and concussion issues 103Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 This chapter does question the role of sport managers in regard to player health and safety. Operating within a self-regulated system, governing bodies are expected to promulgate rules to ensure their sport is safe. The nature and effect of these rules and the methods of self-regulation by the governing body are of vital importance to preserve the integrity of the sport. As a rule-maker, the governing body also has a responsibility to ensure that rules reflect the current safety standards and that they are modified to reflect the current health practices, and enforced consistently and vigorously to achieve the objectives of providing a safe sport system for all partic- ipants at every level. The relationship between the governing body and the participant needs to be examined when considering the existence of a duty of care and when evaluating where the responsibility lies with respect to the prevention and management of sports-related concussions. At the professional level, this will depend upon the varying degrees of influence and practical control over aspects of the particular sport, clubs, and players. Apart from the CISG medical diagnostic tool, the SCAT3, there is currently no standard or uniform management policy or government-mandated concussion policy for implementation within and across sport. The only policies available are guidelines developed by those within the self-regulated system, such as those designed and implemented by the individual governing bodies including the National Rugby League and the Australian Football League (AFL). To demonstrate the role of the sport’s governing body, the AFL is the rule-maker and principal controller in the promotion, organisation, and regulation of Australian football (for more details, see the AFL Annual Report; AFL, 2014a). It has the exclusive authority to grant licences and rights to participate in the competition and has the power to design, implement and enforce policies, rules and promulgates the Laws of the Game. The standard player contract in the AFL is a triparted agreement among the AFL, a licensed club and a player, with the club recognised as the employer of the player, but the governing body exerting a significant degree of influence over the playing environment. Therefore, who is ultimately responsible for mandating compulsory concussion regulation and enforcement within this sport?

Currently, the AFL’s concussion policy is focused on medical diagnosis and the medical management of a player’s concussive injury. A number of changes in response to concerns about potential long-term effects of concussion have been made within the sport. These include the introduction of rule changes to protect the head, a standard concussion assessment tool and new concussion substitutes rules (AFL, 2014b). But the question remains, who is responsible for regulating the concussion changes and what, if any, are the consequences for clubs or players not adhering to the changes in policy? The ultimate rule-maker is either the international or national governing body for the particular sport. The organisation is in the best position, as rule-maker, to take responsibility and provide clear guidelines and policies in relation to the management of concussion within their sport, while also adhering to a national or international standard of concussion management practices. However, a national or international standard has yet to be developed. 104 Greenhow and GowthorpDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 Ethical considerations Sports-related concussion raises numerous medical and legal issues, but is it funda - mentally an ethical issue? Does a governing body have an ethical obligation as custodian or ‘guardian’ of the game to protect participants across all playing levels? 5 The important health benefits associated with participation link sport and society. 6 Sport is a neutral instrument itself, but societies often expect it to produce champ - ions and elite athletes, and thus encourage mass participation for the health and development of communities (Greenhow and East, 2014). Society also typi cally expects through this process that risk assessments will be made on a continuum of benefit/harm to public interests.

The provision of a safe sporting environment?

Sports-related concussion should be considered in a social context and not taken lightly by the management of sport governing bodies. Across all playing levels, there is an expectation that a safe sporting environment will be provided to all participants, regardless of age or ability. At the community level, parents, caregivers, and families allow their children to participate in sport and entrust others to provide and enforce rules that support and promote a safe sporting environment. The sustainability and future success of professional sport is said to be heavily dependent on the partici- pation of children from a young age, with the children of today being said to be the ‘stars and fans of tomorrow’ (Cornelius and Singh, 2011, p. 294). Children have a right to protection and should be afforded the full opportunity to play, which promotes their general development and well-being (U.N. General Assembly Reso - lution 45/25; U.N. International Charter of Physical Education and Sport, 1978). At the professional level, the risk of concussion has been viewed, to some extent, as an occupational hazard when perusing the objectives of the game – a dangerous occupation, considered, by some, to be analogous to soldiers in armed conflict or police officers on duty. 7There are, however, significant and obvious differences, not the least of which is the underlying motivation for entering the occupation and the safety net provided by a state-regulated compensation regime to protect against the short- and long-term impact of work-related injuries. Drawing from sports management literature, the financial and non-financial investments made in sport places higher levels of expectations on those who ultimately regulate it (Sherry, Shilbury and Wood, 2007). The commercialisation of sport has created a heightened expectation and duty on the governing body to maximise safety and reduce injury risk across all levels of participation. Assessed on the basis of having significant public benefit, the Australian Sports Commission directs government funding and support to national sporting organisations. 8As publicly funded non-government organisations, the public expects that sporting organisations will allocate and responsibly utilise resources to promote policies that enhance a safe sporting system. Arguably, this includes investment in research and education regarding important safety issues in sport. Head injuries and concussion issues 105Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 Costs associated with concussion Incidence rates of concussive and sub-concussive injuries are high. So too are related health care costs to treat these injuries. According to Finch, Clapperton, and McCrory (2013), there were 47,450 hospitalisations resulting from sports-related concussions over a nine-year period, costing the Victorian community around A$20 million annually. In addition to health care costs, there are also other costs associated with concussions due to decreased productivity. Although difficult to quantify and measure, the Australian Sports Commission has identified that these additional costs arise from time lost to employment, education and home activities, future sporting activities, and long-term physical, psychological and/or emotional damage (Richards, 2015b).

The national governing body as custodian Within the Australian context, sport governing bodies are responsible for the long- term development and sustainability of their particular sport, providing a wide range of public benefits through a self-funding business model. It is expected that a significant portion of revenue will be allocated towards enhancing, promoting, and developing sport for all Australians both at the national and grassroots level (Coalition of Major Professional and Participation Sports, 2013).Sport governing bodies occupy a unique position of control in the democratic process, particularly when performing the crucial function of rule-maker. It is this element of control that arguably justifies a responsibility to a broader constituency in order to ensure that their actions are of a sufficient standard to meet community expectations and, moreover, to evaluate the tensions that might arise in reconciling competing interests from the range of stakeholders. It is fair to assume that the public has a heightened expectation that governing bodies will effectively utilise appropriate regulatory and governance tools when faced with problems that have associated ‘public interest’ elements and be more permeable to external influences. The ‘cascade-effect’ of decisions made by the governing body and how these decisions are implemented at the elite level of professional sports have a significant impact on community and grassroots sport. In 1994, the Head and Neck Injury Panel of the Australian National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC, 1994) published a report identifying concussion as an important issue in the four professional codes of football. The report identified illegal play as being as a major contributor to head injuries and recognised the importance of ‘example-setting’ by strongly recommending that illegal conduct be ‘severely punished’. 9The expect - ation would be consistent enforcement and sanctions for non-compliance. Cultural ‘machismo’ In identifying the distinguishing features of elite athletes, Murthy, Dwyer, and Bosco (2012) described professional players as unique patients with an inherent 106 Greenhow and GowthorpDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 ‘will to win’; they are driven to perform and pursue the extremes of physical capacity in order to compete. Long-term health impacts are sometimes regarded as a secondary consideration. Another dimension arises in male-dominated team sport, which is described as the ‘machismo’ effect – a form of societal glorification of footballers, whereby participation in sport sets the boundaries for masculine behaviour and hierarchy, thus relegating personal health and safety as secondary issues (Hecht, 2002). When suffering injury such as a concussion, a player will face the pressure and the desire to return to the game as soon as possible. This is exactly where the ethical dilemma arises and where the strength of the concussion manage ment policies and the resolve of the governing body will be tested (Panahi, 2014).

Conclusion Until recent times, there has been little collaboration in sport for concussion management. 10Each respective football code has responded in different ways, at differ ent times, and is subject to its organisational structures to make rule changes and to develop strategies for the enforcement and compliance of concussion policies. In 1994, the NHMRC recommendations suggested a coordinated and con sistent approach across the codes on matters pertaining to concussion manage ment, pre - vention, research, and education. Opportunities for cross-sport collaboration were identified, particularly in the area of data collection and research funding initiatives, but much more remains to be done in these areas (NHMRC, 1994). Sport governing bodies should be driving the concussion agenda and should integrate mechanisms to ensure that community expectations are met by making their respective sport safer for all participants. Initially, the quest for scientific certainty appears to have been the platform upon which decision-makers have relied, which ultimately may have delayed measures aimed at reducing risk in contact and collision sports. Without disputing the importance of the scientific and medical dimensions of sports-related concussion, other perspectives are important.

Doherty (2012) explained that concussion in sport includes many other per - spectives including social and cultural, legal, regulatory, governance and marketing perspectives, to name a few. The legal perspective gained momentum with the filing of the concussion litigation in the United States in 2011. This litigation (and the final settlement of the class action litigation) exposed potential \ legal vulnera- bilities of sport governing bodies. In recent times, and perhaps motivated by the experiences of the NFL in the United States, the issue has moved higher up the risk agenda ladder. Despite jurisdictional differences, U.S. concussion litigation serves as a valuable case study of both private and public expectations regarding the role of the governing body as custodian or guardian. Upon reflection, the Congressional Hearing appeared to be the cornerstone of the NFL’s reconfigured response, and demonstrated that the power of public scrutiny still remains an important driver of change. When sports-related concussion is framed in a wider social context, social Head injuries and concussion issues 107Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 responsibility is equally applicable. It is this dimension that should be considered by all contact or collision sport administrators in the future design of sports-related concussion policies and regulations.

Notes 1 Dawn Astle, daughter of late Jeff Astle, former England and West Bromwich Albionsoccer player, died at age 59 from a brain trauma caused by repeatedly heading the ball (Webb, 2014).

2 Incidence rates of concussion have increased in Australian football due, in part, to the increased awareness and concussion management protocols implemented for the sport (see Orchard et al., 2013). The probability of concussion is estimated at approximately 1 in 7 (Richards, 2015).

3 Functional MRI scans can detect chemical changes in the brain, but these are not currently part of the routine assessment at the present time. PET scans are in the early stages of development.

4 An early case in the AFL involved the retirement of Dean Kemp and compensation payment for career-ending concussive injuries in 2001. Since that time, a number of other players have been awarded compensation for concussive injuries (Lane, 2011).

5 FIFA describes itself as ‘guardian’ of the game (Mehr et al. v. Fédération Internationale de Football Association et al., 2014).

6 In addition to the physical health benefits of sport participation, recent studies found that keeping adolescents in sport is fundamental to mental health. Adolescents who drop out of organised sport are 10 to 20 per cent more likely to be diagnosed with a mental health problem during the next three years than their peers who stay in organised sport. The Australian First Study uses sport to reduce depression and suicide rates in young men (‘Australian First Study’, 2014).

7 It is no coincidence that the NFL has partnered with the U.S. military to research the effects of traumatic brain injury. The International Professional Sports Concussion Research Think Tank included the U.S. military as part of the research collaboration (Hackney, 2014). The comparison drawn between war and sport was made by George Orwell (1945) when he compared serious sport to war, minus the shooting.

8 Established under the Australian Sports Commission Act 1989, the Australian Sports Commission is empowered to make grants, lend money, and provide scholarships or like benefits. The powers are outlined in s 8(1)(d) of the Australian Sports Commission Act 1989. An investment of A$134-million taxpayer dollars was made during the 2011– 2012 financial year (Australian Sports Commission, 2012).

9 An example of this can be found in NHMRC (1994) report whereby the power of the sport governing body to penalise illegal behaviour would reflect the severity of concussion.

10 The first Concussion in Sport conference was held in March 2013, where the four codes of football presented their approaches to concussion management.

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Globalisation features two main processes (Brannagan and Giulianotti, 2014). First, there is the increasing interconnectedness amongst nations and regions. The reach of social media, the global financial system, the proliferation of international gover n mental organisations and global cultural events (e.g., Olympics) all exem - plify this connectedness. Second, there is increasing recognition and under stand ing that the world is a single place, not a collection of disparate, independent nations.

Examples of this include international political diplomacy and the transnational environmental movement. These processes are reflected in Robertson’s (1992) assertion that globalisation is ‘both the compression of the world and the intensifi- cation of consciousness of the world as a whole’ (p. 8). Globalisation, and more specifically, the emergence of transnational corporations has profoundly impacted professional sports (Mason and Duquette, 2005). Within transnational corporations, also known as multinational enterprises or multina- tional corporations, the world is viewed as a single market. National corporations (e.g., McDonalds) have expanded internationally and today, are global in scope.

Sport appeals to consumers of transnational corporations with global strategic interests (Maguire, 1999). Foreign direct investment (FDI) is the controlling owner ship in a business in one country by an entity based in another country.

Increases in FDI have resulted in greater global economic integration (Baldwin and Martin, 1999). FDI is ‘the single most important factor contributing to theDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 globalization of the international economy’ (Henley, Kirkpatrick and Wilde, 1999, p. 223).Globalisation is not a one-way street. Glocalisation refers to ‘the processes and practices – some intended, others unintended – whereby the specificities of the local culture generatively interpenetrate the contingencies of global networks and flows’ (Andrews, Batts and Silk, 2014, p. 261). Within glocalisation, there is the presence of ‘both universalizing and particularizing tendencies’ and, by extension, ‘homogenization and heterogenization’ (Giulianotti and Robertson, 2007a, p. 134).

The terms glocal and glocalisation are used with different meanings in different academic disciplines (Giulianotti and Robertson, 2012). In marketing and business, glocalisation involves the adaptation of global commercial practices to better fit local markets. Here, at the global–local nexus, global or transnational corporations are said to negotiate local structures, regulations, and cultures (Kobayashi, 2012). In cultural studies, glocalisation is adaptation of global styles and trends to produce distinctive cultural movements and trends. Put simply, global and local are not dichotomous. Rather, local cultures can adapt and redefine global cultural products to suit their particular needs, beliefs, and customs (Robertson, 1995). For example, Huang (2013) argued that the NBA’s growing presence in China has ‘remoulded’ Chinese basketball and sport culture. Local resistance prevented a complete homogenisation of the Chinese professional basketball league. Instead, the NBA ‘accommodated and reconstructed indigenous norms’ (Huang, 2013, p. 267). Grobalisation refers to the ‘imperialistic ambitions of nations, corporations, organisations, and the like and their desire, indeed need, to impose themselves on various geographic areas’ (Ritzer, 2003, p. 192). The term implies that these entities grow their power, influence, and profitability. Sport is ‘one of the most dynamic, sociologically illuminating domains of global ization’ (Giulianotti and Robertson, 2004, p. 545). Globalisation of profes- sional sport is evidenced by the following:

1 international scouting and recruitment of talent, 2 broadcasting of games and other media content (online), 3 scheduling of games in foreign markets, 4 sales of team/player merchandise around the world, and 5 cross-border investing in team ownership.

International scouting and recruitment of talent The participation of foreign-born players in professional leagues is a strong symbol of globalisation (Chen, Gunter and Zhang, 2012). Player migration preceded other manifestations of globalisation in sport. As far back as the 1920s, professional football clubs in Europe recruited amateur South American footballers. Profession - alism would soon emerge in these South American countries. Professional sport organisations are recruiting more foreign athletes, especially from developing 116 Dickson and MalaiaDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 countries. These organisations establish academies in foreign countries or recruit foreign players from the transfer market. Clubs are motivated by a desire to recruit the best talent. Athletes are motivated by a desire to enhance their economic and social status.A consequence of this migration is an increase in competitive balance at the international level. For developing nations, their capacity is enhanced because their athletes are exposed to otherwise unavailable development opportunities. For established sporting nations, foreign players take the place of local players, thus restricting the opportunities for local athletes to develop into quality national-team athletes. Athlete salaries have increased because of the global demand for their services.

For example, Rugby Union players in Australia and New Zealand sell their services to the Australian Rugby Union and New Zealand Rugby Union, respectively. In more recent times, these organisations have had to compete with offers from profes- sional clubs in Japan and Europe. Many athletes have migrated to Middle Eastern countries, lured by financial incentives and the opportunity to participate in World Championships and the Olympics. For instance, foreign-born players with Qatari citizenship comprised more than two-thirds of the Qatar’s 16-man squad at the 2015 World Championships. While Qatar’s team selection conformed to the rules, there was considerable debate regarding whether it was in the spirit of competition.

Whether it is individual or team sports, national and international sport organi- sations have well-defined policies on citizenship and eligibility. Athletes become eligible to represent another country through normal citizenship processes, resid - ence, and family history (i.e., birthplace of parents and/or grandparents).

Broadcasting and media Maguire (2011) described elite sport competitions as ‘global media spectacles’ (p.

965). Whilst globalisation was in effect prior to the advent of the Internet and associated technologies, these technologies heralded a massive acceleration and strengthening of globalisation and professional sport. For Falcous and Maguire (2006,), global sport is inseparable from global media. Similarly, sport is a key strategic platform for global media organisations (Grainger and Andrews, 2005).

The global broadcasting of leagues such as the NBA or English Premier League (EPL) exemplify the transnationalisation of local sport (Grainger and Andrews, 2005). Media globalisation ‘necessitates deconstructing the national boundaries of sport’ (Chung, Hwang and Won, 2015, p. 484). Under the heading ‘World’s Most Watched League’, the EPL website proclaims that the EPL is broadcast into 212 territories, a number which exceeds the member states of the United Nations. EPL matches are broadcast in a variety of languages:

English, Arabic, French, Mandarin, Cantonese, Japanese, Mongolian, Korean, Indonesian, Malay, Burmese, Thai, Vietnamese, Hindi, Spanish, Portuguese, German, Azerbaijani, Russian, Dutch, Bosnian, Serbian, Croatian, Bulgarian, Greek, Czech, Danish, Estonian, Finnish, Georgian, Hungarian, Icelandic, Hebrew, Italian, Globalisation and professional sport 117Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 Albanian, Latvian, Lithuanian, Montenegrin, Norwegian, Polish, Romanian, Slovak, Slovene, Swedish, Turkish and Ukrainian.Though not necessarily global in their reach, other professional sports leagues are broadcast into other geographic markets. The Brazilian Championship and the São Paulo Regional Championship are broadcast throughout Asia and Europe.

Both the São Paulo and the Brazilian championships have scheduled games as early as 11:00 a.m. local time to accommodate the demands of Chinese broadcasters. The global broadcasting of professional sport has been fuelled by the Internet and related digital technologies. There are many websites offering online broadcasts live. These can be broadcast to television or to mobile devices (e.g., phones or tablets) and can be either legally or illegally distributed. The same technologies that have allowed for broadcasting have underpinned the availability of news (from traditional news organisations). Websites for professional teams are global in their reach and are often available in multiple languages. Social media allows fans from all corners of the globe to interact on matters of mutual interest. Technologies such as Twitter and Instagram allow fans to communicate with players. In summary, the broadcasting of live games worldwide and other media content is modifying sports globally and the way that spectators can watch and interact with their favourite organisation or player. There are almost no limits for a sports fan. One can watch almost any kind of sport live in any part of the world. All one needs is an Internet connection.

Scheduling of games in foreign markets Many organisations have responded to globalisation by increasing the international scope of their sales activity and developing an international network of subsidiaries (Bowen, Baker and Powell, 2015). Discontent with the mere broadcasting of games into other countries, sport organisations are scheduling events in foreign markets. No single theory can explain the full complexity of international expansion (Akhter and Machado, 2014). The resource-based view of the firm suggests that firms internationalise when they possess resources that enable them to present a value proposition to a market that local suppliers cannot easily match (Barney, 1991). Industrial-organisational theory suggests that internationalisation occurs because firms capitalise on product and market factor imperfections (Akhter and Machado, 2014). When expanding internationally, transaction cost analysis considers what combination of asset specificity and environmental uncertainty will dictate the firm’s decision to either internalise operations or use markets. In addition to the above, psychic distance – or the cultural and business gap between the home market and foreign market – is also important (Evans and Mavondo, 2002). International expansion is clearly evident within Formula 1 (F1). F1 was traditionally a Western European sport (Gezici and Er, 2014). Since 2000, the circuit has expanded considerably. In 2015, more than half the races were held outside Europe. F1 expansion is driven by the emergence of new economies in Asia and the Middle East. F1 has employed a two-tier approach: (a) promoting native drivers and 118 Dickson and MalaiaDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 (b) awarding an event to a host nation (Jensen, Cobbs and Groza, 2014). Tennis, another traditionally Western sport, has also expanded its international footprint.

Shanghai replaced Hamburg as host of a Masters 1000 tournament, and Rio de Janeiro replaced Memphis as a host of an ATP 500 tourna ment. Non-ATP events, popularly known as exhibition events, are played in New Delhi and Kuala Lumpur.

Mixed martial arts (MMA), has its roots in United States, Brazil, and Japan.

Nowadays, the most important MMA event producer is Ultimate Fighting Champ - ion ship (UFC). UFC once focused on the American market, but now also produces events in Canada, Mexico, Brazil, England, Germany, Russia, Japan and the United Arab Emirates. In 2008, the EPL proposed playing a ‘39th Game’, whereby clubs would play a competitive match in international cities. Cities would pay for the privilege of hosting these matches. The extra match is important, as it would not reduce the number of matches available for local fans. FIFA strongly opposed the initiative; additionally, other football associations expressed concern and local fan response was ‘almost unanimously negative’ (Rookwood and Chan, 2011, p. 906). The initiative was not pursued, but has still not been dismissed by the EPL (‘Premier League Chief Scudamore’, 2014). This initiative should not be confused with friendly or pre-season matches. EPL clubs have been playing these for many years.

The Premier League Asian Trophy – the only Premier League-affiliated com - petition to have been held outside of England – is a more formalised pre-season tournament. Four EPL teams participate in the biennial competition. In 2014, the Spanish La Liga and the Spanish government’s sports agency initiated the LFP World Challenge. The aim is to promote the brand ‘Spain’ through sport. La Liga teams play friendly matches in Europe, North and South America, and Asia.

Sales of team/player merchandise around the world In addition to scheduling matches in and broadcasting into distant markets, sport organisations have also been licensing their logos and names all over the world.

Licensing conveys the right to use another organisation’s intellectual properties for commercial purposes (Fullerton, 2010). Licensed products can be found in a number of sectors including entertainment, movies, and fashion. Sports licensing covers licensing of teams’ or leagues’ trademarks such as logos, symbols, and images of team players. These items are owned by sports properties (licensors) that lease the rights to licensees in return for royalties. These logos are applied to various products or merchandise (Kwak, Kwon and Lim, 2015). For licensors, licensing provides opportunity for both revenue generation and brand awareness. For consumers, the consumption of team-licensed merchandise reflects team identifi- cation (Menefee and Casper, 2011). The net effect of team-licensed merchandise is a strengthening of the fan–team relationship (Fisher and Wakefield, 1998). Licensed merchandise provides opportunities for people to feel part of a brand and/or consumption community (Hedlund, 2014), no matter how geographically remote they may be from the point of attachment. Globalisation and professional sport 119Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 In 2014, the NBA partnered with Jabong, an Indian fashion and lifestyle e- commerce portal, to create the first NBA online store in India. A number of teams and leagues have also entered into a similar arrangement with Alibaba, the Chinese e-commerce giant. In 2007, São Paulo FC, one of the major professional football teams in Brazil, signed a three-year agreement with Warner Bros. Consumer Products. They developed more than 100 licensed products to sell in Brazil and other non-Brazilian markets. Cross-border investing in team ownership The final manifestation of globalisation and sport is the cross-border ownership of professional sport teams. This cross-border ownership is a clear manifestation of FDI controlling ownership in a business enterprise in one country by an entity based in another country. FDI promotes knowledge transfer, fills savings gaps, creates jobs, improves technology, increases the quantity and the quality of capital, and adds to competition in domestic markets (Jones and Cook, 2015). Despite the view that FDI generates spillovers that benefit local firms in the host country, research on this topic has yielded mixed results: positive effects, negative effects, marginal effects and nonlinear relationships (Yi, Chen, Wang and Kafouros, 2015). The authors concluded that the occurrence and magnitude of FDI spillovers are contingent upon many factors, and that positive FDI effects are never guaranteed. Multinational corporations look for markets with economic growth, evidence of other FDIs to take advantage of agglomeration effects, and impeccable levels of physical infrastructure development (Jakobsen, Solberg, Halvorsen and Jakobsen, 2012). Cross-border ownership of professional sport teams is clearly evident in the EPL. By 2015, EPL teams were in the minority: 11 of the 20 clubs were in foreign hands. Nauright and Ramfjord (2010) outlined three factors underpinning the ‘explosion’ (p. 431) of foreign ownership within the EPL. The first involves the increased value of selling licensed products and television broadcasts internationally.

Second, the economic structure of the EPL teams allows for majority owners, unlike other European countries where only minority holdings have been allowed.

Third, there are opportunities for cross-marketing sporting brands and other products in large-scale investment portfolios. The cross-border ownership of professional sport teams can be divided into two types. The first is a diversification acquisition. In these circumstances, a company purchases a controlling interest in another to expand its product and service offerings. This type of acquisition allows the acquiring organisation to operate in a fundamentally different type of business. For example, Russian businessman and oligarch Roman Abramovich purchased a controlling interest in Chelsea FC after making a considerable fortune in other industries, namely manufacturing, oil, and aluminium. Similarly, Red Bull, the Austrian-based energy drink manufacturer, has purchased or established football teams in the United States, Brazil, Ghana, and Germany, as well as an ice hockey team in Germany.

120 Dickson and MalaiaDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 The second type of cross-border ownership is when a sport organisation acquires a financial interest in another sport organisation. The City Football Group – more popularly known as Manchester City – established the New York City Football Club and became the twentieth Major League Soccer team. City Football Group acquired 80 per cent of the Melbourne Heart, which was immediately rebranded as Melbourne City, and acquired a minority share in the J-League’s Yokohama F. Marinos. The geographic complexity is further complicated, given that City Football Group is a holding company under the Abu Dhabi United Group. Despite the growth of cross-border ownership, some professional sports leagues resist or prohibit foreign ownership. For instance, the ownership structure of Bundesliga clubs does not allow for any private sector investment, regardless of their nationality (Franck, 2010). Additionally, the J-League has recently revised its foreign ownership policies. While previously, foreign owners were restricted to 49 per cent ownership, the policy now allows for majority ownership by a non- Japanese entity through the creation of a Japanese subsidiary. As is evident, cross-border ownership of professional sports teams is a content - ious topic. Nauright and Ranfjord (2010) captured key elements underpinning fan opposition to foreign ownership:

Hostility to American owners appears greater than for others due to the widely held perception – rightly or wrongly held – that Americans do not really know or care about football but that investment in English clubs is purely for profit taking and not long-term club development. (p. 437) Indeed, FDI is often associated with consumer animosity (Fong, Lee and Du, 2015). Nauright and Ranfjord described the relationship between Liverpool fans and the club’s first American owners as ‘uneasy’; fans were both ‘skeptical’ and ‘disillusioned’ (Nauright and Ranfjord, 2010, p. 438). Teams were originally ‘community institutions’, but were ‘transformed by the logic of the marketplace’; although teams would ‘routinely appeal to civic (and national) sentiments … the languages of communal tradition and loyalties are increasingly supplanted by corporate images and by the discourse of consumer choice’ (Whitson, 2000, p. 59). Concepts related to globalisation The terms McDonaldisation, Disneyisation, and Americanisation all relate to globali- sation. The key link between these concepts and globalisation is that they all imply homogenisation of production and consumption. Ritzer (2015) described McDonaldisation as ‘the process by which the principles of the fast-food restaurant are coming to dominate more and more sectors of American society as well as of the rest of the world’ (p. 1). The key features of McDonaldisation are efficiency, Globalisation and professional sport 121Downloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 calculability, predictability, and control. Similarly, Disneyisation refers to the prin - ciples and characteristics of the Disney theme parks (Bryman, 1999). The key features of Disneyisation include theming, differentiation of consumption, merchand ising, and emotional labour. In one investigation, Duke (2002) used both McDonaldisation and Disneyisation to examine recent changes in English profes- sional football. Duke argued that both processes are infiltrating professional football in England. However, this is not a one-way process (or a process without resistance) and football fans have demanded more attention to local customs. For Carlsson and Backman (2015), Americanisation captures both a central and peripheral per - spective whereby the United States uses economic and political power to export its culture throughout the world. Embedded within the concept of American - isation, Dyreson (2013) introduced the term Californisation to refer to the global growth of ‘California cool’ (p. 258) and sports like beach volleyball, sailboarding, mountain-biking, and triathlon.

Concerns about globalisation The ongoing, perhaps even unrelenting globalisation of sport is not without its criticisms. Kobayashi (2012) wrote the following:

Discussions and debates about the nature, impact and consequences of globalization are now a fundamental part of academic, political, economic and popular discourse. … The dominant discourses about globalization have often been equated with modernization, Westernization or Americanization, thereby margin- alizing or even destroying local/national systems, traditions and values in the non-West. (p. 725) Indeed, the diffusion of sports is often perceived as Western cultural and/or econ - omic imperialism (Chen et al., 2012). The specific concern is that local cultures and their underlying values and traditions will be changed – perhaps even annihilated – by Western approaches to leisure, lifestyle, and commerce. Local sport organisations are likely casualties of the globalisation of sport.

Thibault (2009) argued that the internationalisation of leagues has detrimentally affected domestic leagues in certain countries (Thibault, 2009). Additionally, George Ritzer’s concept of globalisation predicts that the effects of globalisation will result in all clubs becoming increasingly similar (Sondaal, 2013). Globalisation may therefore result in cultural homogeneity and loss of diversity.

Managerial implications The managerial implications of globalisation vary according to both sector and region (Rao, 2001). Masteralexis and McDonald (1997), for example, outlined the 122 Dickson and MalaiaDownloaded by [University of California, San Diego] at 18:50 15 January 2017 case for sport managers with international business capabilities. The international- isation of the sport industry has resulted in a demand for integration of international perspectives into the sport management higher education curriculum (de Haan and Sherry, 2011). De Haan and Sherry argued (2011) that this can take one of two forms. In the f