Research Paper Proposal and Research Paper

Difference Matters Second Edition Allen FrontMatter.fm Page i Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:24 PM ….

Difference Matters COMMUNICATING SOCIAL IDENTITY Second Edition Brenda J. Allen University of Colorado at Denver WAV E L A N D PRESS, INC.

Long Grove, Illinois Allen FrontMatter.fm Page iii Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:24 PM For information about this book, contact:

Wave l a n d P r e s s, I n c.

10-digit ISBN 1-57766-673-9 13-digit ISBN 978-1-57766-673-8 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the publisher.

Printed in the United States of America 7654321 Allen FrontMatter.fm Page iv Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:24 PM ••••••••••••• To m y s t u d e n t s, who are also my teachers ••••••••••••• Allen FrontMatter.fm Page v Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:24 PM ….

vii ••••••••••••• Contents Preface xi 1 Difference and Other Important Matters 1 Difference Matters 4 Why Difference Matters 5 Obstacles to Valuing Difference 6 Communicating Social Identity 10 Communicating 10 Social Identity 11 About Me 16 Overview of the Book 18 Reflection Matters 20 2Power Matters 23 Conceptions of Power 24 Power and Knowledge 27 Rules of Right 27 Control in Organizations 28 Concertive Control 29 Hegemony 30 Ideology 32 Communicating Power 35 Language 35 Everyday Talk 35 Physical Appearance 36 Conclusion 37 Reflection Matters 38 3Gender Matters 41 What Is Gender? 42 Why Gender Matters 43 Allen FrontMatter.fm Page vii Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:24 PM viiiContents Constructing Gender in the United States 43 Historical Overview of Ideological Perspectives 43 Challenging Traditional Messages 45 Gender and Divisions of Labor 47 The Role of Education 50 Power Dynamics and Gender 52 Language 52 Communication Differences 54 Communicating Gender in Organizations 56 Emotion(al) Labor 59 Transgender Issues 60 Conclusion 61 Reflection Matters 62 4 Race Matters 65 What Is Race? 66 Why Race Matters 67 Constructing Race in the United States 70 Race and Labor 78 Communicating Race 83 Everyday Interactions 83 Personnel Procedures 87 Conclusion 90 Reflection Matters 91 5 Social Class Matters 93 What Is Social Class? 95 Why Social Class Matters 98 Constructing Social Class in the United States 100 The Myth of a Classless Society 102 Social Class and Labor 103 Communicating Social Class 105 Educational Settings 105 Communicating Class at Work 108 Conclusion 111 Reflection Matters 112 Allen FrontMatter.fm Page viii Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:24 PM Contentsix 6 Sexuality Matters 115 What Is Sexuality and Why Does It Matter? 116 Constructing Sexuality in the United States 118 Colonial Views on Sexuality 118 Victorian Era–Early 1900s 119 Sexual Revolutions 120 Concepts of Homosexuality 122 Sexual Orientation 124 Acquiring Information about Sexuality 128 Communicating Sexuality in Organizations 128 Expressing Sexuality at Work 129 Romantic Relationships 131 Sexual Harassment 132 Conclusion 133 Reflection Matters 134 7 Ability Matters 137 Why Ability Matters 138 What Is Disability? 141 Constructing Disability in the United States 142 Industrial Revolution 143 Eugenics 144 Medical Model of Disability 145 Social Model of Disability 146 Disability Movements 146 Communicating Ability 149 Interability Interactions at Work 156 Promising Practices 157 Conclusion 158 Reflection Matters 159 8 Age Matters 161 What Is Age? 162 Why Age Matters 163 Constructing Age in the United States 166 Concepts and Attitudes about Old Age 166 Concepts and Attitudes about Children 167 Birth Cohorts 169 Does Aging Mean Decline? 170 Communicating Age 171 Intergenerational Communication 171 Allen FrontMatter.fm Page ix Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:24 PM xContents Communicating Age in Organizations 176 Hierarchies and Age Roles 176 Age Discrimination 177 Positive Aspects of Intergenerational Mixing 178 Conclusion 179 Reflection Matters 180 9 Communicating Social Identity 183 Difference Matters 183 Social Identities Are Social Constructions 184 Power Matters 184 Communication Rules! 185 Recommendations 185 Be Mindful 186 Be Proactive 189 Fill Your Communication Toolbox 194 Conclusion 197 Reflection Matters 197 Chapter Endnotes 199 Index 223 Allen FrontMatter.fm Page x Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:24 PM xi ••••••••••••• Preface Difference Matters: Communicating Social Identity describes and analyzes six categories of social identity that currently matter in the United States: gender, race, social class, ability, sexuality, and age. I explain how and why differ- ences within and between those categories matter. Throughout the book, I stress how communication helps constitute social identity, and I explore rela- tionships between social identity, discourse, and power dynamics. To illus- trate impacts of social identity issues, I offer overviews of historical developments. I also focus on various contexts, with an emphasis on organi- zations because they are prime sites of social identity construction.

Difference Matters is appropriate for communication courses or training programs that cover any or all of the six social identity categories that I explore, and for any curricula that delve into topics such as diversity, multicul- turalism, and intercultural communication. Because I highlight how humans enact difference within organizations, the book is especially appropriate for organizational communication courses at undergraduate and graduate levels.

However, many other disciplines also can benefit from perspectives on com- municating difference, including business administration, human resources management, organizational behavior, education, sociology, ethnic studies, gender studies, media studies, disability studies, industrial psychology, health behavioral sciences, political science, and social psychology.

While developing this text, I considered my experiences with students who struggled with learning about theories, and who wanted to cut to the chase to learn information and skills for their everyday lives. I also remem- bered that students tend to prefer texts that are comprehensive, but easy to understand, and that make connections to the real world. This book honors those concerns while also covering theoretical perspectives that matter to most instructors. I employ an interactive style and share stories from my life to clar- ify some of my points. I hope that the content and approach of this book meet the needs of students and instructors alike. To assist instructors and enhance students’ learning, I have developed a Web site that contains ideas and resources for teaching difference matters: http://www.differencematters.info.

For this second edition of Difference Matters, I have updated statistics, incorporated recent research, and cited more examples of intersections of Allen FrontMatter.fm Page xi Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:24 PM xiiPreface social identities. I also have provided new spotlights on media. In addition, I include tools throughout the text to help you to apply what you’re learning. Acknowledgments This project was underway for several years, well before I realized that I should write a book on difference matters. During that time, many people offered invaluable inspiration, guidance, and support. Although I never can adequately express my gratitude, I wish to acknowledge their contributions.

Countless students (who also were/are my teachers) were fundamental to the first edition of this book. Among those, I especially recognize Heidi Burgett, Margarita Olivas, Karen Ashcraft, and Jennifer Simpson for exhibit- ing passion and commitment to learning and teaching difference matters.

They also gave me invaluable feedback as the book project unfolded. In addi- tion, research assistant Aaron Dimock located a wealth of literature that extended my scope of knowledge about social identity groups.

Many of my colleague-friends read and responded to portions of the manuscript and/or directed me to important information sources. Their input helped to deepen and strengthen the book. A million thanks to Patrice Buzzanell, Karen Tracy, George Cheney, Mark Orbe, Terry Rowden, Jim Barker, Jim Cohn, Dawn Braithwaite, Diane Grimes, Sally Thee, Omar Swartz, Phil Tompkins, Patrick Johnson, Deborah Burgess, Ralph Smith, Brett Anderson, Kurt Nordstrom, and Anna Spradlin.

A special thanks to Deborah Borisoff at New York University for extend- ing the first invitation for me to present a guest talk about difference matters. I also am grateful to other departments and universities that invited me to present my work, including Arizona State University, Western Michigan Uni- versity, the University of Utah, Wooster College, Colorado State University- Pueblo, Loyola Marymount University, Creighton University, the University of Texas-Austin, St. Edward’s University, and my alma mater, Howard University.

Last in a long list of colleagues, but particularly pivotal to the completion of this project, Sonja K. Foss was instrumental from inception through publi- cation of this book. I owe her a deep debt of gratitude.

When the publishers invited me to write a second edition, I was honored and humbled. I have been pleased with positive responses to the book, and gratified to have a second opportunity to delve into difference matters. I am extremely grateful to Ryann Dubiel and Julian Long for their research assis- tance for this second edition. Thanks also to Jennifer Blair, Seema Kapani, and Tre Wentling for invaluable insights.

I also greatly appreciate Jeni Ogilvie for providing fabulous editing expertise for both editions. This book is much better than it would have been without her wise and warm counsel.

Finally, thanks to my soul mate and life partner, Theodis Hall, for his steadfast support as well as his practical perspectives on difference matters. Allen FrontMatter.fm Page xii Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:24 PM 1 •••• •••• Chapter 1 Difference and Other Important Matters During a summer break, I exchanged pleasant e-mails with a student I had never met named Jason 1 who wanted to enroll in a critical thinking course I would be teaching in the fall. A few weeks into the class, while we were discussing how assumptions affect critical thinking, Jason confessed that when he first saw me, he was shocked that I’m black. 2 He had assumed I would be white. And, he questioned his reaction: “Does that mean I’m rac- ist?” I assured him his response did not necessarily mean he was racist. After all, few minority professors were employed at the university. And, through- out Jason’s education, none of his teachers had been black. Plus, we rarely see black women teachers or scholars on TV, in films, or in textbooks. (Have you?) So, Jason understandably was not prepared to encounter a black female college professor. His reaction to me was a good example of how we usually don’t even realize we’ve assumed anything until something contradicts that assumption. Referring to points we had covered about critical thinking, the class and I concluded that Jason’s assumption was logical.

I also assumed things about Jason. I figured he would be a young white male, based on his first name and the university’s predominantly white, tradi- tional college-aged student population. I would have been surprised if he had been a female, older, or any race except white. I hadn’t even considered these subconscious expectations until Jason told me how he reacted to me.

This story implies several matters related to difference and communicat- ing that this book addresses. First, we tend to expect certain types of people to be in certain roles. To see how this tendency works, slowly read the follow- ing list of roles, or better yet, have someone else read it to you. Notice the image that comes to your mind for each:

secretary welfare recipient CEO plastic surgeon soldier female impersonator hair stylist gang member janitor flight attendant minister doctor Chapter 1 Allen 01.fm Page 1 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:25 PM 2Chapter One professional basketball player gardener hotel maid special education student manager mail carrier news anchor chemist elementary school teacher hip-hop artist interior decorator nurse For each of these, you probably pictured someone with a combination of social identities such as gender, race, social class, age, sexuality, religion, and ability status (with or without some type of disability). I think most people in the United States probably would see similar images for each role. Why do you think people might come up with comparable images?

We often expect certain individuals to play certain roles based on a rela- tionship between context and expectations. Jason and I met one another in the late twentieth century at a predominantly white university in Colorado, where I was one of only three black women professors. I also was the first person of color on the faculty in the department where the course was offered. That context helped to shape Jason’s expectations, and mine.

My story implies another point: when we interact with people, we often draw on what we expect and assume about the groups they represent to form our attitudes and to direct our behaviors. For instance, we might depend on stereotypes, oversimplified preconceptions and generalizations about mem- bers of social groups “that provide meaning and organize perceptions, infer- ences, and judgments about persons identified as belonging to a particular social category.” 3 Jason might have assumed I was an affirmative action employee, a token hired only because I am black and female, not because I am qualified and competent. He might have expected me not to be intelligent or capable of being a professor. He also could have anticipated that I would be nurturing or aggressive. He might have unconsciously gotten these notions from a variety of sources (including the media, his family, peers, and teachers) that depict black women in stereotypical ways, for instance, as a Mammy/ caretaker or as loud-mouthed and sassy. 4 Likewise, I could have drawn on negative media stereotypes of white male college students to conclude that Jason would not be a serious student. I could have presumed he was inter- ested only in partying and doing the minimum amount of work. I might even have thought he would be prejudiced against me because I am black.

In addition to depending on insights from various sources to infer mean- ing about each other, Jason and I might have relied on our personal experi- ences with (similar) different persons. I could have reminded him of a black female coworker, or he may have resembled any number of smart, sincere white male students I have taught. We will explore these and related issues about expectations, including how and why we routinely rely on assumptions and stereotypes when we interact with others.

Another reason we might suppose that certain persons occupy particular roles (as well as the fact that certain types of persons actually do tend to occupy particular roles) stems from a complex history in the United States of Allen 01.fm Page 2 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:25 PM Difference and Other Important Matters3 systemic, socially reproduced inequities. For instance, the history of racial and gender discrimination in the United States helps explain the dispropor- tionately low number of black women faculty in universities. We will explore many of these inequities as well as factors in history that help to create, main- tain, challenge, and change them.

In addition to highlighting issues related to roles, social identity, and expectations, my story reveals a common misunderstanding of the meaning of “-isms” such as racism, sexism, heterosexism, ageism, ableism, and classism.

Jason’s concern about being racist illustrates a tendency to consider -isms sim- ply as characteristics of a “bad person.” As organizational communication scholar Jennifer Simpson observes, “This thinking, however, tends to keep the focus on -isms as individual behaviors that result from internally located meanings.” 5 This attitude neglects larger, systemic forces that contribute to discrimination and prejudice. Throughout the book, we will delve into these and related issues.

My story also illustrates the value of critical thinking skills for reflecting on difference matters. Critical thinking helps you to “distinguish between fact and opinion; ask questions; make detailed observations; uncover assump- tions and define their terms; and make assertions based on sound logic and solid evidence.” 6 I encourage you to improve your critical thinking skills as we explore difference matters.

A final issue raised in the story is that people rarely talk openly about top- ics like race or racism in mixed racial groups. Is that true for you? Why or why not? In my experience, these topics often are difficult to discuss or even acknowledge in mixed company. They may arouse uncomfortable responses, such as anxiety, fear, shame, guilt, anger, frustration, hostility, or confusion.

However, under the right circumstances, thinking and talking about these top- ics can enlighten and empower us. When we explore and express our thoughts, feelings, and experiences, we might understand ourselves, as well as others, better. We also might be more likely to enjoy effective, open communication with one another. Jason shared his concerns with me because he felt safe in our classroom. I took his question seriously, and I responded by referring to concepts we were studying in our critical thinking class. We had a productive discussion about assumptions, expectations, identity, and communication.

That classroom moment marked a turning point in my career as a scholar.

Additional teaching/learning experiences with students, colleagues, friends, and family encouraged me to focus my teaching and research on social identity and interaction. Eventually, I gained enough information and confidence to write this book. I hope to offer insight that helps people of diverse social identities to communicate positively and productively within various contexts.

In this chapter, I set the stage for the rest of the book. I clarify why differ- ence matters, after which I explain concepts that underpin the book. Then, I provide an overview of the rest of the book. To conclude, I will tell you a bit more about myself because I want you to have a sense of me as a real person. Allen 01.fm Page 3 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:25 PM 4Chapter One First, though, let me explain the title of the book, beginning with the phrase, “Difference Matters.” Difference Matters I got the idea for the book’s title from a critically acclaimed book entitled Race Matters. 7 However, in addition to race, I discuss other categories of social identity. For our purposes, difference 8 refers to a characteristic of identity such as gender, race, or age. Although people frequently use the word “diversity” for such distinctions, I prefer “difference” because it aligns better with my focus. As sociologist Richard Jenkins explains: “the notion of identity simul- taneously establishes two possible relations of comparison between persons or things: similarity, on the one hand, and difference, on the other.” 9 He elabo- rates: “similarity and difference are the dynamic principles of identity, the heart of social life.” 10 If we think about similarity and difference as labels on a continuum:

similarity difference we might recognize that as we perceive differences between people, we also can see similarities. This perspective on identity also helps us avoid the ten- dency to separate things into either/or categories. I mean, is there anyone else in the world who is exactly the same as you, or who is totally different from you? So, our look at difference will consider how humans vary in gender, race, class, ability, sexuality, and age. Religion and nationality are also very important social identity categories. However, due to their broad scope and the space constraints of this text, I mention these identity categories through- out the text rather than in separate chapters.

As we consider each social identity category, we will investigate implica- tions for members of dominant and nondominant groups. Dominant groups tend to have more economic and cultural power than nondominant groups, who tend to have less economic and cultural power. This perspective on iden- tity deviates from how people tend to conceptualize difference by focusing only on the nondominant category. For instance, when you think of difference in terms of sexual orientation, what comes to your mind first, straight (hetero- sexual) or gay (homosexual)? I would be surprised if you said, “straight” or “heterosexual.” What about race? If I said we were going to discuss difference and race, most people would think about blacks or people of color rather than whites or Caucasians. Why does this tend to happen? Usually, “different” refers to how an individual or a group varies from, or compares to, the unspo- ken norm of the dominant group. For example, gender often is defined by equating gender with femaleness/women, which can preclude thinking of males/men as gendered. Please understand that, in this book, “difference” refers simply to ways that each of us can vary from one another. We will delve into how we humans differ, and we will explore ways that those differences matter. Allen 01.fm Page 4 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:25 PM Difference and Other Important Matters5 How do you define “matter”? As a verb, it means to be important, to be of consequence, to count, as in “Your opinion matters to me.” As a noun, it means something of concern: “What’s the matter?” Applying those two defi- nitions of “matter,” we will: (1) explore the idea that difference counts (it matters), and (2) examine a variety of important concerns or issues (matters) related to difference. As the title indicates, we will focus on relationships between social identity differences and communicating. Before I discuss the second part of the title (Communicating Social Identity), I need to explain why difference matters enough for me to have written this book. Why Difference Matters Although people in the United States are alike in many ways, we need to think about how we differ, for several related reasons. First, U.S. society is changing. We are experiencing an increase in numbers of persons of color, elderly citizens, and people with disabilities. Perhaps you have heard some of the projections: by the year 2030, Hispanics, blacks, Asians, and other racial- ethnic minorities will account for one-third of the population. In addition, age will become more of a factor as baby boomers (people born between 1946 and 1964) like me become elders. For the first time in history, four different age generations comprise the workforce. This change can affect communica- tion processes because members of each age cohort or group tend to have dif- fering experiences, values, and interests.

As demographics change, some social identity groups and their allies have become more vocal about rights and recognition in the workforce and other sectors of society. For instance, in 1990, due in large part to social activists, Congress passed the Americans with Disabilities Act, which legislates equal access and employment opportunities for persons with disabilities. More recently, the Employment Non-Discrimination Act of 2007 (ENDA), seeks to protect employees from discrimination based on actual or perceived sexual orientation. Consequently, some organizations fear lawsuits or boycotts.

Changing demographics, increasing demands for equal access and opportunity, and fear of lawsuits or boycotts have made difference (usually called “diversity”) a hot topic. Many types of organizations (from national and international corporations to government agencies to public and/or pri- vate universities) have responded with various strategies. To be competitive and to prevent charges of discrimination, organizations are striving to value diversity. Many of them are providing diversity training programs or work- shops to help their members understand and address diversity issues to build stronger organizational communities. They also are implementing formal programs to hire, retain, mentor, and promote members of nondominant groups. Some organizations customize marketing and advertising to appeal to various groups, for example, by advertising products and services in Span- ish as well as English. Institutions of higher education fund initiatives and programs to recruit and retain diverse faculty and students and to establish multicultural curricula. Many colleges and universities now require each stu- Allen 01.fm Page 5 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:25 PM 6Chapter One dent to take at least one course that concentrates on some aspect of “diver- sity.” Have you experienced any of these?

These and other initiatives can yield important benefits. Potential rewards of valuing difference include increased creativity, productivity, and profitability; enhanced public relations; improved product and service qual- ity; and higher job satisfaction. 11 If organizations deal effectively with differ- ence and embrace it as a positive force rather than as something to be shunned or feared, they can optimize accomplishing their goals. For exam- ple, organizations may broaden their markets and increase profits when they seek and incorporate input from members of diverse groups.

Equally as important (if not more so), when we value differences, we can help to fulfill the United States credo of liberty and justice for all. And, we can enhance our lives. My life certainly is enriched because I enjoy relation- ships with many different types of family members, friends, students, and col- leagues. If we take time and care to think and talk about difference, we might have productive and enjoyable interactions with one another across our dif- ferences. Unfortunately, however, numerous obstacles can block attempts to understand and value difference. These obstacles further reinforce the point that difference matters. Obstacles to Valuing Difference As I noted earlier, difference is a difficult, challenging topic. Efforts to address difference can arouse negative feelings from members of nondomi- nant and dominant groups. Nondominant group members, such as women, persons of color, homosexuals, and persons with disabilities, as well as per- sons affiliated with certain religious groups or from particular ethnic back- grounds, may feel singled out during discussions about groups with which they identity. Students of color in predominantly white classrooms often feel pressured to represent “their” group when the class discusses race. Nondomi- nant group members also may feel frustrated during diversity training ses- sions because members of dominant groups seem apathetic or hostile to them. They may appear to minimize concerns of nondominant groups, or accuse them of whining or being too sensitive.

At the same time, members of dominant groups, including men, white people, heterosexuals, and persons who do not have disabilities, may believe that nondominant group members are exaggerating. Because dominant group members may not have had similar experiences, they may downplay issues that matter to nondominant persons. Also, some dominant group members may resent the attention they think nondominant groups are receiv- ing when the topic of diversity arises in the workplace.

Dominant group members may feel uncomfortable during diversity training or teaching sessions. Males sometimes feel like they are being attacked when the topic of “male domination” arises. White males may resent feeling blamed for the “sins of the father,” such as blatant discrimina- tion against blacks in early U.S. history: white male students have told me Allen 01.fm Page 6 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:25 PM Difference and Other Important Matters7 they were not guilty of those racist acts. Some people may not speak their true thoughts or feelings because they worry that others will perceive them to be sexist, racist, homophobic, or otherwise prejudiced against other groups.

Dominant group members may feel threatened because they fear that includ- ing minorities means excluding majorities. For instance, some white people believe that initiatives like affirmative action give minority racial group mem- bers unfair advantages; they think that employers hire and promote minori- ties for their group-based identity rather than their individual qualifications, such as education and expertise. As people compete for jobs, changes such as downsizing, mergers, and layoffs help to compound these attitudes. As you will see, times of economic distress tend to heighten conflict between domi- nant and nondominant groups, with members of the dominant group often feeling more entitled.

Societal norms and tendencies also hinder efforts to deal with difference.

Norms about political correctness 12 may block members of all groups from expressing themselves, as might fear of lawsuits or other reactions. Such obstacles can increase resentment. A strong norm in our society to appear objective and rational, rather than revealing our emotions, may further obstruct openness to engaging difference matters. Also, because society teaches us to “stick with” our own groups, some people might resist trying to understand or accept other groups due to fear that their group members might shun or criticize them. They may be concerned that someone from their in-group will accuse them of being inauthentic or not true to their roots.

Another norm in our society drives us to define ourselves in opposition to others, which may invite a chain reaction: “my sense of myself is built on my ability to distinguish myself from you; therefore I value the ways in which I am different from you; therefore I begin to devalue the traits that make you distinct from me.” 13 This view of oneself and others can become self-perpetu- ating and hard to change. An individual may struggle with anticipated conse- quences of viewing “different” people in positive ways. She or he may feel a false need to surrender a positive sense of self in exchange for viewing an “other” more positively. For instance, a heterosexual man may feel that his manhood would be threatened if he responded favorably to a gay person or if he advocated gay rights.

I referred earlier to another tendency that can affect attitudes toward dif- ference: Members of both nondominant and dominant groups may uncon- sciously connect “difference” with nondominant groups. They may view the social identity category as the defining and potentially constraining charac- teristic of members of nondominant groups. This attitude can divide groups and place undue responsibility for dealing with difference on one group more than another. For instance, a black male human resources director objected to allowing a white man to chair an employee diversity committee, based on the “principle” of assigning the position to someone who does not represent a minority group. He assumed that only a person of color should be in that role. The white man’s qualifications and interest in the position did not seem Allen 01.fm Page 7 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:25 PM 8Chapter One to matter. When I presented a seminar on difference and communication as an invited guest of a communication department, only women attended; a white male professor was overheard saying to a white male colleague, “That’s women’s work.” These examples illustrate the premise that difference is the domain only of nondominant groups and that members of nondominant groups should limit themselves to roles and issues related to their groups.

This perspective also insinuates that members of nondominant groups are not qualified to do anything else. Furthermore, this mind-set can discourage majority group members from getting involved in difference matters because they might feel alienated and/or defensive.

Not only do attitudes about difference tend to focus on the nondominant “other,” but they also tend to dichotomize and polarize social identity groups. That is, they often divide social identity groups into two, opposing categories. Reducing identities to two “opposites” simplifies complex con- structions of social identity. Consequently, one is forced to identify oneself or someone else as “either/or.” For instance, discourse about race often focuses on or implies blacks and whites. Denoting these racial groups as polar oppo- sites may compel members of other categories to identify as either white or non-white, and to feel excluded or marginalized. A similar dynamic operates for sexuality (i.e., heterosexual or not).

Related to the tendency to categorize groups into polar opposites is the tendency to identify others and ourselves in limited, simplistic ways. We often fail to acknowledge that social identities are complex and multifaceted.

We reduce a person to one or two identity labels, without considering the complex nature of everyone’s identity. When I ask students to describe them- selves only by listing three social identity groups they belong to, they feel frustrated. They know themselves to be so much more than three categories could ever portray. Yet, when we talk about this, they confess to perceiving other persons—especially those who seem “different”—in terms of only one or two facets of identity. Combined with the impulse and the expectation to align with one’s “own” group, this tendency to see a person strictly as repre- senting one or two social identity groups can diminish the possibility that the persons will try to get to know one another. These attitudes also can increase the likelihood of conflict between individuals from different groups.

Many people do not believe that difference deserves attention, and/or they view it as significant only in extreme cases. Some persons view differ- ence as noteworthy only when an individual or a group commits blatant, overt acts of discrimination or hate, such as physical assault or murder, against a member of a nondominant group. Because we have made signifi- cant strides in dealing with various -isms, many people believe that U.S. soci- ety has overcome discrimination, despite evidence to the contrary. They do not understand that prejudice, discrimination, and stereotypes infuse our everyday interactions, often in subtle ways.

As I have explained, a complex set of barriers may prevent progress toward valuing differences between and among social identity groups. Allen 01.fm Page 8 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:25 PM Difference and Other Important Matters9 Throughout the book, I employ several strategies for addressing these obsta- cles. I provide information and data from a variety of scholarly sources to dis- prove myths and clarify assumptions about difference matters. I also share examples of how to value and negotiate differences, and I recommend ways to deal with difficult situations. Because I understand that difference matters can be difficult, controversial, and sensitive, I speak with you in the first per- son, and sometimes I share my personal experiences. I acknowledge potential challenges that anyone might face, sometimes by confessing my own strug- gles. So, rather than take the typical approach of a textbook author who offers only rational, objective information, at times I reveal my emotions and thoughts to help you understand what I’m saying, and to model ways that you might process your thoughts and feelings.

To try to ease any concern you might have about negating your own identity because of the tendency to define self in opposition to others, I Mindfulness Become more mindful difference matters. What does being “mindful” mean? When you are mindful, you actively process information, you are open to new ideas and insights, and you are sensitive to context. 14 Also, mindfulness is “a heightened state of involvement and wakefulness or being in the present.” 15 In other words, being mindful requires you to observe yourself in the process of thinking. 16 Put even more simply, being mindful means thinking about what you’re thinking about. Becoming more mindful can help you become more sensitive to your environment, more open to new information, more conscious of how and what you perceive, and more aware of multiple perspectives for solving problems. 17 To be more mindful about difference matters, notice and question how you categorize and characterize others. Try to notice when you are relying on stereotypes and prejudices about social identity groups. When you meet someone different than you, be aware of which social identity cues you highlight, and remember that each person embodies a complex set of social identities. Monitor your thoughts and feelings related to other people based on their gender, race, age, and so forth, including people who belong to the same groups as you. Cultivate curiosity about how you and others con- struct and perform social identities. Also pay attention to how you per- ceive that others are responding to you. Look for ways that you are guilty of TUI (Thinking Under the Influence) of dominant belief systems or stereo- types, and try to restructure your thoughts.

To really develop this tool, improve your critical thinking skills. Con- sider taking a course or referring to books or Web sites on critical thinking.

Please see my Web site [www.differencematters.info] for links to critical thinking sites. •••• Tool No. 1 •••• Tool No. 1 Allen 01.fm Page 9 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:25 PM 10Chapter One encourage you to define yourself in more complex ways. I invite you to reflect on how matters of difference affect and have affected your life, to become curious about how you became the person you are. I encourage you to recog- nize how multifaceted you are, because exploring yourself can help you to acknowledge and appreciate the complex identities of others.

To conclude, difference matters for a variety of reasons, including chang- ing demographics, increasing demands for equality, and a related heightened interest in diversity. Although numerous obstacles might delay our progress toward valuing difference, the promise of benefits should motivate us to hur- dle or remove those barriers. Now that I have explained why difference mat- ters, next I introduce other matters that inform the remainder of the book, as implied in the second part of the title. Communicating Social Identity Communicating Our study of difference (and similarity!) centers on communication. I use the verb form, communicating, to refer to the dynamic nature of processes that humans use to produce, interpret, and share meaning. These processes are complex, continuous, and contextual. And, they constitute our social real- ity.

18 To understand how communicating helps to create reality, we will explore factors related to how we communicate social identity. We will con- sider how various sources provide implicit and explicit messages about com- munication styles and norms of social identity groups and dominant beliefs (including stereotypes) related to social identity groups. We will focus on dis- course, “systems of texts and talk that range from public to private and from naturally occurring to mediated forms.” 19 We will investigate how discourse helped to construct social identity throughout the history of the United States. We also will review changing meanings of discourse related to social identity groups, and their impacts. For instance, varying meanings of femi- ninity and masculinity have affected policy in medicine, law, and education.

Throughout the book, we will explore ways that discourse “produces, main- tains, and/or resists systems of power and inequality,” 20 especially as related to social identity. We will consider matters related to communicating social identity within and across a variety of contexts in the United States, where structural circumstances have varied widely across history.

We will study interactions between and among members of social iden- tity groups in a variety of interpersonal, group, and institutional/organiza- tional settings. I highlight organizations because we spend so much time within them, and because they play pivotal roles in difference matters.

Although most persons might think about organizations as large, for-profit businesses such as corporations, I take a broader perspective that spans a wide range, including large corporations, government agencies and institutions, small businesses, nonprofit groups, sports franchises, hospitals, advocate/ Allen 01.fm Page 10 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:25 PM Difference and Other Important Matters11 activist groups, educational institutions, religious institutions, restaurants, social groups (sororities, fraternities), and so forth.

We spend most of our days dealing with organizations as customers, cli- ents, constituents, consumers, congregants, coworkers, employees, patients, students, and representatives, to name several roles. Also, we learn much of what we know about social identities (ours and others’) in organizational set- tings, such as school, church, health care facilities, and at work. Conflict and controversy related to social identity groups usually center on organizations:

demands for and disputes about equal employment opportunity and access, education, health care, benefits, and media depictions all implicate various types of organizations. Matters of difference increasingly are apparent and important in organizations, because members of different social identity groups are likely to interact more frequently. Due to population projections, we are more likely now than ever to encounter differences in those settings.

Furthermore, as nondominant members of social identity groups continue to gain access to roles they traditionally have not held, we are likely to encoun- ter them/us in unexpected roles, as when Jason and I met.

We often identify ourselves based on organizational relationships and roles. For instance, I am a professor (at a university) and a volunteer (at an elementary school). As members of organizations perform their roles, they also make friends and enemies, gossip, indulge in romances, advance them- selves professionally and personally, and endure a variety of conflicts. A final reason for highlighting organizations regards power dynamics, which I dis- cuss in chapter 2. Power dynamics drive the communication processes that constitute organizations and societies, as different groups strive to serve their own interests and to control various resources.

In addition to organizations, I discuss media and their pivotal roles in communicating social identity. In each social identity chapter, I highlight a specific form of media and how it matters to that category. Social Identity Identity refers to an individual and/or a collective aspect of being. Soci- ologists Judith Howard and Ramira Alamilla observe that identity is based not only on responses to the question “Who am I?” but also on responses to the question “Who am I in relation to others?” 21 We will focus on social iden- tity, aspects of a person’s self-image derived from group-based categories.

Most human beings divide their social worlds into groups, and categorize themselves into some of those groups. In addition, we become aware of other social groups to which we do not belong, and we compare ourselves to them.

We often define ourselves in opposition to others: “I know who I am because I am not you.” 22 Thus, social identity refers to “the ways in which individuals and collectivities are distinguished in their social relations with other individ- uals and collectivities.” 23 Social identity differs from personal identity, one’s sense of self in terms of variables such as personality traits. For instance, a person may be charac- Allen 01.fm Page 11 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:25 PM 12Chapter One terized as “shy” or “outgoing.” However, “a person’s self actually consists of a personal identity and multiple social identities, each of which is linked to different social groups.” 24 An individual can “belong” to numerous social identity groups. Some of my social identities are: professor, black, woman, wife, homeowner, U.S. citizen, heterosexual, baby boomer, middle-class, Steelers fan, executive coach, and volunteer. Although infinite possibilities exist for categories of social identity groups, I focus in this book on six that are especially significant in contemporary society: gender, race, social class, ability, sexuality, and age.

As we consider difference matters and social identity, two important ideas to remember are: (1) identity is relational and (2) human beings develop their social identities primarily through communicating. 25 This perspective represents the social constructionist school of thought, which contends that “self is socially constructed through various relational and linguistic pro- cesses.” 26 In other words, “our identity arises out of interactions with other people and is based on language.” 27 Let’s look at how communicating helps to construct social identities.

From the time we are born (and even prior to birth, due to tests that determine a baby’s sex or congenital defects), socially constructed categories of identity influence how others interact with us (and vice versa) and how we perceive ourselves. When a child is born, what do people usually want to know? Generally, they ask if “it” is a boy or a girl. Why is the sex of the child so important? Sex matters because it cues people on how to treat the baby. If the newborn is a girl, relatives and friends may buy her pink, frilly clothes and toys designated for girls. Her parent(s) or guardian(s) may decorate her room (if she’s fortunate enough to have her own room) or sleep area in “fem- inine” colors and artifacts. These actions and others will help to “create a gendered world which the infant gradually encounters and takes for granted as her social consciousness dawns, and which structures the responses to her of others.” 28 And that’s just the beginning. As she grows up, she will receive messages from multiple sources, including family members, teachers, peers, and the media about what girls are allowed and supposed to do (as contrasted with boys). This process is known as socialization, the total set of experiences in which children become clear about norms and expectations and learn how to function as respected and accepted members of a culture . . . children are socialized at both conscious and unconscious levels to internalize the dominant values and norms of their culture, and in so doing, develop a sense of self. 29 The same scenario applies for a male. He, too, will receive numerous messages, blatant and subtle, that will mold his self-perception. Simulta- neously, both female and male children will learn about additional identity categories like race, ethnicity, class, ability, age, sexuality, and religion. What they learn may vary depending on their identity composites. For instance, a Allen 01.fm Page 12 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:25 PM Difference and Other Important Matters13 Jewish boy in a working-class family probably will be socialized differently than a Latino Catholic in a middle-class family, even as they each may receive similar messages about being male. Meanwhile, an able-bodied Asian American boy probably will receive different messages than a white boy labeled as “developmentally challenged,” even as all of these males receive comparable lessons about masculinity in general. These individuals also will learn communication styles particular to their groups, such as vocabulary, gestures, eye contact, and use of personal space.

As these children become indoctrinated into social identity groups, they will receive information about other groups, including contrasts between groups, and “rules” for interacting (or not) with members of other groups.

They will learn stereotypes about groups, and they may accept these stereo- types as facts. They also will learn about hierarchies of identity. They may learn that being young is more desirable than being elderly, or that being het- erosexual is preferable to being gay. These and other “lessons” about distinc- tions between and within groups will recur throughout their lives—and the lessons may contradict one another.

Due to socialization, children will accept social identity categories as real and natural. Yet, they are not. Persons in power across history have con- structed categories and developed hierarchies based on group characteristics.

In 1795, a German scientist named Johann Blumenbach 30 constructed a sys- tem of racial classification that arranged people according to geographical location and physical features. He also ranked the groups in hierarchical order, placing Caucasians in the most superior position.

Although scientists have since concluded that race is not related to capa- bility, many societies in the world still adhere to various racial classification systems because the idea of race has become essentialized. Essentialism refers to assumptions that social differences stem from intrinsic, innate, human variations unrelated to social forces. For example, so-called racial groups are viewed as if they have an “ultimate essence that transcends historical and cul- tural boundaries.” 31 Thus, while we accept social identity groups as real and natural, we also perceive them as fixed (essentialized) and unchanging. However, these cate- gories are not only artificial, but they also are subject to change. In different times and different places, categories we take for granted either did/do not exist or they were/are quite unlike the ones that we reference in the United States in the twenty-first century. Currently, the same person identified as black in the United States may be considered white in the Dominican Repub- lic; in the nineteenth century choices for racial designations in the United States included gradations of enslaved blacks: mulattos were one-half black, quadroons were one-quarter black, and octoroons were one-eighth black. 32 To develop these types of categories, human beings often refer to physical or physiological distinctions. It’s logical to compartmentalize humans according to physical characteristics. If we did not have labels to distinguish groups of items that are similar, we would have to create and remember a Allen 01.fm Page 13 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:25 PM 14Chapter One separate “name” for everything and everyone. What a challenge that would be! Therefore, it makes sense that we use cues like skin color, facial features, body parts, and so forth to distinguish and group people.

However, problems can arise when people assign meaning to neutral descriptors. They may use categories not only to distinguish but also to dis- criminate and dominate. Categorizing can lead to in-group/out-group dis- tinctions that may negatively affect intergroup interactions. For instance, social identity theory (SIT) describes humans’ tendency to label self and others based on individual and group identity. 33 SIT contends that members of social identity groups constantly compare their group with others, and they try to show that their group is positively distinct. When an individual per- ceives someone else to be a member of an out-group, that person will tend to react more to perceived group characteristics than to the other person as an individual. Stereotypes and prejudice occur more frequently in this scenario.

In contrast, stereotypes and prejudice are less likely when a communicator views another person as an individual, especially when both persons belong to the same social identity group(s).

As I noted earlier, individuals often use identity markers like skin color to develop hierarchies. Moreover, many people accept and reinforce such hierarchies as natural and normal. Organizational communication scholars Charles Conrad and Marshall Scott Poole explain: “As people internalize the values and assumptions of their societies they also internalize its class, race, gender, and ethnicity-based hierarchical relationships.” 34 These perceptions facilitate the social construction of inequality, which results in favoritism and privilege for some groups and disadvantage for others. Thus, for instance, regardless of level of education and even with similar qualifications, men of all races in the United States generally earn higher salaries than women of all races, and whites earn more than members of other racial/ethnic groups.

One way to understand differences in status based on social identity is the concept of privilege. Sociologist Peggy McIntosh coined this term to refer to men’s advantages in society, based on her experiences teaching women’s studies. 35 McIntosh noticed that while men in her classes were willing to con- cede women’s disadvantages, they were unaware of advantages they enjoyed simply because they were men. She later extended her analysis to encompass race, and she developed the concept of white privilege, which I discuss in chapter 4.

In case you’re not familiar with this concept, one way to think about priv- ilege is handedness. Are you right-handed or left-handed? Did you know that people used to consider being left-handed as deviant, sinister, and dangerous?

I’m left-handed, and one of my elementary teachers tried to change me to being right-handed. Of course, Ma didn’t allow that. In our society, being right-handed is the dominant expectation. Although neither of these is better than the other, we have structured society in favor of right-handed people (pri- marily because of numbers). And, right-handed people rarely are aware of the benefits they receive as they move around in a right-hand world. They enjoy Allen 01.fm Page 14 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:25 PM Difference and Other Important Matters15 the privilege of not knowing, until someone points it out. As a lefty, I often have awkward moments with tools, utensils, scissors, desks, and other things designed for right-handed people. And, people have told me, “Your handwrit- ing looks good, for a lefty.” We use our right hand to pledge allegiance to the flag, to shake hands when we meet someone, and to take oaths. Right-handed people can’t avoid the benefits of being right-handed. We all inherited a sys- tem handedness that benefits some and disadvantages others. 36 So, privilege tends to “make life easier; it is easier to get around, to get what one wants, and to be treated in an acceptable manner.” 37 On the Public Broadcasting System’s video People Like Us, which explores social class in the United States, a white male plumber describes how sales clerks tend to treat men in suits better than they respond to him when he wears his work clothes.

Similarly, a working-class college student reported that he would change out of his work clothes before going to campus because he felt that faculty and staff treated him less favorably when he wore them. 38 Privilege allows people to be oblivious to how their lives differ from oth- ers’. Members of privileged social identity groups often don’t recognize their advantages. In fact, they may assume that others enjoy similar experiences to theirs. For instance, I never thought about my heterosexual privilege until a coworker friend told me she was a lesbian and began to describe the many challenges she has faced because of her sexual orientation. I just didn’t know how privileged I was. Before I got married, I could easily discuss my [hetero- sexual] dates or romantic relationships during small talk at work. Now that I am married, I often discuss how my husband and I spent the weekend, our plans for vacations, and so forth. If I wanted to, I could put our wedding photo on my desk without thinking twice, especially since we’re the same race and about the same age. Yet, persons who are not heterosexual may hesitate to engage in such activities because they fear verbal abuse, ostracism, being fired, or even physical assault. Even if none of these ever happened, some homosex- uals live with the persistent perception that these reactions might happen.

This potential difference in perceiving the world related to social identity can inhibit interactions between privileged and nonprivileged persons. A per- son who is not privileged (or who does not feel privileged) may seem hyper- sensitive to an individual who is privileged. In contrast, the person who is privileged (or whom the other person perceives to be privileged) may seem hyperinsensitive. Privileged individuals sometimes diminish, dismiss, or dis- count experiences of others who are not advantaged. If a privileged person witnesses or hears about an incident where someone demeans or humiliates a less privileged person, she or he may interpret the incident as an exception rather than the rule. That person also may accuse the less-privileged person of overreacting or misinterpreting the situation. When I assign my friend Anna Spradlin’s article 39 on the challenges she faced as a lesbian passing as hetero- sexual at work, some students respond with comments such as, “She’s making a big deal out of nothing,” or “She shouldn’t care what others [her students and colleagues] think.” Of course, that’s easy for them to say. Discussions Allen 01.fm Page 15 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:25 PM 16Chapter One about privilege among nondominant and dominant groups can be productive when each “side” tries to understand the other’s perspectives and experiences.

To elaborate on the idea of privilege, most of us simultaneously occupy privileged and nonprivileged social identity groups. Although I may experi- ence or anticipate discrimination based on my race, gender, and age, I also can reap benefits associated with being heterosexual, able-bodied, educated, and middle-class. I also enjoy the privilege of speaking English as my native language, and being able to read and write. We will consider the concept of privilege and its complexities as we study gender, race, class, ability, sexuality, and age. For now, I hope that you have a basic understanding of the concept of privilege (if it’s new to you) and that you can see how privilege helps to construct and maintain inequalities.

Another consequence of internalizing dominant values and assumptions about social identity groups is that members of nondominant groups often help to perpetuate hierarchies because they believe that their group is inferior and that the dominant group is superior. Accepting these ideas and believing negative stereotypes about one’s group is known as internalized oppression. 40 When I was a little girl, my friends and I used to sing: “When you’re white, you’re right; when you’re brown, stick around; but when you’re black, oooh baby, get back, get back, get back.” We had internalized a hierarchy of skin color, or colorism. 41 Sadly, this attitude persists: a dark-skinned black employee alleged that his light-skinned Black supervisor called him a “tar baby,” “black monkey,” and “jig-a-boo,” and told him he needed to bleach his skin. 42 To summarize, social identities emerge mainly from social interactions.

We learn from a variety of sources about who we are and who we might become, mainly through interacting with others. We also learn about other groups. We learn communication styles and rules based on our membership in certain groups, and we communicate with other people based on how we have been socialized about ourselves and about them. As we interact, we are subject to biases and expectations about social identities that can affect what, how, when, why, and whether or not we communicate. And, most interac- tions occur within established normative contexts where members of groups tend to be more or less privileged than others. About Me Before I outline the remainder of the book, I want to tell you more about myself, to show how some of the points I’ve raised operate in my life, and to give you a better sense of who I am. As you read this abbreviated autobiogra- phy, notice how it exemplifies many of the issues I’ve mentioned, including the social construction of social identity, intersections of social identities, privilege, the role of context, and communication processes.

In the 1950s and 1960s, I grew up in Ohio in a small apartment in the Youngstown Metropolitan Housing Authority (“the projects”) with my mother, my brother, and my sister. I was a toddler when my family moved into the Allen 01.fm Page 16 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:25 PM Difference and Other Important Matters17 projects after my father died. Residents of the projects comprised a well-known social identity group in Youngstown, and many of us are proud of having grown up in what we fondly call “Brick City.” Since the projects were restricted to low-income families (most of whom were black), I was aware at an early age of being a member of a specific social economic class. Thanks to the Red Feather Agency (which the state government administered) and the city-funded community center, my friends and I enjoyed a variety of organized, year-round recreational activities (including arts and crafts, camp, drill team, variety shows, and sports). Although I was athletically inclined, I received subtle messages that discouraged me from pursuing my talents. Only a few sports activities in school were reserved for girls. And, because I was labeled as “smart,” I learned that I shouldn’t also aspire to be an athlete. In those days, people classified you as either one or the other. It seemed that you couldn’t be both. I was tracked according to IQ, and placed in advanced classes in junior high and high school.

I usually was the only black girl in those classes, along with one black boy and our white classmates. Because I was on the Honor Roll, I believed that I could go to college even though no one in my family had ever done so. However, I knew that my mother couldn’t afford to send me. So, to prepare for life after high school graduation, I completed both college preparatory and secretarial skills courses. Those secretarial skills have come in handy throughout my life!

My mother instilled a strong work ethic in my siblings and me. She always worked hard for the money to take care of us, initially as a maid and eventually as a clerk for the U.S. Post Office. I believed without thinking about it that I would have to work all of my life. When I was a little girl, I wanted to be either a teacher or a nurse when I grew up. Based on messages from teachers and community members, those seemed the only options for a smart colored girl like me. From an early age, I worked at various jobs, on my own initiative. I earned money by babysitting, going to the store for elderly neighbors, or taking out their trash.

During high school, I worked for the federal government’s Comprehen- sive Education and Training Agency, which assigned jobs and paid minimum wage to teenagers from low-income families. Fortunately, one of my jobs was to assist the guidance counselors at my school. Although I was a star pupil, neither the guidance counselors nor any of my teachers encouraged me or informed me about applying to colleges. Why do you think that happened?

Fortunately, I paid attention to my white classmates as they discussed the SAT and the ACT, and I persuaded Ma to pay for me to take those tests.

While filing materials in the guidance office, I came across information about scholarships and I applied for one of them. In a city-wide competition, I won a full scholarship (yessss!). I applied to and was accepted at Case Western Reserve University, the predominantly white university that Lillian Jones, “the” smart black girl who graduated two years before me, had attended.

Even though my scholarship funds would have paid for me to go to any col- lege in the world that admitted me, I didn’t even think about applying to other schools. Why do you think I didn’t consider others? Allen 01.fm Page 17 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:25 PM 18Chapter One My background had prepared me to do well academically and socially in college. I interacted easily with white teachers and my white dorm mates, and I participated in many social activities, sometimes with the few other black students on campus. I changed my major three times, from linguistics, to Romance languages, to speech pathology. Notice that I stuck with some type of communication. Also notice that I never pursued a major related to math- ematics, even though I had been classified in junior high as math-gifted.

After graduating from college, in a 15-year period during which I worked full-time and attended school, I earned a master’s degree and a Ph.D. in orga- nizational communication at Howard University, a historically black college in Washington, D.C. In 1989, I conducted a doctoral dissertation research project on computer-mediated communication (CMC) at the Public Broad- casting System’s corporate headquarters. How I got involved in computers is another story, but it’s related to my math skills.

Also in 1989, I was recruited to teach and conduct research on CMC at the University of Colorado at Boulder. Although I was qualified for the posi- tion, being a black woman was an important factor in my recruitment and hiring, because the university was actively trying to increase its numbers of minority faculty and women. In 1995, due to a variety of experiences (includ- ing the moment with Jason I told you about earlier), I changed my research emphasis to social identity and communication. That same year, I earned tenure (yessss!) and was promoted to Associate Professor. In the Fall of 2001, I accepted a position in the Department of Communication at the University of Colorado–Denver. In the fall of 2003, I became chair of the department. I was promoted to Professor in 2004, and in 2007, I became an Associate Dean in the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences.

Throughout the book, I share more information and stories about myself. I am not trying to brag or to gain pity. I just want you to have a sense of me so that reading the book feels more like interacting with a person than simply viewing printed words. I also provide personal examples to illustrate some of the issues I cover; my examples might model ways for you to explore your experiences. I wish that I could know about you, too. I love getting mes- sages from readers. Feel free to send me e-mail about yourself or your responses to the book. My e-mail address is: [email protected]. Overview of the Book In chapter 2, I continue to establish the foundation for the book by defin- ing and describing power dynamics and their relationship to difference matters.

Chapters 3–8 each concentrate on one of six significant aspects of social iden- tity in U.S. society: gender, race, social class, ability, sexuality, and age.

Although each chapter foregrounds one aspect of identity, please remember that social identities are complex and multifaceted. I highlight one category per chapter to illuminate issues and information that are especially relevant to that social identity. However, I urge you always to consider that intersec- Allen 01.fm Page 18 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:25 PM Difference and Other Important Matters19 tions of social identity also matter. To emphasize that idea, I discuss differing consequences and issues for overlapping social identities.

In each social identity chapter I trace the sociohistorical construction of the highlighted category. Although discussing history may seem unusual in a book about communication, I cover history to help you understand social construction and to demonstrate how context matters in communicating con- structs of social identities. I want to provide evidence that the social identity categories we assume to be natural and fixed are actually artificial and possi- ble to change.

I also share history to punctuate the point that “past is prologue.” People sometimes say about topics like race and gender that we should put the past behind us. However, we need to examine the past to understand its impact on the present and to guide us into the future. By the end of the book, you should recognize commonalities of consequences of social constructions, including privilege for some persons and disadvantage for others, as well as recurring and persistent efforts to change society by members of dominant and nondominant groups.

Insight and information related to history might help you to reflect on your attitudes, beliefs, and assumptions about difference. When you realize that social identity categories can change, you may reconsider some of your attitudes, beliefs, and assumptions, about yourself as well as others. Also, the stories of individuals and groups who imagined and worked to attain social justice might inspire you. I sure hope so.

Each social identity chapter presents examples of relationships between the highlighted identity and communication processes. From the wealth of information that exists, I offer just enough to enlighten you and to stimulate you to learn more. I discuss numerous types of contexts and I refer to a vari- ety of disciplines, including communication, history, sociology, psychology, economics, women’s studies, ethnic studies, business, organizational behav- ior, and anthropology.

I also spotlight research about mass media because they permeate U.S.

society. They depict interpretations of social reality, and they socialize us about social identity groups. Media portrayals of social identity groups can influence how we orient to our own as well as other social identity groups.

We often receive preliminary information about social identity groups other than our own through mass media rather than through meaningful interper- sonal interaction. The media also help to disseminate, shape, and reinforce dominant belief systems, stereotypes, and cultural ideals. On the plus side, media also portray and report resistance to inequalities. They also offer real- istic portrayals of nondominant groups.

I tend to concentrate on nondominant groups in each social identity cat- egory, primarily to shed light on issues that rarely receive attention. However, I also consider issues and implications for dominant group members. I try neither to bash members of dominant groups nor to idealize nondominant groups. I want members of all groups to see themselves as participants in social Allen 01.fm Page 19 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:25 PM 20Chapter One systems and networks that privilege some people and penalize others. While you did not construct those networks, you inherited them. You can challenge them, and you can even try to change them. I hope that this book helps you to realize that you can choose how you view and do difference. I also hope it provides a blueprint for how to do so.

I share a few “tools” to help you improve how you communicate social identity. These tools can aid intrapersonal, interpersonal, and organizational communication about difference matters. Like all tools, they are optional.

You can choose to use them or not, depending on the task at hand. To help you process what you read, I include in each chapter an “ID Check” to allow you to engage in intrapersonal communication. That’s right, I want you to talk to yourself ! After all, intrapersonal communication matters, too. I also include “Reflection Matters” in each chapter to encourage you to delve into issues that the chapter covers. In the final chapter, I conclude the book and recommend next steps.

Now that I’ve told you what to expect from the book, I invite you to take a moment to reflect on what you might gain by reading and reflecting on the topics we will cover. I also urge you to open your mind and heart to becom- ing more aware of how you communicate social identity. Best wishes.

REFLECTION M ATTERS 1. What issues raised in this chapter, if any, do you find intriguing? Why?

2. Do you agree that the six categories we’re covering are especially important in the United States? Why or why not? 1. How do you identify in each of the six social identity categories (gen- der, race, social class, age, ability, sexuality)? Other categories to list are religion, nationality, and native language.

2. From #1, how many of these place you in dominant categories? How many in nondominant? For religion, nationality, and native language, please consider which tend to dominate in your current context. For instance, English as a native language dominates in the United States.

3. Have you ever been aware of privilege because of any of your dominant social identity categories? Explain.

4. Have you ever felt disadvantaged because of any of your nondominant social identity categories? Explain.

5. Have you ever felt discriminated against because of any of your non- dominant or dominant social identity categories? •••• ID Check •••• ID Check Allen 01.fm Page 20 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:25 PM Difference and Other Important Matters21 3. Of the six categories that we will cover, which, if any, are most important to you personally? Why?

4. Has “difference” according to the social identity groups with which you identify ever mattered in your life? If yes, in what ways did dif- ference(s) matter?

5. If you had to describe yourself using the labels of only three social identity groups, which would you choose, and why? How do you feel about limiting your description of yourself to three categories?

6. How does the sociohistorical context in which I grew up seem to have affected how my life unfolded? For instance, does the time period of the 1950s and 1960s, or the geographical location of a housing project in Ohio, seem to matter?

7. My brief autobiography demonstrates potential influences of organi- zations and people in organizational roles on social identity develop- ment. For instance, when educators assigned me to an academic track, they reinforced my sense of being a smart black girl. As teach- ers, peers, and community members affirmed that sense of my self, I became confident and competent in interactions with diverse types of people, particularly black and white peers and white teachers. To explore how organizations or people within organizations have affected your identity development, divide your life into segments, beginning with your birth. For each segment, identify at least one or two organizations (or member[s] of an organization) that affected your social identity development, and explain the effect(s). If you are 35 years old or younger, divide your life into 7-year segments; if you are over 35, divide your life into 10-year segments.

8. In addition to anyone you described in question #7, what other per- sons in your life have influenced your self-concept? Do you think that your gender, race, age, ability, social class, sexuality, nationality, religion, or intersections of any of these affected how these persons interacted with you, and how you interacted with them? Explain.

9. What do you think of the statement that “-isms,” such as sexism, racism, ageism, “are merely behaviors of a ‘bad’ person”?

10. Have you talked about social identity categories in mixed groups (e.g. talking about race in a multiracial group)? If so, explain the cir- cumstances, and describe your feelings and responses.

11. Have you talked about “others” in homogeneous groups (for instance, in a group of women talking about men, or straight people talking about gay people)? If so, explain the circumstances and describe your feelings and responses.

12. Have you ever experienced any of the obstacles to valuing difference that I cited? Explain. Allen 01.fm Page 21 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:25 PM 22Chapter One 13. To illustrate how much organizations matter, keep track for one weekday all of the organizations that directly or indirectly influence your life. From the time that you wake up until you go to bed, keep a list of those organizations (or types of organizations). Also keep track of your communication interactions during the day.

a. Write the list of organizations.

b. List the communication interactions that you engaged in that took place either within an organization, or with someone repre- senting an organization.

c. If any of those interactions were cross-cultural, describe them. Allen 01.fm Page 22 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:25 PM 23 •••• •••• Chapter 2 Power Matters When I was about 25 years old I worked as a secretary in the research division of a national association in Washington, D.C. Two other women in their twenties and I sat at adjacent desks in an open area facing the offices of the male research associates for whom we worked. Betty, 1 the executive sec- retary, sat at the front of the room. Her desk (which was larger than the other secretaries’ and mine) was placed perpendicular to the entrance of the unit director’s corner office, which was bigger than those of the three associates.

One time when Betty was going on a weeklong vacation, she asked me to take over her duties. As she listed my responsibilities, she told me to wash her boss’s cup each morning and fill it with coffee (with cream) from the vending machine in the break room. I nodded in agreement, but I definitely did not like the idea. Surely this task wasn’t listed in the job description. All weekend, the problem percolated in my mind. I just did not want to get coffee for Frank. But if I didn’t, what would happen?

That Monday morning, I sat at my desk with butterflies in my stomach.

Frank approached me, coffee mug in one hand, and two dimes in the other.

He extended both toward me, saying softly, “Betty always gets coffee for me.” My heart pounded as I looked up at him and replied softly, “I know.” Three seconds later, he headed toward the vending machine area. Things went smoothly for the rest of the week and for the duration of my employment at the association. Frank even intervened on my behalf when Harold, the per- sonnel director, denied my request to revise my work schedule to attend grad- uate classes. Frank went over Harold’s head to ask Henrietta, the executive director of the organization, to grant my request. She agreed. I remain grate- ful to Frank (and Henrietta) for supporting me.

This chapter continues to set the foundation of the book by exploring matters of power and communicating social identity. Betty, Frank, Harold, Henrietta, and I enacted power relationships in varying ways, for varying rea- sons. Our behaviors may have been based in part on our social identities.

Frank was a middle-aged white male department director. Betty, his secre- tary, was also middle-aged and white. She had been with the association for many years, and she seemed proud of her position. Both of them probably never had questioned the practice of her serving him coffee. Chapter 2 Allen 02.fm Page 23 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 24Chapter Two In contrast, I was a young black woman, working to pay my bills as I fig- ured out what I wanted to be when I grew up. When I did not get coffee for Frank, I may have been acting from my standpoint as a black woman whose mother, grandmother, and great-grandmother had served white people.

Maybe I wanted to break that chain. I also could have been playing the role of a budding feminist who objected to any hint of male domination. Or, perhaps I thought someone with a college degree shouldn’t get coffee for anybody (what an elitist attitude).

Age also may have mattered. As a woman in my twenties, I probably didn’t view my role or my life in the same way as Betty, who was in her forties (which seemed old to me then). The job was a means to an end for me, and I knew I could get another clerical position, whereas Betty seemed settled into her position. Any or all of these aspects of my identity may have affected my response. Believe me, though, I didn’t analyze the situation at that time. In fact, my emotions played a much stronger role than my thoughts. It just didn’t feel right. What do you think you would have done?

As I noted in chapter 1, when and where events occur can significantly affect those events. My coffee tale took place in the 1970s in Washington, D.C., when you could buy a cup of coffee for twenty cents! More important, many citizens were feeling the effects of the civil rights and women’s rights movements. The fact that a first-generation female college graduate from a black working-class family was attending graduate school supports this point.

Even my request to adjust my work schedule is time bound, since many orga- nizations now routinely allow employees to work flexible hours. Throughout the book, we will explore examples of interdependent relationships between power dynamics and the sociohistorical contexts where they occur. We will use social construction theory to study ways that humans use communica- tion to construct their realities.

This chapter presents the premise that power matters. First, we will take a close look at the concept of power and its complexities. Next, I explore how concepts known as hegemony and ideology operate to establish and maintain control and systems of domination and I describe critical theory, a useful framework for studying power dynamics. Finally, I show how we enact power relations through communication. Conceptions of Power Power is a complex, multidimensional concept. How do you define power? You might think of power as “ability to dominate.” This viewpoint usually gives power to persons in powerful positions, which can range from the president of the United States to a boss to parent(s) or guardian(s), and to spouses or partners. Thinking of power in that way implies that certain indi- viduals have “power over” others. The “power over” perspective casts power negatively and neglects to consider positive aspects of power. It also fails to acknowledge that power is a reciprocal process. The “power over” stance Allen 02.fm Page 24 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Power Matters25 simplifies the nature of power by portraying it as overt, conscious behavior, such as using threats, promises, or orders to get what one wants. This focus on the surface overlooks deep structures of power that operate continually, unconsciously, and subtly based on norms and taken-for-granted assump- tions. 2 We will study surface and deep levels of power relevant to society in general and in various organizational contexts.

Our primary perspective for studying power relations is critical theory. In case you’re not familiar with this viewpoint, you may think about the every- day meaning of “being critical” as criticizing people and taking a negative approach. That’s not what I mean. Critical theory provides a set of frame- works for analyzing power dynamics in society in order to make the world more equitable. 3 Critical theory seeks to liberate and emancipate members of nondominant groups by exploring how and why people comply with domi- nant belief systems and how they and their allies resist those systems. Critical theorists seek to raise consciousness, to help people realize how power oper- ates. We focus on relationships between communication and structures. We acknowledge the power of communication to create and shape structures and rules and to provide means for resistance. We look at social conditions to uncover hidden power dynamics in surface and deep structures of society.

Examples of critical perspectives include feminist theories, which focus on gender inequality; critical race theory, which considers legal aspects and implications of racial inequality; and postcolonial theory, which studies unequal relations between nation-states by examining the dominance of Western knowledge in many countries.

I will refer to these and other critical approaches as I rely mainly on the work of French philosopher-historian Michel Foucault, who depicted power as a behavior or process that permeates all human interaction. 4 In contrast to the “power over” stance, which implies that power occurs occasionally, Fou- cault asserted that “power resides in every perception, every judgment, every act.” 5 Foucault contended that people enact power to produce and reproduce, resist, or transform structures of communication and meaning, in even the most mundane social practices. He used the term “relations of power” to sug- gest a network of systematic interconnections among people. 6 Foucault believed that power constitutes all relationships: “We define our relationships and how we should behave in relation to each other in terms of power differences and similarities.” 7 In my opening story, when Betty (as my supervisor) assigned me to be her substitute, she assumed I would imitate how she enacted the role of secretary. Frank may have expected Betty and me to get him coffee based on how he viewed the secretary–boss relationship (and maybe even the male–female relationship). Perhaps Betty started getting him coffee because she thought that she had to, or maybe she just enjoyed serving him because she liked him. Regardless of the dynamics of Betty and Fred’s relationship, Betty was comfortable with this arrangement, while I was not.

Foucault believed that power can have negative and positive conse- quences. Power is not always oppressive or prohibitive; power also can be Allen 02.fm Page 25 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 26Chapter Two productive. Power relationships worked in my favor when Frank asked the executive director to let me change my work schedule, and when she agreed.

Power is not limited to persons in power positions; power “exists in the reciprocal relations of the haves and have-nots.” 8 Although some persons are authorized to wield power, everyone engages in power practices, including those who may be lower in an organizational or societal hierarchy. Some sec- retaries act as gatekeepers, deciding who will or will not have access to their boss. They also may influence their boss. Or, even though teachers have offi- cial power over students, students and teachers can police each other. For instance, while teachers may enforce formal dress codes for students, students may verbally and nonverbally express criticisms of teachers’ appearance. In response, members of both groups may modify their dress to meet one another’s approval. Can you think of other examples where the person who supposedly has less power sometimes controls the relationship?

To explain the complexities of power, Foucault introduced the concept, “discipline.” What does the word discipline mean to you? As a verb, disci- pline means to punish or penalize, as in “the teacher disciplined the unruly child by making her stand in a corner.” When used as an adjective, discipline means a strict, self-regulation, as in “I follow a disciplined exercise program.” Discipline also can refer to an academic area of study, such as the discipline of communication. Notice that the root of discipline is disciple, or follower.

As Foucault conceived it, discipline refers to “elements of social relations that control, govern, and ‘normalize’ individual and collective behavior.” 9 The clock is an ever-present example of how discipline operates. In most contexts in the United States, we usually adhere to customs about time, and we rarely question our obedience to them. It just seems “normal” to be mind- ful of when and how long we engage in certain activities. Just about everyone knows norms about time (they are common knowledge), which we enact in power relations. Students and teachers use norms about time to affect each others’ behaviors. In the classroom, teachers expect students to be in their seats at the start of a session. Some teachers will not allow students to enter the class late. One informal rule in universities says that students may leave if the professor hasn’t shown up by fifteen minutes after class is scheduled to start. Have you heard that “rule”? When I teach a class, I don’t need a watch to know when class should end because students always begin to pack up when the time is almost over. As in schools, in most organizations discipline helps to produce “regular, recurring, functional behavior.” 10 Discipline enables organization members to collaborate and to predict outcomes. Discipline can also help prevent chaos. Therefore, discipline can have positive effects.

However, discipline can constrain creativity and spontaneity and help maintain power imbalances. Although we need some degree of discipline for organizations and relationships to persist and thrive, discipline can invite neg- ative consequences. Referring to the example of the clock, patient–doctor relationships show how discipline operates in power dynamics. Although physicians expect patients to arrive on time for appointments, patients often Allen 02.fm Page 26 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Power Matters27 wait well after the appointed time to see the physician. In most organizations, different policies about time apply to employees depending on their status.

Some individuals have to punch in and out on a time card and take timed breaks, which illustrates an obvious form of control over the employees. If they don’t follow time constraints, their employer may fire them or otherwise punish them. In contrast, other employees can come and go as they wish without paying close attention to time. In some occupations, individuals keep track of their own time. These examples of how the clock regulates human behaviors illustrate Foucault’s definition of discipline, which consists of power, knowledge (truth), and rules of right. Power and Knowledge Power and knowledge operate recursively: “the exercise of power perpet- ually creates knowledge and, conversely, knowledge constantly induces effects of power.” 11 As a result, what we call “facts” or knowledge often are actually products of political social processes. For example, the act of labeling or defining social identity groups demonstrates power dynamics. Historically, groups in power have named/labeled other groups, whether the other groups agreed with the names/labels or not. “What a group is called and how it is described by other groups, particularly those in power, plays an important role in social relations,” 12 because these labels usually are not neutral. Most often, dominant groups define these names/labels to establish and maintain hierarchy. 13 For instance, definitions of learning ability/disability allow edu- cators (the dominant group) to classify learners (the nondominant group) as either normal or abnormal. Once a person is labeled (e.g., as “gifted and tal- ented” or as “developmentally challenged”), that individual’s identity becomes fixed, and the label can forever have positive or negative impacts.

Throughout history, influential disciplines such as medicine, science, law, and religion have developed and instilled many bodies of “knowledge” about social identity groups that became accepted as truth. The Diagnostic and Statis- tical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) of the American Psychiatric Associa- tion (APA) is a primary source of information about mental disorders and problems. From their positions of power, medical experts decide which condi- tions qualify to be included in this storehouse of knowledge, which is presumed to constitute the truth. Anyone who shows symptoms related to disorders cited in the DSM is subject to being categorized and stigmatized because profession- als such as psychiatrists and psychologists consult the DSM to make and justify diagnoses and recommend treatment. For over twenty years, the DSM defined homosexuality as a mental condition, and this classification affected the lives of countless people. After concerted effort by groups who challenged that defini- tion, the board of trustees of the APA voted in 1974 to delete it from the DSM. Rules of Right The power–knowledge relationship operates through “rules of right,” which are “principles and practices we create to govern ourselves, presum- Allen 02.fm Page 27 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 28Chapter Two ably in non-arbitrary, systematic ways.” 14 Examples of rules of right include the Constitution of the United States at the national level and employee handbooks at the organizational level. What are examples on your job or at your school? Rules of right “spell out the right way to act in the organization according to the power relationships.” 15 They guide and regularize our interactions with others, and they help to maintain power positions. Mem- bers of society and organizations routinely and robotically invoke rules of right with statements or sentiments such as “that’s the way we do things around here,” “these are standard operating procedures,” or “it’s just com- mon sense.” Organization members tend to refer to those meanings that favor certain groups and interests as “common sense.” This illustrates the political nature of taken-for-granted knowledge. Relations of power often unfold as struggles over meaning as groups try to “fix” meaning and con- nect it to their own interests. 16 The rules of right provide a formal, structural delineation of power; the exercise of power allows for certain “truths” to emerge and to become the taken-for-granted knowledge base for a social system; the effects of this knowledge base in turn reinforce and reproduce relations of power in the system. 17 When people create, embed, or express meaning to serve or enhance the interests of some individuals and minimize and/or subordinate those of other individuals, a form of control emerges. Control in Organizations Organization members employ a variety of methods to control one another and themselves. Across history, these methods have progressed from simple, direct approaches, to more complex, covert strategies. 18 In early orga- nizations, persons in authority exerted power through simple control, which includes giving direct orders and engaging in overt observation. As organiza- tions adopted technology, technical control became an option. For instance, assembly lines partially hid authority relations between workers and supervi- sors. No longer did the supervisor have to command the worker, because the pace of the line controlled the worker’s productivity. Next came bureaucratic control, enabled through rules, policies, job descriptions, incentives, and so forth. Experts and specialists created standards and operating procedures, which represented a new form of surveillance. Although all three of these types of blatant or obtrusive control still occur, organizations also are exert- ing more subtle forms of discipline.

Organizational communication scholars Phillip Tompkins and George Cheney refer to unobtrusive forms of control as concertive control: “In the con- certive organization, the explicit written rules and regulations are largely replaced by the common understanding of values, objectives, and means of achievement, along with a deep appreciation for the organization’s ‘mission.’ ” 19 Allen 02.fm Page 28 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Power Matters29 Concertive Control Because concertive control works best when organization members inter- nalize interests of dominant groups, organizations strive to indoctrinate employees to behave according to the organization’s core values and beliefs.

A common strategy is to use a rhetoric of identification, the extent to which an individual, when faced with a decision, will be likely to do what aligns with the organization’s objectives rather than with her or his own prefer- ences.

20 Organizations use various methods to gain identification, such as cit- Mindfulness Become more mindful difference matters. What does being “mindful” mean? When you are mindful, you actively process information, you are open to new ideas and insights, and you are sensitive to context. 39 Also, mindfulness is “a heightened state of involvement and wakefulness or being in the present.” 40 In other words, being mindful requires you to observe yourself in the process of thinking. 41 Put even more simply, being mindful means thinking about what you’re thinking about. Becoming more mindful can help you become more sensitive to your environment, more open to new information, more conscious of how and what you perceive, and more aware of multiple perspectives for solving problems. 42 To be more mindful about difference matters, notice and question how you categorize and characterize others. Try to notice when you are relying on stereotypes and prejudices about social identity groups. When you meet someone different than you, be aware of which social identity cues you highlight, and remember that each person embodies a complex set of social identities. Monitor your thoughts and feelings related to other people based on their gender, race, age, and so forth, including people who belong to the same groups as you. Cultivate curiosity about how you and others con- struct and perform social identities. Also pay attention to how you per- ceive that others are responding to you. Look for ways that you are guilty of TUI (Thinking Under the Influence) of dominant belief systems or stereo- types, and try to restructure your thoughts.

To really develop this tool, improve your critical thinking skills. Con- sider taking a course or referring to books or Web sites on critical thinking.

Please see my Web site [www.differencematters.info] for links to critical thinking sites. •••• Tool No. 1 •••• Tool No. 1 Media Literacy Media literacy refers to our ability to critique and analyze media and its potential impact. Media literacy education strives to empower us and to transform our usual passive relationship with media to be more active, engaged, and critical. Media literacy education improves how we use criti- cal thinking skills as we “sift through and analyze the messages that inform, entertain and sell to us everyday.” 21 Especially relevant to difference matters, some media literacy curricula critique and analyze power dimensions of how media represent gender, race, class, and sexuality. 22 They focus on recognizing and challenging sys- tematic biases and distortions. They also encourage using media as instru- ments of social communication and change. 23 They promote producing alternative media that challenge dominant ideologies and portray more accurate and comprehensive views of nondominant groups.

One framework of critical media literacy includes the following con- cepts and questions to guide critical thinking about media messages: 24 • Concept: All media are constructions. Therefore, they are subject to the biases of their creators.

• Questions: Who created this message? What did they hope to accom- plish? What are their primary belief systems?

• Concept: Different people experience the same media message differently.

• Questions: How might different people understand this message differ- ently than me? What do I think and feel about this?

• Concept: Media have embedded values and points of view.

•Questions: What lifestyles, values, and points of view are represented or omitted in this message? What does this tell me about how other people live and believe? Does this message leave anything or anyone out?

• Concept: Media are organized to gain profit and/or power. Furthermore, only a handful of corporations dominate the U.S. media market.

• Questions: Why was this message sent? Who sent it? Is this trying to tell me something? . . . to sell me something? •••• Tool No. 2 •••• Tool No. 2 Allen 02.fm Page 29 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 30Chapter Two ing metaphors (e.g., “we are family”), telling stories, engaging in rituals, and performing ceremonies. 25 Organizations also try to get members to identify by trying to establish common ground. For instance, they identify a common enemy or glorify a “corporate we,” as in “We’re number one.” 26 These indoctrinating practices occur formally and informally, through such media as employee manuals, newsletters, meetings, annual reports, social gatherings, Web sites, and electronic mail. As members of organiza- tions internalize organizational premises, control becomes invisible and taken for granted. Concertive control techniques “govern and normalize indi- vidual and collective action organizations, particularly to the extent that they are internalized by persons and become, if you will, ‘standard operating procedures.’ ” 27 In essence, members become disciplined.

In a book entitled The Discipline of Teamwork, organizational communica- tion scholar James Barker demonstrates the power of concertive control evi- dent in his longitudinal study of a self-managing work team at a mid-size manufacturing company. 28 The company had established participative groups of employees with no assigned leaders by referring to a “team” meta- phor. However, through their talk and actions, team members identified, defined, reinforced, and enacted power relationships that looked more like traditional ones. Due to concertive control, four years after converting from a customary bureaucracy, teams had developed formal sets of rules to govern members’ workday activities. Team members engaged in self-surveillance behaviors such as developing and enforcing attendance policies that repro- duced power dynamics of conventional hierarchy and helped to construct their identities. As one person exclaimed, “Damn, I feel like a supervisor, I just don’t get paid for it.” 29 Barker’s study shows how people impose disci- pline on themselves and their peers.

As organizations and individuals discipline members, “a well-entrenched power hierarchy is maintained so smoothly that dominant and submissive behavior simply seems natural,” 30 and disciplined members want on their own what the organization wants. The primary means by which these disci- plinary processes occur is through hegemony. Hegemony Italian philosopher-theorist Antonio Gramsci conceptualized hegemony (if this is a new word for you, it’s pronounced hih-jeh -minny), as “the ‘spon- taneous’ consent given by the great masses of the population to the general direction imposed on social life by the dominant fundamental group.” 31 Communication scholars Lee Artz and Bren Ortega Murphy define hege- mony as: “the process of moral, philosophical, and political leadership that a social group attains only with the active consent of other important social groups.” They elaborate: Hegemony addresses how social practices, relationships, and structures are negotiated among diverse social forces. Hegemony offers a template for understanding why women wear makeup, employees participate in Allen 02.fm Page 30 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Power Matters31 actions to improve company profits, and homeowners and renters accept segregated housing patterns. In each case, subordinate groups (women, workers, or ethnic minorities) willingly participate in practices that are not necessarily in their best interests because they perceive some tangible benefit. The mass media, educational institutions, the family, govern- ment agencies, industry, religious groups, and other social institutions elicit social support for such hegemonic relations through patterns of communication and material reward. 32 As Artz and Murphy imply, hegemony operates everywhere in a society.

In organizations, hegemony occurs as individuals work to accomplish the organization’s goals while being complicit in their own domination.

Organization members often support belief systems and enact power rela- tions that may not serve their interests (they may even work against those interests). 33 Thus, a central tenet of hegemony is “domination through con- sent,” as seen in Barker’s study.

However, everyone does not always consent to domination. Hegemony also encompasses resistance, any means by which societal or organizational members attempt to undermine or overthrow the dominant order. Foucault contended that power relations always meet with resistance, as individuals or groups imagine and seek better realities. Moreover, “acts of resistance are as dispersed and innumerable as sites of power.” 34 An individual might resist strictly for personal reasons, as I did with Frank. People also resist to seek rights for themselves and/or others, to transform specific organizational con- texts, or to cause social change. Recall how Frank inter vened on my behalf by going over his supervisor’s head. Resistance may be planned and organized, for instance through whistle-blowing, filing a lawsuit, going on strike, or working precisely within guidelines. Resistance also occurs as random acts such as cheating, lying, telling jokes, being late, or stealing. As these exam- ples imply, resistance may be overt or covert.

Resistance also can be “simultaneously resistant and consensual, uniting and dividing, radical and conservative.” 35 Although government agencies often control categories of social identity groups, sometimes individuals and groups assert their own names to redefine themselves, to assert power, and/ or to reject others’ imposing an identity on them. 36 For instance, civil rights groups were instrumental in changing the racial label “Negro” to “black” and “African American.” However, name changes can arouse conflict within groups, as all members may not agree with them. I remember some older African Americans responding negatively to the idea of being called “black” because they thought it was a derogatory term. Also, some gay rights activists have embraced the label “queer” as an act of defiance, while others think the label perpetuates oppressive meanings. 37 To summarize, hegemony is a complex concept about domination/coer- cion, consent, and resistance/transformation. Hegemony persists within a society and within organizations when most members agree on dominant belief systems, also known as ideologies. Allen 02.fm Page 31 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 32Chapter Two Ideology Ideology is a contested concept with multiple and sometimes contradic- tory meanings. For our purposes, think of ideology as “a set of assumptions and beliefs that comprise a system of thought.” 38 Ideology has powerful, intricate influences on all of us. As organizational communication scholars Eric Eisenberg and Lloyd Goodall explain: Ideology touches every aspect of life and shows up in our words, actions, and practices. . . . Because ideology structures our thoughts and interpre- tations of reality, it typically operates often beneath our conscious awareness. . . . it shapes what seems “natural,” and it makes what we think and do seem “right.” 39 This perspective on ideology corresponds with how Karl Marx and Frederick Engels focused on ideology as a means for justifying social stratification. 40 For example, the belief that rich people are hard workers and poor people are lazy is ideological.

Dominant ideologies reflect perspectives and experiences of ruling groups, whose members construct and circulate beliefs that will most benefit them.

Those who control means to disseminate belief systems usually also control which ideologies become widespread within a society. Over time, ideologies become taken for granted and accepted as universally valid by most members of a society. Ideology thus becomes a “filter to screen out beliefs and pro- posed actions that do not fit, and to accept opinions and proposed actions that are consistent with the ideology.” 41 In essence, ideologies help to validate worldviews that help dictate our attitudes and behaviors. Power and control processes occur as individuals and groups attempt to produce, reproduce, resist, and/or change a society’s dominant ideologies.

To further define ideology, here’s a preview of some of the dominant ide- ologies we will examine. Team members in Barker’s study were immersed in the ideology of organizational hierarchy, which arranges job positions in a strat- ified structure (usually in the form of a pyramid), with power flowing from the top down. Even though a self-managing work team structure empowered the employees not to enact hierarchy, its ideological force was so strong that they reverted to it.

The ideology of hierarchy also is evident in the power-infused interac- tions between employees, as described in this chapter’s opening story. Betty the secretary told me to make coffee for Frank, her boss; Frank’s boss, Harold, informed me I couldn’t revise my work hours to attend school; Frank went over Harold’s head to ask Henrietta, the executive director, to grant my request; Henrietta gave me permission. From my account, you almost can visualize the organizational chart that mapped organization’s hierarchy.

Organizational hierarchy exemplifies the ideology of domination, a funda- mental belief system in U.S. society “in a notion of superior and inferior, and its concomitant ideology—that the superior should rule over the inferior.” 42 This ideology is so ingrained that most people believe domination is natural. Allen 02.fm Page 32 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Power Matters33 Systems of domination are common in social structures, which usually are stratified, or “organized [hierarchically] so that one group of people consis- tently has more opportunity or privilege than another group.” 43 Consequences of stratification include unequal, differential distribution of resources, oppor- tunities, status, and services. Structures and systems can be exclusionary and damaging to individuals. This systemic/structural perspective is key to how we will explore difference. I delve deeply into structures of society at large as well as within various contexts to expose power relations that constitute social reality and to discuss how they matter to communicating social identity.

The social identity groups we will study usually are explicitly or implic- itly stratified. Social class is layered from upper to lower levels, and not hav- ing a disability is usually considered more desirable than having one. Persons in the lower strata of social identity groups tend to occupy lower levels of hierarchies, and to be the lowest paid, while the converse usually is true for persons in higher strata. For instance, women occupy most clerical positions in organizations, and most high-level executives are men.

The ideology of patriarchy—the “structural dominance of men that is built into the institutions of society” 44—often prompts gender-based assump- tions and expectations about organizational roles and behaviors. Returning to my opening story, the roles and expected power relations of (female) secre- tary and (male) boss exhibit the classic gender hierarchy of U.S. society. This ideology also forms the basis for resistance to those assumptions and expecta- tions, for instance as enacted in women’s rights movements or men’s profemi- nist groups.

The ideology of white supremacy refers to an internalized belief that white people are superior to all other races. This belief stems from power sources in the United States that have steadfastly reinforced and perpetuated a hierarchy of race. Through various actions, including government legislation, groups and individuals systematically have sought to separate white from nonwhite, to glorify whiteness and malign color.

The culture of poverty ideology contends that poor people collectively embody traits that keep them down. This perspective on social class blames the poor for their plight and ignores the fact that many wealthy people have inherited their wealth and resources or that they were better positioned to attain the “American dream.” This ideology does not acknowledge that eco- nomic, cultural, and social capital can tilt the playing field in favor of those who have accumulated wealth, knowledge, and/or connections. 45 Finally, heteronormativity refers to a belief system that values and normal- izes heterosexual identity while marginalizing and stigmatizing individuals who do not identify as heterosexual. This ideology contends that humans are either female or male, and that sexual relations should occur only between a female and a male. This perspective affects related aspects of life, including gender roles, norms of sexual relationships, and marriage.

Whether consciously or not, members of society often allow dominant ideologies like these to dictate their attitudes and behaviors: “the dominant Allen 02.fm Page 33 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 34Chapter Two assumptions of a culture establish hierarchical relationships, and as long as the members of a culture believe that the hierarchies are normal and natural, they will tend to act in ways that perpetuate those hierarchies.” 46 Although these dynamics matter for everyone, nondominant group members tend to be more negatively affected than dominant group members. Thus, power rela- tions occur in society at large and within organizations as individuals rein- force or resist dominant ideologies. The primary means by which people enact power relations is through communication. Power and the Media The media play a powerful role in communicating social identity. Every day, media such as books, newspapers, magazines, radio, recordings, mov- ies, television, and the Internet create and transmit millions of messages to large audiences around the world. Since the 1930s, media scholars in com- munication have studied a range of topics, including media effects on cul- ture and society, influence and persuasion, and motivations for using media. They’ve developed a substantial body of work about how media impact our beliefs, attitudes, and actions. For example, social cognitive theory contends that we often learn about life from the media without hav- ing direct experience, and we tend to believe that the media accurately rep- resent aspects of life. So, members of dominant groups who don’t have much contact with nondominant groups will tend to believe media portray- als of those groups. Cultivation theory says that media shapes our percep- tions of social reality through extensive and cumulative exposure to media messages. We develop beliefs, attitudes, and expectations about the real world based on media, and we use those beliefs, attitudes, and expecta- tions to guide how we behave.

Some communication scholars conduct critical cultural studies, which focus on “how the media can be used to define power relations among var- ious subcultures and maintain the status quo. Critical cultural studies researchers examine how the media relate to matters of ideology, race, social class, and gender.” 47 They assert that media not only reflect culture, but they also produce culture. They stress how political and social struc- tures influence mediated communication and how that influence helps to maintain or support those with power in society.

These and other perspectives on communication and the media help to inform our study of difference matters. To enhance your understanding of media effects on difference matters, I include a spotlight on media in each of the following chapters. Spotlight on Media •••• Spotlight on Media •••• Allen 02.fm Page 34 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Power Matters35 Communicating Power We enact power relations through a variety of interrelated communica- tion processes, including: language, everyday talk, and responses to norms and policies about physical appearance. Language A primary medium for communicating power is language, which helps to spread ideologies and to reinforce hegemony. Although no language sys- tem is superior to another, persons in power tend to value certain systems more than others. Powerful groups usually control language systems and expect all organization members to use vocabulary, jargon, dialects, accents, as well as topics of interactions that the dominant group values and uses.

Communication inequities can arise when members privilege certain lan- guage systems and dominant groups tend to place the burden of proof on nondominant group members. For instance, an ideology of rationality values objective, “cool-headed” behaviors, and devalues emotionally expressive communication styles characteristic of some women and people of color. 48 During co-cultural exchanges, or communication between nondominant and dominant group members, 49 dominant group members may stigmatize a nondominant speaker as deviant or deficient because the person does not comply with dominant norms. These power relations often occur during rou- tine interactions, or everyday talk. Everyday Talk Everyday talk consists of discursive practices, which are “characteristic ways of speaking and writing that both constitute and reflect our experi- ences,” 50 that can help to produce, maintain, or resist systems of power.

Everyday talk tends to be political. That is, it tends to favor the interests of one group over another. As a result, “all discourse potentially structures rela- tions of dominance and subordination in organizations.” 51 Norms about small talk in everyday situations can inhibit developing harmonious relationships and stifle productivity and creativity. The ease with which a person can engage in small talk—inside or outside the workplace set- ting—can help or hinder career stability and mobility. For example, some per- sons might avoid informal networking opportunities, such as company- sponsored social events, because they expect to be uncomfortable about con- versing in an informal, nonwork-related context. Some people may also feel inhibited at work. A white male professional described his discomfort in the corporate bank setting where he worked. He let his working-class, Irish-Ger- man background restrain him from interacting freely with his middle-class, Ivy League colleagues. 52 Women of color in workshops I conduct often lament that they cannot be “themselves” at their workplaces because they feel obligated to accommodate to “white” ways of communicating. Allen 02.fm Page 35 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 36Chapter Two To “fit into” dominant contexts, members of nondominant groups may engage in code switching, or adapting their speech to standard English-speak- ing norms. When nondominant group members do not adapt, power dynam- ics can become visible. A Chicana told me that her white female supervisor constantly reprimanded her for rolling her r’s when she pronounced certain words. Although she told her supervisor the pronunciation was characteristic of her native language, the supervisor repeatedly told her to pronounce words “correctly.” Parents who never attended college or who have limited literacy skills may hesitate to talk with their children’s teachers due to a sense of intellectual inferiority. Also, in situations such as doctor–patient encounters, older patients and/or patients who speak English as a second language may not talk openly or ask for clarity when communicating with physicians or other health care providers.

The employment interview represents a common discursive practice in organizations based on dominant ideals: “assumptions about proper inter- viewing behavior and outcomes exclude experiences of traditionally under- represented groups and maintain managerial control.” 53 Recruiters tend to select new hires based on “fluency of speech, composure, appropriateness of content, and ability to express ideas in an organizational fashion.” 54 Further- more, interviewers tend to rate interviewees more highly when their responses match their expectations. During co-cultural interviews, nondominant group members may feel even more uneasy, self-conscious, cautious, or tense than interviewees who are part of the dominant group. They may struggle to match their language and behavior to meet the expectations of the interviewer.

Most organization members accept dominant ideologies and enact/ reproduce them in everyday interactions until they become so embedded that they are invisible, and taken for granted. One consequence is discursive clo- sure, processes that mute or distort voices of certain persons or groups:

“rather than having open discussions, discussions are foreclosed or there appears to be no need for discussion.” 55 A prime example of this is the “don’t ask, don’t tell” policy in the military regarding homosexual identity. Physical Appearance A final example of communicating power can be found in how organiza- tions discipline members’ bodies. As organizational communication scholar Angela Trethewey explains, “Control, in its most insidious form—disci- pline—operates simultaneously on employee minds and bodies.” 56 Foucault viewed the body as a central object and target of power in organizations.

Through disciplinary practices (including self-surveillance), organization members internalize and reproduce dominant ideologies by transforming their own bodies into “carriers” or representatives of prevailing relations of domination and subordination. In essence, they become what Foucault called “docile” bodies. 57 Allen 02.fm Page 36 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Power Matters37 Members of dominant as well as nondominant groups learn to conform to formalized expectations or unspoken norms about aspects of appearance, such as types of clothing, grooming, and acceptable body weight. Many, if not most, of these policies and norms persist without challenge. Moreover, some policies are based on legitimate business necessity, such as safety issues.

For instance, a group of black firefighters claimed that the policy requiring them to be clean shaven was discriminatory. These men suffered from an inflammatory skin condition common to African American men that con- strains them from shaving every day. Although the judge indicated that the plaintiffs’ concerns were valid, the court ruled in favor of the defendant because respirator masks do not fit properly on firefighters with beards. 58 However, many policies are based less on necessity than on masculinist, white, middle-class and middle-aged ideals and aesthetics. Furthermore, although the notion of docile bodies affects everyone, it is especially relevant to nondominant group members because rules of right often require them to mod- ify their appearances. Other examples of resistance to traditional norms and pol- icies include lawsuits related to various policies about bodily appearance such as weight requirements for women; men’s ponytails or earring(s); young persons’ piercings, tattoos, or colored hair; and black people’s braided hairstyles. 59 The preceding discussion only begins to address ways that people enact power relations. In addition to written and oral communication, power rela- tions are expressed through nonverbal phenomena, such as the use of space.

Recall, for instance, my description of the office layout where I worked.

Research associates worked in offices with windows and doors, while secre- tarial staff were located out in the open, in the interior of the building. Other examples of nonverbal cues of power include parking privileges, access to bathrooms, and office size and location in the worksite. Conclusion Power dynamics are inevitable aspects of communicating in organiza- tions and other contexts. The relationships among power, hegemony, and ideology reveal that organizations are “sites of struggle where different groups compete to shape the social reality of organizations in ways that ser ve their own interests.” 60 Dominant groups rely on various ideologies to main- tain and reproduce relations of power, usually through consent of nondomi- nant groups rather than coercion. However, nondominant groups and their allies from dominant groups often strive to develop more equitable realities.

Moreover, although power processes can exclude and marginalize people, they also can enable and empower them. 61 Organizational power dynamics do not occur in a vacuum. Enacting power in organizations resembles and relies on power dynamics in society at large. Major forces such as our families, the government, religion, educa- tion, and the media impact how people enact power in organizations, and vice versa. Allen 02.fm Page 37 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 38Chapter Two Throughout history and currently, many individuals and groups in the United States enact(ed) power relations not only to produce and reproduce domination, but also to empower, liberate, and transform. They visualize(d) alternative ways to take us closer to the ideal of liberty and justice for all.

Their responses to hegemony and ideology have wide-ranging effects on soci- ety at large as well as for organizational communication processes. When Rosa Parks refused to sit in the back of a bus in Montgomery, Alabama, in 1955, a group of citizens formed a grassroots organization whose bus boycott ignited a transformative social movement. This movement formed the back- drop against which power relations unfolded between my coworkers and me in the early 1970s.

Chapters 1 and 2 established the foundation for the remainder of the book by outlining primary concepts and theoretical perspectives. In the fol- lowing chapters, I describe and analyze the social construction of social iden- tity groups in the United States, and I examine related power dynamics.

Throughout, I clarify the power of communication.

REFLECTION M ATTERS 1. What did you find intriguing or interesting in this chapter? Why?

2. How empowered do you usually feel? Why? Do you tend to feel more empowered in certain situations? Do you tend to feel less empowered in certain situations? Does your sense of empowerment seem related to any of your social identity categories? Explain 3. Recall the example of how the clock disciplines students and faculty in a university setting. Provide another example of discipline (as Fou- cault conceptualized it) that routinely occurs in educational settings.

4. Offer an example of discipline from your own work experiences, or from the work experiences of someone you know.

5. Discuss examples of simple, technical, and bureaucratic control at workplaces.

6. Does any organization or group that you belong to try to get mem- bers to identify with it? What communication strategies did/do they use? Explain.

7. Apply Foucault’s conception of power to analyze interaction pat- terns in significant relationships in your life (e.g., child–parent, supervisor–worker, student–teacher, romantic partner).

8. Narrate a personal example of resistance in an organizational con- text. In the form of a brief story (similar to my coffee tale), explain what happened, and why. If you do not have a story from your life, obtain a story from someone you know, or from the media (e.g., a movie or television show). Emphasize communication processes that the individuals enacted. Allen 02.fm Page 38 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Power Matters39 9. Have you experienced any co-cultural communication challenges (i.e., communication between members of dominant and nondomi- nant groups)—as either a dominant or nondominant group mem- ber—that I describe in this chapter? Explain.

10. How is language a primary medium for communicating power? Give examples from your experiences.

11. Review the list of dominant ideologies and select any that you have experienced. Explain and give examples.

12. Based on Tool #2 (p. 29), how would you rate your level of media lit- eracy? Explain. Allen 02.fm Page 39 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM ….

41 •••• •••• Chapter 3 Gender Matters Salespersons sometimes refer to me using masculine terms by saying things like, “I’ll be right with you, sir,” or “I need to help him first.” They usually are interacting with a coworker or another customer, or otherwise dis- tracted. Their peripheral vision registers a tall person with short hair, and they assume I am a man. Once they really look at me and realize their mis- take, they apologize profusely. One woman moaned, “I feel soooo stupid.” I take it in stride because I understand what has happened. One time, though, a cashier looked right at me as she handed me change and said, “Thank you, sir.” Now that irritated me. I wanted to correct her, to proclaim that I am a woman. I mean, didn’t she notice that I was wearing lipstick and earrings; didn’t she see my curves; didn’t she hear my feminine vocal tones?

Why do you think I was upset when she didn’t recognize that I was a woman? Why do you think people who realized their error were so apolo- getic? Do you think they would have been more, or less, upset if they had mis- taken a man for a woman? Why? A friend of mine who is a lesbian also experiences these types of interactions, although much more frequently because she doesn’t wear makeup, and she wears masculine clothing.

Another one of my friends is a male-to-female transgendered person who gently corrects service workers when they refer to her using masculine pro- nouns. One time she did that, a male security guard replied: “OK. Thank you, SIR,” putting strong emphasis on the word, “sir.” These experiences imply a few matters related to gender that this chapter covers.

Gender is a defining element of everyday interactions, across all social contexts as we routinely rely on verbal and nonverbal cues to “do gender,” usually without thinking about it. 1 That is, we enact learned, scripted gender roles. Signs and signals of gender are so ever-present that “we usually fail to note them—unless they are missing or ambiguous. Then we are uncomfort- able until we have successfully placed the other person in a gender status.” 2 Most of us have a clear, strong sense of our gender that we expect others to acknowledge. Also, individuals sometimes discriminate against others because of their gender.

In this chapter, I explore various matters related to communicating gen- der to illustrate power relations between and among women and men. I begin by defining gender and distinguishing it from sex, after which I elaborate on Chapter 3 Allen 03.fm Page 41 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 42Chapter Three why gender matters. Next, I describe how sex and gender have been socially constructed in the United States, and I discuss dominant value systems about gender. Then, I offer a historical overview of gender and labor in the United States. I also explain ways that individuals and groups have challenged per- spectives on gender and their consequences. After that, I spotlight educa- tional systems as significant sites of hegemony where we teach and learn about social identities. Finally, I review research on communicating gender, including a discussion about the role of emotion at work. Throughout the chapter, I illustrate that gender and power matter to how women and men communicate social identity. What Is Gender? What is your sex? What is your gender? Do you think of them as two dif- ferent ways to say the same thing about yourself ? Although many people use the terms interchangeably, gender and sex are distinct though related facets of identity. Sex is a biological classification. Humans universally tend to label a newborn as either “female” or “male.” They designate a baby’s sex based on physiological features related to reproduction, including external genitalia, internal sex organs, chromosomes, and hormones. 3 This classification system reflects an essentialist view that stable, innate differences exist between the two sexes. This logic supports the idea that females and males are polar oppo- sites, and that they serve different, complementary roles in society, which leads us to the concept of gender. Gender classifications are based on a “web of socially constructed meanings that differentiate humans on the basis of per- ceived physical, social, and psychological characteristics.” 4 Those classifica- tions depend on societal views of relationships of female to woman and male to man. Thus, gender refers to cultural norms of femininity and masculinity. In current popular usage, the word gender encompasses both biological and socio- cultural aspects of identity, while sex generally means sexual intercourse. 5 Most cultures uphold customary conceptions of what women and men are “supposed” to be like. We learn at an early age how to “do gender,” based usually on our sex. For instance, we are told that “Boys don’t cry,” or “Girls should be nice.” Did anyone ever tell you either of those things? Gender norms vary across cultures, and they change throughout history. For instance, some languages don’t have gender-linked terms for boys and girls or for older people. Some societies classify multiple genders, while others are genderless. 6 And, members of some groups honor individuals who personify multiple genders.

To conclude, sex is based on biology and genetics, while gender is cultur- ally and relationally determined. Thus, “gender is not something we have, but something that we do, over and over again in one setting or another. And these settings are not neutral ground but saturated with gendered assumptions and expectations.” 7 These assumptions and expectations can lead to sexism, discriminatory behavior and attitudes based on a person’s gender (including Allen 03.fm Page 42 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Gender Matters43 women and men). Although sex classification has remained constant through- out history, conceptions of gender vary across time and within cultures. Why Gender Matters Gender is a primary aspect of most individuals’ identity that matters throughout our lives. We are not born with a gender. Rather, we learn our gender identity from others. At birth, we enter a world “that is coded and structured in terms of gender.” 8 We receive messages from various sources about how to enact a gender role that’s usually based on our sex. Most of us develop and solidify our gender identity in early childhood. As we grow up, various sources socialize us about how women and men differ.

In addition to being an important element of identity, gender has consid- erable consequences for quality of life. Women and men tend to be employed in sex-segregated jobs that are valued differently. Men tend to earn more money and to occupy more positions of authority. Men also tend to have fewer health problems, which may stem from a long history in the field of medicine of concentrating on men’s health challenges and men’s wellness.

However, women live longer than men, and they usually have stronger social support systems. These and other consequences of gender arise from ways that gender has been and is constructed in U.S. society. Constructing Gender in the United States A review of how gender has been constructed in the United States reveals that ideas about “natural” differences between women and men are artificial products of “knowledge” created by authorities in disciplines such as science and medicine. Early research and writing about sex and gender tried to ratio- nalize differences between women and men as rooted in natural inferiority or superiority. That essentialist explanation helps to justify women’s subordina- tion and men’s dominance. 9 In Western culture, a primary approach to explaining differences between the sexes refers to biological constructs such as physical characteristics, reproduction, and sexual activity. These principles certify sex differences as natural, essential, and absolute. Historical Overview of Ideological Perspectives Early explanations about sex differences relied on biological reasoning to justify sex-based attitudes and behaviors, including women’s purity and men’s promiscuity. 10 Scientists conducted numerous tests to discover and demon- strate sex differences. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, craniometrists (scientists who measured skulls) argued that males were more intelligent than females because females had smaller brains. 11 In 1879, Gustave LeBon, known as the founder of social psychology, said that women “represent the most inferior forms of human evolution . . . they are closer to children and savages than to an adult, civilized man.” 12 Also in the nine- Allen 03.fm Page 43 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 44Chapter Three teenth century, researchers concluded that women should not have access to higher education because university study would deplete the energy they needed for menstrual and reproductive functions, which would prevent them from having babies. 13 Related to this, Charles Darwin asserted that parental instinct made women naturally more tender and less selfish than men. He based this on the claim that women’s hormones make them more caring, while men’s hor- mones make them more aggressive. 14 Therefore, men are more suited to the pressures of the work world. Similarly, religious or quasi-religious beliefs con- tended that women should not become doctors because menstruation ren- dered them ritually unclean. “Natural” perspectives on sex and gender like these helped to formulate and perpetuate the belief that men are naturally superior to women and naturally dominant over them. 15 A historical overview of ideas about femininity and masculinity reflects the persistence of an ideology of patriarchy, or “rule by the fathers.” Patriar- chy refers to the “structural dominance of men that is built into the institu- tions of society.” 16 Patriarchal societies enact a hierarchy of gender in which “men as a category have systematic advantages over women whether men desire these advantages or not.” 17 In other words, most men enjoy masculine privilege. Moreover, due to persistent power relations, women and men repro- duce and reinforce this gender hierarchy.

To challenge patriarchy, the women’s rights movement in the 1800s sought political rights such as voting, access to employment, and the right to own property and to earn an education. In contrast, an ideal of femininity known as the “cult of true womanhood,” or the “cult of domesticity” dictated a middle-class image of correct femininity promoted widely through women’s magazines, advice manuals, and novels. “True women” were judged by four prime virtues: purity, piety, submissiveness, and domesticity. They did not seek work outside of their homes; nor did they involve themselves in social or polit- ical issues. They were judged primarily by their abilities to serve as wives and mothers, and by their “natural” moral superiority over men. 18 They could not own property, vote, attend college, serve as jurors, or run for political office.

Some states even restricted the number of hours that women could work. 19 Around this time, an ideology of separate spheres arose to justify the new arrangement of men in the public domain and women in the private sector of society. 20 Basically, women were to confine themselves to the private context of the home. Underlying these attitudes is the idea that women belong in the private domain of society, where they should maintain the household and raise children, while men are responsible for the public sphere of work and politics.

21 However, class differences affected notions of femininity. Being a “lady” was a status symbol of mainly white, middle- and upper-class women, who depended on the cheap labor of working-class women, most of whom were women of color and immigrant women. 22 This latter group of women worked sunup to sundown, often maintaining the residences of wealthier women and their own homes. Allen 03.fm Page 44 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Gender Matters45 Historically, meanings of masculinity usually position men in the public sphere, where they are responsible for production and politics. In the nine- teenth century, when certain women were expected to be ladies, and to con- fine themselves to childrearing and housekeeping, men were expected to be breadwinners. And, men whose wives worked were deemed failures. Thus, a significant sign of masculinity was providing for the family. Indeed, “the very definition of masculinity in American society came to be tied to a man’s paycheck.” 23 This ideal was difficult for working-class and poor married men to achieve because their wives often needed to work to help sustain the fam- ily. 24 For ex ample, m any mar ried La tinos who worked on railroad gangs lived apart from their wives, who often worked at low-paying farm or domes- tic jobs. 25 Challenging Traditional Messages Since the late 1960s, research on gender stereotypes has investigated nor- mative beliefs about a “typical” woman or man in the United States. These stereotypes matter because they not only describe characteristics of feminin- ity and masculinity, they also prescribe them. 26 What do you think are char- acteristics of femininity? Of masculinity? According to some studies, two clusters of traits exist. Femininity traits include expressive-nurturing behav- iors such as understanding, compassion, and affection. Masculinity traits encompass instrumental-active attitudes and behaviors, including indepen- dence, confidence, and assertiveness. 27 These descriptive stereotypes corre- spond to prescriptive norms that we traditionally learn from others about our gender roles, as in girls should be caring and relational, and boys should not express feminine emotions.

Feminist communication scholar Julia Wood cites themes of femininity and masculinity that thread through contemporary U.S. society. 28 Femininity themes are: appearance still counts; be sensitive and caring; accept negative treatment by others; and be a superwoman. As women receive contradictory messages about gender, they may struggle with life decisions such as pursuing a career and/or becoming a mother. The wide variety of perspectives on fem- ininity is evident in various forms of feminism, including radical feminism, liberal feminism, social feminism, poststructural feminism, Chicana femi- nism, ecofeminism, and womanism. 29 According to Wood, masculinity themes are: don’t be female; be success- ful; be aggressive; be sexual; and be self-reliant. Definitions of masculinity often are the opposite of how we define women or gay men. Boys and men are continually socialized that being a man means first and foremost, not being a woman. 30 For instance, men in the military (a highly masculine domain) often refer to defeated enemies, recruits, and passive peers as “girls,” “faggots,” and other names meant to be derogatory. These constructions show that while views of femininity are changing (although not without ten- sions), notions of masculinity continue to emphasize male superiority. As many men grapple with changing conceptions of both masculinity and femi- Allen 03.fm Page 45 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 46Chapter Three ninity, some have organized themselves to respond to what has been called “a crisis of masculinity.” 31 These groups follow a tradition of various women’s and men’s social and political movements advocating particular ver- sions of femininity and masculinity. They comprise two basic camps: pro- masculinist, men’s rights, which leans toward antifeminism, and profeminists who advocate women’s rights.

32 Other examples are “real men,” and mytho- poetic men (who seek to “rediscover deep mythic roots of masculine thinking and feeling”). 33 Some social scientists critique traditional portrayals of masculinity as always dominant and equally performed by all males. They propose that mul- tiple masculinities exist, which reinforces the need to consider intersections of identity. 34 For instance, the meaning of masculinity in working-class life in the United States differs from its meaning in middle- and upper-class life. Or, some U.S.-born men of Chinese and Japanese descent may associate their masculinity with “caring characteristics such as being polite and obedient” 35 because their cultures revere nurturing as an element of male power. Yet, Western ideas about masculinity would brand these attributes as effeminate and passive and, therefore, unmanly.

A growing area of study known as men’s studies or masculinity studies analyzes complexities of masculine identities and acknowledges that some men are not as privileged as others. For instance, hegemonic masculinity refers to an ideal notion of a man by stressing a plurality of masculinities and not- ing a hierarchy within masculine identities. 36 This perspective depicts the most powerful version of manhood as someone who enacts traditional char- acteristics of masculinity and embodies dominant categories of primary social identity groups. That is, someone who is male, white, physically and mentally fit, upper middle class, not too young (and yet not too old), and het- erosexual. Consequently, men from all social identity categories may struggle to achieve this ideal as they construct, negotiate, and maintain a masculine identity. 37 Such challenges reinforce the need to consider intersections of identity instead of highlighting only one category.

Recent research in men’s studies explores emerging changes in construc- tions of masculine identity. For instance, “inclusive masculinity” refers to a “softer” version of masculinity among younger men based on reduced homophobia and decreased sexism, as well as acceptance of feminine social behavior among other men. 38 Men who enact inclusive masculinities are more likely to develop emotional relationships with other men.

To summarize, femininity and masculinity are not stable features of indi- vidual women and men. Nor are they distinct, clear-cut categories. Rather, members of society create, reinforce, and reconstruct various femininities and masculinities. However, the ideology of patriarchy prevails. Notions of wom- anhood and manhood are continually constructed within social systems whose members usually rely on hegemonic ideals about gender to teach one another how to perform gendered roles. Allen 03.fm Page 46 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Gender Matters47 Gender and Divisions of Labor Effects of gender socialization are especially evident in the division of labor. At various points in history, some women and men shared duties such as farming and childrearing, while at other times they enacted distinct roles based on gender norms. The nature and duration of these roles often varied due to other aspects of identity, especially race and social class. Roles also changed due to historical events such as the beginning and end of slavery, the world wars, the Industrial Revolution, the Civil Rights Movement, the Infor- mation Revolution, and legislative reforms.

For instance, prior to the Civil War, 90 percent of white men were inde- pendent farmers, businessmen, or artisans. After the war, many men could not make a living, so they moved to the cities to find work in factories. By the early twentieth century, fewer than one-third worked for themselves. Simulta- neously, newly freed black slaves migrated north, and large numbers of south- ern Europeans immigrated to the United States. As these newcomers looked for work, they competed for white men’s traditional power positions. 39 In the first half of the twentieth century, many women were demanding equality in education, voting, work, and sexual matters, including birth con- trol and reproduction. 40 During World War II, unprecedented numbers of women entered the workforce. When men returned from the war, they thought women should return to their “natural” place in the home. During this era, expectations of women shifted: In the 1940s, [white, middle-class] women were told that they shouldn’t work outside the home if they were married, then that it was patriotic to work outside the home, then that their real job was to cook and take care of their kids and husband. In the 1950s and 1960s, movies glorified male war heroes and the sweethearts they left behind. Hollywood and the country selectively forgot women in the factories and the armed forces. It was as if their jobs as riveters, welders, nurses and pilots—along with the emergent feminism—never happened. 41 One of the most significant developments related to gender and labor has been the increasing number of women entering the paid workforce. Note, however, that most women always have engaged in various forms of unpaid labor within their homes and in agricultural settings. At the beginning of the twentieth century, fewer than one of every five workers was a woman; at the beginning of the twenty-first century, almost one of every two was a woman.

Statistical projections predict that 61 percent of women 16 years of age and over will be in the workforce by 2014. 42 These increases apply to all women, although more women of color and white working-class women always have worked for pay than white and/or middle-class women. Currently, about half of the workforce in the United States are women, due in part to a recession that has decreased numbers of male-dominated jobs such as construction and manufacturing, and increased numbers of jobs in health care, education, and government (traditionally dominated by women). Although more women are Allen 03.fm Page 47 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 48Chapter Three entering the labor force, most women and men work in occupations where the same sex predominates. An occupation that is at least 75 percent female or male usually is considered female or male dominated.

Throughout the twentieth century, occupational rates of sex segregation, “the extent to which women and men are concentrated in different industries, establishments, occupations, and jobs, and in the extent to which any particular job is dominated by workers of one sex,” 43 remained consistent and high. This phenomenon demonstrates the prevalence of gender hierarchy in the workforce.

Assigning women and men to certain occupational roles based on soci- etal notions of “natural” capabilities and responsibilities is known as sex role spillover. Jobs deemed as “typically female” tend to be extensions of women’s domestic roles, while masculine jobs are extensions of men’s provider roles.

In the health professions, males dominate the higher-paying specialties such as brain surgery, heart disease, and plastic surgery. 44 The origin and persistence of sex segregation stems in part from internal- ized gender ideologies, which we learn from teachers, peers, parents, and counselors. These and other socialization sources direct girls and boys toward traditional gender-role jobs. Sex segregation of occupations also occurs due to conscious or unconscious grooming or weeding out practices in educational and training settings. Recruitment and hiring practices, as well as on-the-job dynamics, also can influence occupational choices on the part of both the employee and the employer.

Close inspection of sex segregation patterns reveals the influence of patri- archy. When the sex segregation of an occupation changes, it usually shifts from male to female domination rather than vice versa. For instance, men used to dominate clerking positions 45 and elementary school teaching. 46 Usu- ally a job is resegregated from male to female domination due to a shortage of male workers. Men tend to leave jobs that have become less attractive due to decreased prestige, pay, or other job rewards. As women assume those jobs, the occupation often becomes less valued, thereby reinforcing the gen- der hierarchy.

Patriarchy is also evident in the fact that jobs at the top of the hierarchy of all job categories (white-collar, pink-collar, and blue-collar) tend to be male dominated. 47 Moreover, workers in male-dominated jobs earn more in gen- eral than women in female dominated jobs. 48 Also, men persistently have earned more than women: after World War I, the federal government paid men $5 and women $3 per week for public works programs; in the 1970s women earned 59 percent of what men were paid.

In 1999, a woman earned 72 cents when a man earned a dollar. 49 Te n years later, that amount had barely changed to 77 cents per dollar. 50 And, racial differences affect these statistics. In 2009, Asian women and men earned more than other racial groups, and Hispanics earned less than all groups. 51 White workers in general earned more than their black or Hispanic counterparts, although women’s differences in earnings within racial-ethnic groups were smaller than those among men. For instance, black men earned Allen 03.fm Page 48 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Gender Matters49 74.5 percent of white men’s salaries, and black women earned 95.3 percent of black men’s salaries. On average, Hispanic women with a high school diploma earned 33 percent less than white men with the same level of education. 52 In the early twenty-first century, more white middle-class women are in managerial and professional jobs than ever before. However, these women are clustered at lower levels of management, and they comprise less than 4 percent of workers in the highest levels of Fortune 500 companies. These sta- tistics imply the invisible barrier to women attaining higher-level manage- ment and executive positions known as the “glass ceiling.” 53 As more women enter the workforce, gender roles reveal their impressive staying power. With a majority of adult women in the workforce, very few men are sole providers; most are coproviders. However, middle-class white men, on average, perform only about a third of the total family work. There- fore, most married working women face a “second shift” when they get home from their jobs. The old cliché that “a women’s work is never done” rings true. Some changes are occurring, however. A small body of research reveals that some men who are fathers are struggling to manage work and family due to rising expectations that they become more involved in caring for their fam- ilies. This research responds to questions about fatherhood and fathers’ roles within and outside of the home. As men negotiate competing discourses about their identities, they may “construct varied masculinities and father- hoods depending on class, race, occupation, economic (in)stabilities, national origins, and other factors so that they can, for example sustain breadwinner status even when they are not engaging in wage work.” 54 Men also may have to negotiate their masculinities “when they are stay-at-home fathers or employed in female-intensive or stereotypically feminine work.” 55 This brief overview of gender and labor demonstrates that because of expectations about who should perform which types of jobs, we’re all “pris- oners of gender.” 56 However, women seem to be doing harder time than men, and nondominant men are worse off economically, in general, than dominant ones. Meanwhile, poor women and/or women of color tend to suffer more economic hardships than middle- to upper-class women and/or white women.

Attempts to correct sex and gender discrimination have resulted in sev- eral solutions. Equal opportunity laws include Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which focuses on employment discrimination, and the 1972 Title IX, which prohibits discrimination in government-funded educational programs. Other legal initiatives include Title IV of the Civil Rights Act, and the Women’s Educational Equity Act of 1974 and 1978. These laws focus on discrimination against individuals rather than groups of persons. They also consider only current circumstances. Consequently, as communication scholar Julia Wood observes, these laws do not redress the impact of sociohis- torical patterns of discrimination against groups of people. 57 To address these patterns, President Lyndon Johnson initiated affirmative action policies in 1965 to advocate preferential treatment of historically disenfranchised groups. Allen 03.fm Page 49 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 50Chapter Three The goal is to increase numbers of qualified women and minorities (as well as other traditionally marginalized groups) in education and in the workplace.

Other initiatives include the 1963 Equal Pay amendments to the Fair Labor Standards Act, which requires employers to pay the same wages for the same jobs. A more recent development for gaining equal pay for women is comparable worth, which requires employers to pay the same wage for dis- similar work of equivalent value. For instance, if their job within an agency requires a similar amount of complexity, a female food service worker should be paid the same as a male truck driver. The Role of Education To further explore gender socialization, let’s look at educational systems.

As you read this, please remember that no one source of socialization is nec- essarily more influential than another. I highlight educational systems because of their obvious potential impacts. Through numerous disciplinary practices, schooling is a deeply gendered process in which people tend to enact dominant ideologies of society. Fortunately, education also can help to transform gender roles and relationships. Schools are primary arenas where we produce, reinforce, and perpetuate gender ideologies through interactions between and among teachers, administrators, students, parents, and staff members. Schools help to create and affirm normalized institutional defini- tions of femininity and masculinity. Students in school experience gendered interactions with teachers, other persons in authority, and their peers.

Most young women and men are exposed to differing discourses con- cerning sexuality, domesticity, vocation and career options. What students “learn” about gender roles in schools is likely to stick with them for the rest of their lives, as well as have a deep impact on their emotional and psycholog- ical selves. Note that issues related to gender are tempered by race and social class distinctions among students and teachers, as shown in a growing body of research. 58 From preschool through college, females’ and males’ experi- ences in educational settings tend to differ significantly. Structures of educa- tional systems tend to reproduce the gendered hierarchy of the larger society as teachers play central roles as socialization sources. They frequently rein- force and reproduce gender inequalities without realizing it. They may not be conscious of perpetuating gender differences or of presenting curricula that reinforce traditional gender norms. However, teachers’ behaviors frequently inscribe and model traditional gender stereotypes.

Teachers are more likely to give boys attention, to call on them more, and to give them more criticism, praise, help, and correction. These actions imply that boys are more valuable—more worthy of attention than girls. Teachers also are more likely to encourage girls to focus on feelings, fairness, and con- nections to others, and to comment more on girls’ clothing and appearance.

This latter may correspond with research findings that girls become con- cerned about body weight as early as elementary school; over 50 percent of Allen 03.fm Page 50 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Gender Matters51 girls in high school say that they have been on diets.

59 Appearance concerns vary according to race and ethnicity, with white girls tending to be more con- cerned about weight than others.

Teachers usually are more accepting of “bad-boy” behavior than “bad- girl” behavior. Related to that, teachers are likely to question boys’ masculin- ity when they are quiet and attentive, thereby marking such behaviors as inappropriate for boys but proper for girls. Boys who are good students may be subject to ridicule from other students. Teachers may use gender as a means of control. They may shame a boy by telling him he is “acting like a girl.” Such behavior corresponds to the themes of masculinity described above, where boys are taught not to be female, and to be aggressive. Punish- ment, too, is liable to be gendered. When corporal punishment was legal, administrators and teachers beat boys much more often than they did girls. 60 Gender infuses the institutional functions of schools, including divisions of labor, control of resources, and authority patterns. A prevailing pattern is associating masculinity with authority. Men dominate authority positions in school systems. 61 Although 75 percent of the educational workforce is female, approximately 22 percent of school superintendents are female. 62 Notice the hierarchy in school assignments for women principals: 37 percent of them headed elementary schools, 23 percent ran middle schools, and 8 percent were in charge of high schools. A similar pattern is evident at the col- lege and university level; in 2007, women comprised 26 percent of full profes- sors, 40 percent of associate professors, and 48 percent of assistant professors. 63 The good news is that percentages of women have increased at all levels since 2003.

Gender differentiation in educational contexts includes spatial arrange- ments and segregated, separate work and play areas. Gender bias is evident in textbooks and other curricular materials across all levels. Male characters and depictions of traditional gender roles and behaviors dominate these materials. For instance, social studies curricula rarely include information about the voting rights movement for women or other gender issues. 64 Although schools import many symbols of gender from the wider cul- ture, they also develop and maintain their own symbol systems, as seen in uniforms and dress codes and in formal and informal language codes. A par- ticularly important symbolic structure in education is the gendering of knowl- edge, the defining of certain areas of the curriculum as masculine and others as feminine. Industrial arts (shop) teaching, for instance, is historically con- nected with manual trades where there has been a strong culture of work- place masculinity that excluded women.

Sex segregation and gendered division of labor recur in educational set- tings. Work specializations among teachers concentrate women in domestic science, language, and literature teaching, and men in science, mathematics, and industrial arts. Men typically are not encouraged to teach elementary school because society feminizes the role of elementary school teacher with substitute mother. A study of male elementary school teachers revealed that Allen 03.fm Page 51 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 52Chapter Three people often treated them negatively, for example by questioning their sexual- ity and suspecting them of being pedophiles. 65 No wonder only 9 percent of elementary school teachers are men. 66 Although educational contexts produce and reproduce gender hierarchy, they also are potential sites of transformation: Educational reform initiatives include programs to help teachers understand the effects of gender, race, and class on curriculum and classroom interaction. The No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 authorized public schools to apply funding for single-sex schools and classrooms, and the U.S. Department of Education amended Title IX regulations in October 2006 to allow school districts additional flexibility for implementing single-sex programs. 67 Some schools have established separate- gender academies or offer sex-segregated classes in subjects like computer sci- ence, which boys traditionally dominate. Although initial findings are mixed, research indicates multiple benefits for single-sex schooling for girls and boys, including decreased distractions to learning and improved student achieve- ment. In addition, girls may benefit more than boys due to better interactions with their peers and more order and control in the classroom. 68 Power Dynamics and Gender Two recurring areas of study about gender and communication that reveal power dynamics are language and gender differences in communicating. 69 Language As communication scholars Diana Ivy and Phil Backlund observe, “English is a patriarchal language.” 70 However, as they also note, we did not invent this male-dominated language; we inherited it. Therefore, referring to English as patriarchal and sexist doesn’t blame those of us who use it: “It’s nobody’s fault (nobody alive anyway) that we have a language that favors one sex over the other, but it’s also not something that we ‘just have to live with.’ ” 71 As I share examples of the sexist nature of English, I invite you to reflect on how you might avoid them.

Language reflects patriarchy and sexism in numerous ways. Some of these are subtle; others are blatant. A widespread example is the use of generic masculine pronouns to refer to individuals who might be female or male (e.g., referring to a doctor as “he” in television ads). Although some people contend that terms like “he,” “him,” or “his” are neutral and inclusive of women and men, research indicates that exclusively using masculine pro- nouns helps to maintain sex-biased perceptions and shape attitudes about appropriateness of careers for women or men. Such usage also helps to per- petuate gender hierarchy. What do you think? Why?

Another example of sexism and patriarchy in language is the higher number of derogatory words in English for girls and women than for boys and men. I won’t list any here, but I invite you to make a mental list to see for yourself. Among negative synonyms for females and males, many have sex- Allen 03.fm Page 52 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Gender Matters53 Gender and the Internet The Internet has become a powerful medium for creating, producing, sharing, storing, and processing information about almost any topic. Thus, the Internet is both a prime site for disseminating dominant belief systems and an empowering tool for challenging and changing them. For instance, members of hate groups around the world can use the Internet to spread their doctrine, while the lack of nonverbal cues like sex or race might help anonymous online communicators avoid stereotyping one another.

Researchers interested in gender and sex stereotypes have studied dif- ferences in computer use and attitudes between women/females and men/ males. They recognized the potential of the Internet as a gender-neutral space that could help to reduce gender discrimination. Early studies showed that males had more access to the Internet and tended to use it more frequently than females. According to recent statistics, females and males now have equal access. However, users tend to reproduce gender roles and attitudes that we are socialized to enact, and social stereotypes persist in computer-mediated communication.

In a large-scale project of forty U.S. higher education institutions, males reported spending more time online than females. 72 Males also spent time online differently: they used the Internet for a wider variety of appli- cations than females did—including entertainment (e.g., checking sports scores, listening to music or watching music videos, downloading music), trying online dating, and visiting adult Web sites. Females in this sample used the Internet more for communicative and academic purposes, such as using the library online. The latter uses may be related to differences in study time in general: females reported studying more hours than males.

Females also used the Internet more than males for communicating socially. A study on how students use creative aspects of the Internet found that women in general are less likely than men to share their content (e.g., stories or poems) on the Web than men. 73 Men also were much more likely to post music and share videos.

Why do you think these differences occur? Females and males tend to have different formal and informal educational experiences with computer technology. They tend to be socialized differently about how to use com- puters and about their ability to use them. Also, the Internet historically has been a male domain, which may influence behaviors and attitudes. So, it seems that gender and sex matter for how we use the Internet. Not surpris- ingly, age also seems to matter: female and male college students reported similar uses of e-mail and blogging. Both groups seem to use the Internet for social interaction, as communicating socially was the most frequent use of time online for females and the second most frequent use for males. Spotlight on Media •••• Spotlight on Media •••• Allen 03.fm Page 53 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 54Chapter Three ual denotations or connotations. As I noted earlier, belittling terms for males include negative labels for females, and most males learn that one of the worst insults is simply to call them a girl or a woman, or accuse them of fem- inine behavior.

Gender hierarchy and differences in connotations also are implied in gen- dered pairs of words such as “old maid” and “bachelor.” Notice that although each of these refers to an unmarried person, the one for a woman is more neg- ative than the one for a man. Additional examples include gendered titles such as Mrs., Ms., Miss, and Mr., which differentiate women according to marital status, but not men. Man-linked terminology such as “mankind,” “chairman,” “foreman,” “man-hours” and feminine suffixes (-ette, -ess, -enne) are other examples. These uses of language help to instill the idea that men are more valuable than women.

Linguistic practices also reveal patriarchy. For instance, in everyday talk and writing, communicators usually place masculine words before feminine words. Consider the following phrases: “boys and girls,” “he or she,” “his and hers,” “husband and wife,” and “masculine and feminine.” While writ- ing this chapter, I found myself routinely enacting that norm. To resist this tendency, I conscientiously placed the feminine in the first position. Excep- tions to this rule include “ladies and gentlemen,” “bride and groom,” and “mom and dad.” Why do you think these are exceptions? Although these and similar uses of language may seem trivial, their recurrent use helps to subtly reinforce notions of female inferiority and male superiority. They reflect deep structures of power that most people do not even realize exist.

Communication Differences One stream of research investigates differences in women’s and men’s com- munication styles. Such studies rarely assess similarities between women and men’s communication. They focus on sex or gender differences in: (1) commu- nication styles and (2) perceptions about the function of communication.

A recurring depiction of women’s speech as tentative encompasses sev- eral patterns. Women sometimes use tag questions such as “isn’t that right?” or “don’t you think?” Or, they employ question intonation in declarative con- texts; that is, they say a statement as if it were a question and as if seeking approval. Other examples include hesitation forms such as “um” or “like,” overuse of polite forms, and frequent use of intensifiers like “very,” “defi- nitely,” or “really.” Have you ever observed or used these styles of speaking?

Some communicators overuse these ways of speaking to the extent that lis- teners may not take them seriously.

Rather than view these differences in speech styles as gender-based, some scholars refer to them as “powerless” speech styles that anyone can employ. 74 Although women tend to use powerless language more frequently than men, other users include poorly educated or lower status individuals. Thus, some linguists argue that this speech style is related more to women’s relatively powerless position in society rather than to essentialist characteristics of Allen 03.fm Page 54 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Gender Matters55 females. 75 Experimental courtroom research found that jurors and judges were less likely to view powerless speakers, regardless of gender, as credible. 76 Results of research on functions of communication tend to correspond with the femininity/masculinity clusters (nurturing-expressive/instrumental- active). For example, Ivy and Backlund offer a “relational/content” differen- tiation: “We believe that men approach conversation more with the intent of imparting information (the content aspect) than to convey cues about the relationship (the relational aspect).” 77 Sociolinguist Deborah Tannen offers similar perspectives on gender dif- ferences in her influential book entitled You Just Don’t Understand. 78 Tannen labels female communication style “rapport,” meaning that women establish connections and negotiate relationships. In contrast, she terms the male style of communication “report” to indicate men’s need to preserve independence and to impart information. 79 Communication differences between women and men may be due to socialization processes, including the abundance of literature asserting such differences (consider, for instance, the popular series of books about women being from Venus, and men from Mars). 80 Men tend to be socialized to use language that is valued, while the opposite usually occurs for women. Several research conclusions support this claim: men tend to talk about their accom- plishments using comparative and competitive terms, while women may understate their contributions and acknowledge others’ assistance. 81 Wo m e n often are more relational and dialogic; men tend to be more competitive and monologic. 82 Women tend to provide support; they often provide verbal and nonverbal encouragement, ask questions returning to points made by earlier speakers, and attempt to bring others into the conversation. 83 Communication scholars Daniel Canary and Kimberley Hause criticize research on sex differences in communication for: relying on and perpetuat- ing sex stereotypes, using invalid measures of gender, a dearth of theory, and a tendency to polarize the sexes. 84 In a meta-analysis of communication studies, they conclude, “given this research, we should not expect to find sub- stantial sex differences in communication” 85 [emphasis added]. Indeed, they did not.

Communication scholars Daena Goldsmith and Patricia Fulfs draw a similar conclusion in a critique of Tannen’s claims about gender differences.

From their analysis of Tannen’s evidence, they report that communication differences between women and men are typically minimal and contextual.

They conclude that differences tend to be nonverbal rather than verbal. Basi- cally, they assert that women’s and men’s communication behaviors are more similar than different. 86 Some scholars challenge researchers’ tendency to denote females and males as a dualism, with each embodying clear-cut, uniform characteristics.

Rather than assuming a “two worlds” approach to gender interaction, they advocate research that explores different forms of femininity and masculin- ity.

87 In a book entitled The Myth of Mars and Venus: Do Men and Women Really Allen 03.fm Page 55 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 56Chapter Three Speak Different Languages? Deborah Cameron problematizes the tendency to homogenize women’s and men’s communication behaviors. 88 She contends that we have overrelied on white, middle-class conversational patterns to identify gender differences. She asserts a need in gender studies of language to consider contextual factors such as cultural norms, setting, purpose of communication, and relationship between communicators, as well as com- plex facets of communicators themselves.

Instead of focusing on differences between women and men, some studies examine differences among women or among men. For example, men in all- male groups such as sports teams or in combat situations may exhibit caring characteristics that usually are attributed to women. Women in positions of authority often are more assertive than those who are in powerless jobs.

Finally, gender differences in communication styles also can be related to other aspects of social identity, including race, nationality, age, sexuality, reli- gion, social class, ability status, and occupation. Communicating Gender in Organizations A growing body of work on gender and organizations and organizational communication rests on the premise that organizations are fundamentally gendered: “doing gender is an ongoing and communicative accomplishment of everyday organizational life and, as such, it embodies issues of control, resistance, and transformation.” 89 Feminist organizational communication scholar Patrice Buzzanell asserts that “gender organizes every aspect of our social and work lives including how we formally and informally communi- cate in organizational settings. 90 The language and discourse practices I described earlier help to repro- duce stereotypic feminine and masculine belief systems, as we are likely to confront practices in organizations that confirm our perceptions of gender distinctions. Moreover, through gender relations, women and men “construct and perpetuate confining roles, practices, and meanings that preserve asym- metrical power relations between them.” 91 For instance, pink-collar roles (which women tend to occupy disproportionately) are defined by relation- ships to other organizational roles (e.g., secretary–boss). In organizational contexts, roles and relationships require us to react in appropriately gendered ways. We reproduce gender as we perform gender, through language, small talk, joking, dress, body language, marketing materials, advertising cam- paigns, use of space, and so on. In essence, organizations are gendered. 92 The gendered nature of organizations is evident in many communication prac- tices, policies, and preferences. Women and men learn to conform to formal expectations or unspoken norms about aspects of appearance, such as types of clothing, grooming, and acceptable body weight. Many, if not most, of these policies and norms persist without challenge and are based on mascu- linist, white, middle-class and middle-age ideals and aesthetics. Allen 03.fm Page 56 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Gender Matters57 Organizations tend to value masculine ways of communicating more than feminine ways. Feminine styles such as being inclusive, collaborating, and cooperating often are linked to subordinate roles. We also can see a pref- erence for masculine styles in military and sports themes within organiza- tions. 93 Organizational structures tend to emulate military models by operating under rigid hierarchies and chains of command. Traditional mas- culine sports often serve as the impetus for work (i.e., to win) and as a root metaphor in language that organization actors routinely use. Examples include: “ballpark figures,” “score a touchdown,” and “come up with a game plan.” Military terms such as “battle plan,” “big guns,” and “plan of attack” also prevail. 94 Metaphors with masculine sexual implications include “he has balls” and “screw the competition.” A masculine ethic of reason and rationality underpins images of profes- sionalism in organizations. This perspective reinforces the public–private dichotomy of femininity and masculinity. It also excludes and devalues femi- ninities and women. These perspectives are evident in this common profile of how someone behaves “professionally”: acts with restrained civility and decorum; wears a convincing shell of calmness, objectivity, and impersonality; thinks in abstract, linear, strate- gic—in a word, “rational”—terms; covers the body in conservative, mainstream attire; keeps bodied processes (e.g., emotionality, spontane- ity, sexuality) in check; has promising, upwardly mobile career track; derives primary identity and fulfillment from occupation and work accomplishments; speaks standard English; and so on. 95 As this profile implies, ideas of professionalism usually encompass masculine ways of being, including assertion, independence, competitiveness, confi- dence, competition, domination, and winning. 96 Not only do workplaces discipline women and men to enact these ways of being, but women and men also discipline themselves. A study of white professional women revealed three themes of how these women view and modify their bodies in order to appear “professional.” 97 First, they believe a professional body must be “fit,” which means that women must engage in disciplinary regimes such as exercise and diet or using laxatives or diuretics.

Second, they view the professional body as a “text” that others will read. To display and control their bodies, women develop and enact certain disciplin- ary practices such as monitoring their posture, offering a firm handshake, crossing their legs properly, and so forth. Finally, according to these women, a woman’s body is excessive (or undisciplined) because it may leak, be over- weight, or appear to be unruly. Their bodies may leak menstrual blood, pro- trude due to pregnancy, or display emotion through tears. Concerned that an undisciplined body might draw attention to their femaleness, these women constantly self-discipline.

Participants in a study of Latina public relations practitioners reported challenges with professionalism. 98 Some of these women try to counteract Allen 03.fm Page 57 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 58Chapter Three stereotypes of being highly sexualized by wearing dark clothing to avoid standing out. One woman said that a male colleague advised her: “to become much more bland. Less makeup. Less vocal. Less use of my hands. . . . This is the corporate game and you have to learn how to fit in.” 99 They also expe- rience pressure to be “feminine.” Many of them reported dress codes that required them to show their legs. One woman explained that she would be fired if she didn’t wear a dress or skirt, while another said that a client told her, “Oh, next time why don’t you wear a skirt instead of pants.” 100 Sometimes, women resist attempts to discipline them. Latinas in the study described above gave examples of standing their ground, demanding respect, and confronting attempts to control them. Some women flight atten- dants share information with one another regarding high-risk areas where supervisors are likely to be watching them; when they are going to be in those locations, they wear appropriate shoes, makeup, and so forth. A group of flight attendants successfully contested their airline’s weight requirements to gain a change in policy. 101 Policies and practices also perpetuate gender hierarchy and role special- izations. Employers tend to prefer women applicants for stereotypical femi- nine jobs, and men for masculine work. During job interviews, female applicants may face a double bind. They may hesitate to assert their accom- plishments and abilities because they have been socialized to downplay them.

Interviewers may rate them unfavorably because they do not exhibit these classic ways of describing themselves. Yet, if women interviewees are asser- tive, interviewers may perceive them as too aggressive and unfeminine. 102 Men also face conflicts related to expectations about their gender. They may feel obligated to endure sexist language to maintain their masculinity. A white male colleague told me that he attended all-male meetings with higher- level university administrators who routinely made sexist, sex-oriented com- ments. Similarly, men may assume that other men share similar masculine interests, such as sports, and that they are interested in and available to partic- ipate in extracurricular activities such as happy hour or golf. Organizations that allow leave for childbirth usually offer time off for women but not for men. The prevalence of maternity leave rather than paternity leave reinforces the notion that child care is primary for women and secondary for men.

However, the number of fathers who take time off for their children’s births is rising, in part due to the passage of the Family and Medical Leave Act (FMLA) in 1993. To comply with this law, many medium- and large- sized firms had to offer paternity leave for the first time, especially since men tend to be more eligible for the leave than women. 103 In addition, some cor- porations, including Timberland, IBM, Microsoft, and Merrill Lynch, have begun to offer one to two weeks’ paid paternity leave.

104 Ernst & Young offers up to six weeks of paid paternity leave and flexible work arrangements.

A study of 4,638 fathers found that 89 percent took some time off work after the birth of their child. Among those, 64 percent took leave for one week or less. 105 Some men are taking off when their children are born, but they Allen 03.fm Page 58 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Gender Matters59 aren’t using policy. 106 Instead, they’re negotiating time off with their boss.

They seem to be responding to cultural and economic pressures that discour- age them from taking extended time off, for fear of repercussions. In 2008, the Army instituted a new paternity leave policy that gives fathers up to ten consecutive days of leave with their families when a child is born. Some men have filed workplace discrimination complaints with the EEOC for not grant- ing leave for child care that they have granted women employees. Emotion(al) Labor A relatively new area of study reveals relationships between discipline and how people perform gender at work. Sociologist Arlie Hochschild coined the term emotional labor to refer to “the effort to seem to feel and to try to really feel the ‘right’ feeling for the job, and to try to induce the ‘right’ feeling in certain others.” 107 Similarly, organizational communication scholar Sarah Tracy uses the term emotion labor to characterize “a type of work wherein employees are paid to create a ‘package’ of emotions.” 108 Although most jobs require some degree of controlling one’s emotions, the concept refers to jobs where emotional displays during face-to-face or voice-to-voice interactions are almost essential. Examples include flight attendant, waiter or waitress, wedding coordinator, police officer, bartender, bill collector, administrative assistant, sales clerk, teacher, physician, Disney employee, detective, cruise ship employee, health care worker, financial planner, and trial lawyer. As the workforce increasingly emphasizes customer service, employers increasingly are requiring employees to perform emotion labor—for instance, “a flight attendant who is required to smile politely even when passengers are surly, and a bill collector who must be stern and unpleasant even though he or she might feel great pity or sympathy for the debtor.” 109 Although this area of research is rife with issues related to communicating gender, organization scholars have only recently turned attention to emotion in the workplace. Emotions were typically viewed as private, feminine, and irrational, and therefore not relevant to the public, masculine, and rational domain of work. 110 However, some researchers have begun to investigate how employers monitor and try to control workers’ expressions of emotions. 111 Certain emotions are viewed as both experienced and expressed more often by women. Often referred to as “feminine” emotions, they include hap- piness, shame, fear, and sadness. Other emotions, such as pride, contempt, and anger, tend to be viewed as “masculine.” “Neutral” (not necessarily related to gender) emotions include displays of detachment and objectivity. 112 Many scholars contend that emotion labor is gendered because of tradi- tional gender expectations and stereotypes, for both employees and their cli- entele.

113 Even when women and men hold the same position, customers or clients may expect them to display different emotions. For instance, victims may expect female police officers to be more caring and empathic than male officers. Women attorneys reported that male judges sometimes ordered them to smile. 114 Allen 03.fm Page 59 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 60Chapter Three Jobs that require negative or neutral emotions tend to be more consistent with normative views of masculinity and professionalism, and men usually fill such positions. Women usually occupy jobs that require positive emotion.

One quarter of men’s jobs can be classified as requiring emotional labor, as contrasted with more than half of women’s jobs. This makes sense, since most emotion labor jobs call for positive emotion. 115 Not only are women and men segregated by emotional labor jobs, but gender affects assignments of job tasks. Although most service work usually requires displays of positive emotions, women generally are expected to be nicer than men. In fact, people expect women employees in general to be nicer and friendlier and to smile more than their male counterparts. 116 Female professors tend to spend more time teaching, advising, and being involved in service activities, while male professors often spend more time in research activities. Students also seem to rate female professors higher on friendliness than their male counterparts. Notice how these expectations align with gender role stereotypes that women are nurturing, while men are objective and rational. They also correspond with the hierarchical system in many research universities that values research more than teaching, while supposedly attributing equal weight to both.

Emotion labor jobs can be demanding and stressful, especially if com- pensation depends on customer approval. For example, a server’s tip may be at risk, or a job evaluation may include customer ratings. Many people assume that emotion labor involves natural abilities and little effort rather than skills and considerable effort. Yet, emotion labor can be hard work. A worker who does not genuinely feel the emotion required by the job must conjure up the emotions while suppressing actual feelings. Consequently, organizational burnout often is associated with emotion labor. 117 Transgender Issues A final topic related to communicating gender at work is an identity cat- egory known as “transgender” that arose in the mid-1990s to describe various experiences and conditions of persons whose identity or behavior does not meet stereotypical gender norms. Transgender—a contested term with com- plex political and social implications—includes pre-operative, postoperative, and nonoperative transsexual individuals, as well as cross-dressers and inter- sexed individuals. 118 I focus in this section on transsexuals and workplace issues related to transitioning from one sex identity to another. These persons must choose to undergo transition while remaining in their job, or they have to find new employment. Transgender persons in mid-transition face tremen- dous challenges.

Employers sometimes terminate employees who intend to undergo gen- der corrective surgery, who have completed sex-change surgery, and/or exhibit behaviors that do not correspond with their perceived gender identity (e.g., wearing gender-“inappropriate” clothing). 119 Jennifer Blair, a male-to- female transsexual, works as a support group facilitator at a gender identity Allen 03.fm Page 60 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Gender Matters61 center. Her experiences and those of other transgender individuals indicate that employers often find pretexts for terminating gender-variant workers.

One male-to-female transgender person told me that her boss fired her the day after he encountered her outside of work dressed as a woman. She was following a procedure that requires individuals who intend to undergo surgi- cal sex change to “present” (i.e., dress and behave) for one year as a member of the “other” sex. Coworkers or managers sometimes harass or taunt indi- viduals who are in process of transforming their identity. Blair observes, “To transition gender is almost certain professional suicide. This harsh reality no doubt keeps many if not most of us in the closet, living inauthentic lives.” 120 Employers justify their reactions by citing concerns with potential disruption of work routines, such as negative responses or confusion for clients, stu- dents, or other stakeholders.

Numerous transgender persons have filed lawsuits against their employ- ers or potential employers. The first statute prohibiting discrimination against transgender individuals was passed in Minneapolis, Minnesota, in 1975. Although only three additional cities had instituted similar ordinances by 1990, at least 108 cities and counties have passed laws prohibiting gender identity discrimination including Atlanta, Buffalo, Cincinnati, Dallas, El Paso, Indianapolis, Kansas City, Louisville, Nashville, New Orleans, and Pittsburgh. 121 Many states have introduced bills to update antidiscrimination laws to add gender identity and expression as protected categories in employ- ment and in public accommodations. 122 Also, numerous states have passed specific laws to prohibit discrimination against transgender persons, although their protections vary. While Hawaii’s law bans discrimination only in housing, Minnesota’s law covers housing, employment, education, and public accommodations.

More companies are addressing gender identity and discrimination in their nondiscrimination policies. Some organizations have developed policies and procedures to facilitate transition for transsexual employees and their coworkers, including awareness training and designating some restrooms (a touchy issue for many coworkers of transgender persons) as “gender-neutral.” Conclusion Gender is a primary aspect of identity. We create, negotiate, and main- tain gender through communication. Notions of gender have varied across time, and they continue to change. Conceptions of gender also differ depend- ing on other aspects of social identity. However, discourse about femininity and masculinity persistently has reflected an ideology of patriarchy. We often engage in gender construction in organizational contexts, where we produce, reproduce, and sometimes challenge and change expectations and stereo- types about femininities and masculinities. Allen 03.fm Page 61 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 62Chapter Three REFLECTION M ATTERS 1. What did you find intriguing or interesting in this chapter? Why?

2. Do any current news stories where you live involve issues that this chapter covers? If yes, what points do they exemplify?

3. According to the sociohistorical overview, what are examples of how people used communication to construct gender throughout the his- tory of the United States?

4. What are examples of power relations in the construction of gender in the United States?

5. For an entire day, imagine that you are a woman if you self-identify as a man, or that you are a man if you self-identify as a woman. If you identify as another gender category (e.g., bigender or gender- queer), please imagine that you are either a woman or a man. As you go through your day, think seriously about what you or others who interact with you might do differently. Pay attention to details about 1. What is your gender?

2. How important is your gender to you? Explain.

3. What primary sources have taught you about your gender?

4. How, if at all, do you express your gender (e.g., through language, communication style, dress, accessories, music, and so forth)?

5. Does your awareness of your gender ever help you communicate with others? Explain.

6. Does your awareness of your gender ever hinder how you communi- cate with others? Explain.

7. What situations, if any, do you avoid because of concerns related to your gender?

8. What situations, if any, do you seek because of your gender?

9. What advantages, if any, do you enjoy based on your gender?

10. Do you know of any stereotypes about your gender? If so, list them.

11. Are you ever aware of stereotypes about your gender as you interact with others? Explain.

12. How do the media tend to depict your gender? Do media depictions correspond with your sense of your gender? Explain.

13. Do you think your attitudes toward gender intersect with any other facets of your social identity, for instance: your age? your race? your sexual orientation? your nationality? •••• ID Check •••• ID Check Allen 03.fm Page 62 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Gender Matters63 your thoughts, your feelings, and your behaviors. Also, focus on interactions between yourself and others. Write a narrative essay (a story) about how your day might have gone differently, from the time you wake up until you go to bed. However, understand that you never really can know what it’s like to be someone else. The point of this exercise is to help you analyze how you view gender.

6. During the course of a day, try to identify examples of sexist language.

7. As you reflect on your educational experiences, can you recall exam- ples of any of the gender dynamics that I described?

8. Do you think that women and men communicate differently? If so, why do you think they communicate differently? Also, what are examples? Do these vary according to other aspects of social identity or based on context? Explain.

9. Do you agree with the notion that emotion(al) labor is gendered?

Explain. What have your experiences been as related to the concept of emotional labor? You may refer to jobs you or someone you know has held, and/or you may refer to your experiences as a customer or client.

10. If you use the Internet, have you observed any differences in how women and men communicate online, or use various applications? If so, explain.

11. Conduct an Internet search on transgender issues and write a brief reflection on what you find. Allen 03.fm Page 63 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM ….

65 •••• •••• Chapter 4 Race Matters While teaching a course on critical thinking and race, I picked up a copy of a local newspaper. The front page displayed a large color photo of three men who appeared to be Latino. As I looked at the picture, I wondered what they had done. Reading the caption, I was saddened to learn that these men were relatives of a group of young people who had died in a car crash. Deeply ashamed for assuming they had committed a crime, I whispered an apology to them. This distressed me because even though I know better, my social conditioning had kicked in. However, I was glad I caught myself TUI (remember, that’s “Thinking Under the Influence” of dominant beliefs).

Why do you think I assumed the men had committed a crime? Do you think I would have thought that if they had been black? (I’m pretty sure I would have.) What if they seemed to be Arab? (Probably.) Or, if they appeared to be white, or Asian? (I’m not sure.) What if they were women (of any race)? (Probably not.) This story denotes some of the race matters I discuss in this chapter.

Race, like sex or gender, is one of the first things we notice about a person, whether consciously or not. We often depend on race to provide clues about a person. 1 This tendency becomes obvious when we can’t classify someone:

we wonder and sometimes even ask, “What are you?” In this case, I figured the men were Latino because of their skin color, hair texture, and body types.

But, I could have been wrong.

My story also illustrates how we may rely on stereotypes to interpret media representations of racial groups. I probably figured the men had com- mitted a crime because the mass media often offer negative portrayals of minority racial groups, especially of black and Latino men as criminals. 2 My story also shows how intersections of identity matter, since I relied on cues of race and gender to infer that the men had done something wrong. Come to think of it, signs of social class also could have affected my response, because the men wore what seemed to be working-class clothing. Their clothing might also have helped me conclude that they were Latino.

In this chapter, we will explore the significance of race, racial stereo- types, media depictions, intersections of identity, and other race matters.

After I define race, I describe how race has been socially constructed in the United States. Next I outline the history of race and labor in the United Chapter 4 Allen 04.fm Page 65 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 66Chapter Four States, and I discuss a variety of issues related to race and communication, including how the media socialize us. In addition, I connect historical devel- opments to contemporary communication processes. As you will see, power and ideology affect (and have always affected) how we communicate race in the United States. What Is Race? What is your race? How do you know? When and how did you learn your race? Do you remember? Most people, especially people of color, become conscious at an early age of their racial identity. And, most people in the United States perceive race to be an important facet of identity. As ethnic studies scholar Michael Omi and sociologist Howard Winant observe, “Everyone ‘knows’ what race is, though everyone has a different opinion as to how many racial groups there are, what they are called, and who belongs in what specific racial categories.” 3 Definitions and classifications of race vary across time and contexts.

When I was born in 1950, hospital personnel classified me as “N” (for Negro). During my younger years, I considered myself “colored” because that’s what people like me in my community called ourselves. When I was a teenager in the 1960s, my friends and I gleefully obeyed the godfather of soul, R&B singer James Brown, who declared, “Say it loud, I’m black and I’m proud.” The concept of black pride was an empowering force against ways I had been taught to dislike being black. In college, I designed a poster with “B-L-A-C-K” as an acronym for “Beauty, Love, Ability, Creativity, Knowl- edge.” Because of these experiences, although the newer label of “African American” is an option, I still prefer “black.” Changes in my personal history of race labels show how the concept of race can vary. You also can see why some people are confused about what to call members of racial groups. For instance, if “colored” is taboo or outdated, why is “people of color” acceptable for some people? The difference rests par- tially in the historical-political contexts where people use the terms. For some people, the word “colored” brings up negative notions of blackness during postslavery times, while “people of color” can signify solidarity among groups of nonwhite persons. 4 While writing the opening story, I debated about how to refer to the men pictured in the newspaper. I could have said they were Latino, Hispanic, Mexican, Mexican American, Chicano, Domin- ican, or Puerto Rican, among many choices. I often feel awkward when speaking about racial groups because I’m not sure of the proper term. Has that ever happened to you?

But I still have not defined race, have I? We typically view race as an aspect of identity based on physiological features known as phenotypes, includ- ing skin color, hair texture, body type, and facial features. We use these physi- cal attributes to assign an individual to a racial category. However, scholars from many disciplines conceptualize race as an artificial construct that varies Allen 04.fm Page 66 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Race Matters67 according to social, cultural, political, legal, economic, and historical factors within a society. This social constructionist stance frames how I view race.

As I developed this chapter, I wrestled with how to refer to various racial groups because so many choices exist. And, I do not want to offend anyone. I selected the scheme that communication scholars Mark Orbe and Tina Harris use in their textbook on interracial communication. 5 They refer to the pri- mary racial groups in the United States as “African-American,” “Asian- American,” “European American,” “Latino/a,” and “Native American.” Where applicable, I specify groups within these categories, for example, I may refer to an Asian American as “Korean,” to a Latina or Latino as “Mex- ican American,” or to a European American as “Italian American.” Some- times I refer to African Americans as “black,” or European Americans as (non-Hispanic) “white.” When I cite research that employs other labels, such as “Hispanic,” or “Anglo,” I use the author’s terminology.

I also struggled with how to distinguish European Americans from Afri- can Americans, Asian Americans, Latinas and Latinos, Native Americans, and other groups, because historical and current labels pivot from power dynamics between these two groups of groups. Each of my choices (“white/ nonwhite,” “majority/minority,” “dominant/nondominant,” “white/people of color”) is potentially problematic. For instance, “white/nonwhite” implies that white is the preferred status because it designates other groups as not white. Or, “majority/minority” is currently accurate as a statistical descrip- tor, since European Americans currently outnumber other races in the United States. However, in terms of the world’s population, that term is incorrect. It’s also not accurate in some parts of the U.S. Finally, “dominant/nondomi- nant” does not allow for contextual constraints and intersections of identity.

A white woman may be the dominant person in one setting, but not in another. These distinctions typify language matters related to race that often confront policy makers, legal experts, and scholars, among others. I decided to selectively use most of these terms, depending on what I am discussing.

A final point related to defining race: although sometimes people use “ethnicity” as a synonym for race, I differentiate the two terms. Ethnicity refers to “categories of people who are distinctive on the basis of national ori- gin or heritage, language, or cultural practices.” 6 To elaborate, ethnicity refers to a common origin or culture based on shared activities and identity related to some mixture of race, religion, language, and/or ancestry. Therefore, eth- nicity may encompass race, while race is a distinct socially constructed cate- gory. For example, Middle Eastern Americans (whom the census classifies as white) comprise a wide variety of cultural, linguistic, and religious groups descended from many countries in Europe and Asia. Why Race Matters Race has always mattered in the United States, at both societal and indi- vidual levels. Many societal developments have arisen, and they persist, due Allen 04.fm Page 67 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 68Chapter Four to the relentless significance of race, “a fundamental axis of social organiza- tion in the U.S.” 7 Omi and Winant explain: “In American history, racial dynamics have been a traditional source, both of conflict and division, and of renewal and cultural awareness. Race has been a key determinant of mass movements, state policy, and even foreign policy in the U.S.” 8 Historian Tho- mas Holt offers a similar conclusion: “Issues of group difference—and espe- cially racialized differences—have informed most of the major conflicts of the century.” 9 Race also is a primary facet of individual identity for many people, especially members of racial minority groups. Racial categories have “facili- tated a sense of identity and common experiences for racial groups.” 10 I once gave a talk entitled “Twice blessed, doubly oppressed” to celebrate being both black and woman, even as I acknowledged the potential for discrimination based on my race and/or gender.

Although racial pride can encourage a sense of empowerment and soli- darity, it also can elicit balkanization, or breaking up into smaller, hostile groups. Racial groups may compete among each other for resources and rec- ognition. In addition, promoting one racial group may be seen as rejecting others. While some individuals and racial groups like the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) and Black Nationalists operate from that premise, that is not always the case. My sense of pride in black womanhood does not mean I disrespect whiteness, white womanhood, black manhood, or any other race-gender iden- tities. Rather, my pride helps me to resist negative ideas about black women.

As Omi and Winant explain, most of us are socialized “to use race as a central cue for perceptions about others: temperament, sexuality, intelligence, athletic ability, aesthetic preferences and so on are presumed to be fixed and discernible from the palpable mark of race.” 11 Numerous sources socialize us about our own race as well as how to classify others: “from census interviews to job applications to school reports to affirmative action reporting, Ameri- cans are bombarded with presumptions about their racial identifications. The media and schools teach racial categorization through visual and written lan- guage.” 12 Therefore, race matters because it is an ongoing organizing princi- ple of our lives.

Numerous political events illustrate the continuing significance of race in contemporary U.S. society. In 2003, the Supreme Court ruled on a controver- sial affirmative action suit that was brought against the University of Michi- gan Law School; the Court’s 5–4 decision supported the school’s affirmative action policy. 13 During the U.S. presidential election of 2008, race became a controversial issue as the first black candidate from a major party ran for the office, and won. Moreover, many people seem to think that having a black president means that the United States has overcome racial inequality: the popular, contested term, “post-racial America” alludes to a color-blind soci- ety where race is insignificant. 14 This perspective corresponds to a persistent difference in attitudes toward race, as whites are less likely than people of color to think that race and racism still matter. However, evidence demon- strates that persons of color continue to experience various forms of prejudice Allen 04.fm Page 68 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Race Matters69 and discrimination, even as the U.S. can celebrate electing a black president and many other examples of racial progress.

In recent years, racial-ethnic minority groups filed class action lawsuits for employment or consumer discrimination against large corporations such as Walgreen Company, Coca-Cola, Eastman Kodak, Texaco, FedEx, and Sara Lee Foods, resulting in payouts of billions of dollars. 15 The problem is so serious that the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) launched an outreach, education, and enforcement campaign known as “E-RACE” (Eradicating Racism And Colorism from Employment) “to advance the statutory right to a workplace free of race and color discrimination.” E-RACE focuses on new and emerging race and color issues in the twenty-first-century workplace. 16 In 2009, over 36 percent of cases filed with the EEOC alleged race- based discrimination. 17 These race-based claims reveal new forms of discrimination that allege intersecting areas of identity such as age, disability, gender, national origin, and religion. In addition, overt forms of race and color discrimination are resurfacing. Claimants report nooses, swastikas, KKK propaganda, and other racist symbols or insignia in their workplaces. 18 Race also matters because the United States is undergoing an unprece- dented racial transformation. Between 2000 and 2050, most of the popula- tion growth will arise from racial minorities, based on increasing numbers of immigrants (especially Hispanics and Asians). Currently, one in five children under the age of 5 is Hispanic. By 2050, whites will comprise less than 50 per- cent of the population, and Latino and Asian populations will have tripled. 19 The percentage of mixed-race individuals is climbing and is predicted to con- tinue to grow: mixed-race marriage rates are rising, and a 2005 Gallup Poll found that almost 60 percent of teens had dated someone of another race or ethnic group. 20 As more people identify as being of mixed race, Americans’ traditional ideas of racial identity will be challenged.

These transitions will impact all areas of our lives, including employ- ment, education, politics, voting, immigration, and so forth. For instance, as I discuss later, considerable growth of immigrant populations impacts inter- actions at work and in school, as many persons will have varying degrees of skill in speaking English. Related to this, many groups are advocating poli- cies and laws to ensure that English remains the dominant language in the public sphere. These initiatives “seem to embody a pattern of concern among largely white, middle-class individuals about their position relative to other ethnic groups—particularly Latinos.” 21 Race also matters because significant gaps persist between whites and persons of color in terms of socioeconomic status and related aspects of life.

In 2008, the poverty rate for non-Hispanic whites was 8.6 percent; for Asians, 11.8 percent; for Hispanics, 23.2 percent; and for blacks, 24.7 percent. 22 Whites are more likely than blacks and Hispanics to have college degrees and to own homes. In 2005, 75 percent of white households owned their homes, compared to 48 percent of Hispanic households and 46 percent of black households. Thirty percent of the white population had at least a bachelor’s Allen 04.fm Page 69 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 70Chapter Four degree as compared to 17 percent of blacks and 12 percent of Hispanics.

Median incomes were $50,622 for white households, $36,278 for Hispanic households, and $30,939 for black households. Although Asian Americans had higher median incomes ($60,367) and college education levels (49 per- cent) than whites, they also had lower home ownership and higher poverty rates overall. 23 In essence, “racial inequality remains a robust feature of American life by nearly any commonly accepted measure of well-being.” 24 Constructing Race in the United States Race always has been an important issue in the United States. How long do you think the concept of race has existed? Many scholars contend that race is a modern phenomenon that did not exist in the ancient world. 25 Race as a concept originally referred to breeding stock. A “race” of horses catego- rized common ancestry and distinctive physical features. 26 What we think of as races of humans seems to have emerged in the sixteenth century when Spanish explorers first encountered natives in the Americas. English travelers adopted the term for similar purposes to refer to people who looked different from them. Biological anthropologist Anthony Goodman notes that although Europeans previously had demonstrated an “us” vs. “other” mentality about non-Europeans, no formal classification schemes of humans based on pheno- types (physical characteristics) had existed. 27 Scientific concern with human differences seems to have arisen only after Europeans encountered people during their travels who looked and acted dif- ferently from them. Based on explorers’ accounts, European scientists and phi- losophers began to develop prejudiced theories of European superiority over non-Europeans. 28 The concept of race helped to establish Europe as the center of the world and to justify European capitalist expansion. In early colonial days, contrived categories of race helped to rationalize oppressive treatment of native peoples as well as the institution of slavery. Later, the concept justified similar mistreatment of other groups who immigrated to the United States.

Relying on the animal husbandry perspective that physical characteristics predict behavior, temperament, and capability, European scientists sought to identify and rank perceived variations among human beings. They claimed that racial groups evolved separately in various parts of the world, with no common lineage. They also asserted European superiority. The first classifica- tory system often is credited to French naturalist Georges-Louis Leclerc in 1749. Botanist Carolus Linnaeus based his work on Leclerc’s system and spec- ified four racial groups partially based on skin color: red, white, yellow, and black. In 1795, Johann Friedrich Blumenbach, a German anatomist and natu- ralist student of Linnaeus, developed a social hierarchy of race that identified Caucasian as the ideal: “I have allotted the first place to the Caucasian . . .

which makes me esteem it the primeval one.” 29 Hierarchical arrangements of human groups created an ideology of race that placed whites in the supreme position. The process of naming groups Allen 04.fm Page 70 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Race Matters71 illustrates how power and knowledge connect, as scientists used their posi- tions of authority to fabricate information about groups of people. Moreover, this “knowledge” about race became a powerful source for explaining, predict- ing, and controlling social behavior. For example, these arbitrary claims of dis- tinctions within species justified treating slaves and native people as animals.

Scientists conducted countless studies to present concrete proof of differ- ences between races. The animal husbandry perspective infuses one scientist’s claim that “superior races produced superior cultures and that racial intermix- tures resulted in the gradation of the superior racial stock.

”30 To s u b s t a n t i a t e these claims, scientists measured body parts, including brains, lips, jaw muscles, and noses, to link “inferior” races with apes 31 Their efforts were inconclusive.

The preceding examples demonstrate that race is an artificial artifact that persons in dominant positions created to explain observed differences among human beings, to establish their superiority over other groups, and to justify mistreating other humans.

A telling example of race as a social construction is evident in the chro- nology of how the U.S. Census Bureau classified racial categories. Census forms always included questions of race, whether referring to them implicitly or explicitly. Although the first census in 1790 had no category for race, it dis- tinguished black slaves from white people. In the nineteenth century, the cen- sus identified blacks based on percentage of African “blood.” A person with one black and one white parent was typed as mulatto; quadroon and octoroon were used for one-quarter and one-eighth black lineage. Race became a more explicit category in the 1900 census, when census takers—known as enumer- ators—were required to put a check mark next to white, black, Chinese, Jap- anese, or Indian (American Indian). These options were listed under a category labeled “color” or “race. ”32 “Color” was used from 1830 until 1940, and dropped in 1950, when the category asked for race only. “Color” was reinstituted with “race” in 1960 and 1970, and dropped thereafter. Enumera- tors provided information for these categories strictly based on visual cues; they did not ask individuals to state their race. In 1960, responses were based on direct interviews, self-classification, and enumerators’ observations. 33 Since 1970, respondents have indicated their own classification by checking a category on census forms. These categories mainly delineated various labels for whites and blacks until 1870, when Chinese and Indian were added, although Indian also was a category in 1800 and 1820. Across the twentieth century, census forms listed twenty-six different schemes to categorize race or color.

Developers of census categories relied on varying principles and criteria to classify the population according to color or race. At one point, they defined Jews as nonwhite. In 1980, Asian Indians successfully lobbied to change their census classification from white to Asian American. In 2000, for the first time in its 210-year history, the census allowed individuals to identify mixed lineage by introducing an option to choose more than one racial category. Allen 04.fm Page 71 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 72Chapter Four Due to increased numbers of interracial marriages and relationships, a community of self-identified multiracial citizens exists. Many of these indi- viduals have formed support groups and advocacy organizations. 34 Nearly seven million people (2.4 percent of the population) identified as multiracial in 2000, and that number will probably escalate in the 2010 census. The 2010 census also includes the option to choose more than one race, with 15 racial categories and places to write in specific races not listed on the form.

35 Challenges of constructing racial categories persist for the Census Bureau, which is trying to resolve whether to develop a separate category for people from North Africa and the Middle East. Although Arab Americans and other Middle Eastern Americans (e.g., Iranians, Lebanese, Egyptians, and Syrians) may classify themselves as white, some do not. Moreover, many of them do not “look white.” In November 2009, the U.S. Senate blocked an amendment that would have required the Census Bureau to add a question on citizenship and immigration status to the 2010 census form. 36 This brief overview of racial categorization according to the United States census exemplifies how race is a social construction. However, this artificial construction has real ramifications. Power sources in the United States have steadfastly reinforced and perpetuated a hierarchy of race that reflects an ideology of white supremacy, an internalized belief that white people are superior to all other races. Through individual actions and government legislation, individuals systematically have sought to separate white from nonwhite, to glorify whiteness and malign color. 37 For example, in the 1920s, the infamous “one-drop” rule (initiated dur- ing slavery) was formalized, stating that if you had one ancestor of African origin, you were black. Along with the classifications of octoroon, quadroon, and mulatto, categories based on percentage of blood implicitly distinguish whiteness as a standard of genetic purity. This perspective seems to still affect African Americans, who are least likely among people of color to identify as being multiracial, even though many of them know that they have Native and white ancestors. Furthermore, non-Hispanic whites are least likely among all groups to identify as being multiracial. 38 Until 1966, over half of the states prohibited black–white marriages in order to preserve racial purity and to prevent “racial mongrelism.” These examples reveal race to be an ideology based mainly on a hierarchy of skin color, usually the most defining charac- teristic of race in the United States. 39 These examples also illustrate that government legislation often was based on preference of white to nonwhite people, helping to enforce discrimination and segregation. Consider, for instance, the time line for citizenship privileges:

• 1789: Native-born white persons automatically became citizens after the Constitution took effect. The Constitution classified blacks as three-fifths human.

• 1790: The Naturalization Law of 1790 reserved citizenship for free white immigrants only. 40 Allen 04.fm Page 72 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Race Matters73 • 1868: Blacks were allowed to become citizens.

• 1882: The Chinese Exclusion Act was the first immigration law to specify race, and to prohibit immigrants from entering the country on the basis of nationality. 41 • 1924: Native Americans were granted citizenship. In that same year, the National Origins Act allowed citizenship rights only to emigrants from the Western Hemisphere.

• 1952: Asians were granted permission to become citizens. 42 The ideology of white supremacy also is evident in immigration history.

The “melting pot” assimilationist model of the late nineteenth century was premised on whiteness. During the height of this model, immigrants who looked white were pressured to assimilate into the mainstream of Western European-based white culture of the United States. However, many groups classified as white today were initially considered to be nonwhite. For instance, in the South, dark-skinned Italians were forced to go to black schools. 43 To be accepted as white, some members of these immigrant groups changed their names, religious practices, and ethnic traditions.

In the late nineteenth century, an anti-immigrant nativist movement arose to preserve fundamental “American” values. Native-born European Americans of Anglo-Saxon, Teutonic, and Scandinavian descent comprised these groups. These secret societies of men believed that the economic down- turn of the nineteenth century was due to the influx of Caucasian immigrants from Ireland and southern and eastern Europe (Italy, Russia, Poland, Bul- garia, Yugoslavia, and Hungary). Because these newcomers were willing to work for lower wages, nativists decried them as “cheap labor.” They also described them as “riffraff,” “scum,” “immoral,” “drunken hoodlums,” and “niggers turned inside out.” 44 Due to a strong Protestant ethic, they were par- ticularly derogatory toward the Irish, since most Irish were Catholic. 45 Maga- zine and newspaper editorials printed pejorative portrayals of the Irish as blacks and equated them with apes and savages. 46 During those times, government and legal practices also focused on American values that reinforced racial hierarchies. For instance, the federal government decided that education was the best way to assimilate Native Americans into “American” ways. From 1870 to 1933, many Native Ameri- can children were forced to attend boarding schools. These institutions were based on the philosophy of “kill the Indian, save the child.” 47 Many children were taken against their parents’ will and prevented from returning home until their education was complete. School administrators gave the children Christian names and cut the children’s hair, which many tribes considered sacred. They also prohibited children from speaking their native language.

Around 1933, the schools were abolished after public outcry.

While the government was enforcing policies for educating Native Americans, blacks began to make progress during postslavery Reconstruc- tion. However, they suffered a significant setback due to the Supreme Court’s Allen 04.fm Page 73 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 74Chapter Four landmark Plessy v. Ferguson decision. Based on the appeal of Homer Plessy, an octoroon from Louisiana who challenged separate train facilities for blacks and whites, this ruling established the “separate but equal” doctrine. This doctrine legalized segregation of blacks from whites in the South.

During a half-century time frame known as the “Jim Crow” period, blacks were subjected to second-class citizenship. Black children attended schools with inferior textbooks, lower paid teachers, crumbling buildings, and so forth. However, due to black educators’ committed, concerted, and caring efforts, many blacks believe they had better educational experiences in these segregated settings than when they eventually went to integrated schools.

Most other public facilities, including swimming pools, libraries, drinking fountains, passenger trains, buses, state universities, and many private institu- tions, such as hotels, restaurants, and movie theaters, were also segregated, and the black sections usually were considerably inferior to the white ones.

Thus, although “separate but equal” was the law, the practice was “separate but unequal.” In February of 1942, following the Japanese bombing of Pearl Harbor, President Franklin Roosevelt signed Executive Order 9066, which authorized evacuating Japanese Americans to concentration camps. 48 Over 110,000 Jap- anese Americans were transported to various locations in the United States, where they were retained until 1944–1945.

Throughout history, as individuals and groups tried to enforce white supremacy through laws and other means, other individuals and groups suc- cessfully challenged this ideology. After the Civil War, President Ulysses S.

Grant sent federal troops to the South to protect newly freed blacks. In 1865, Congress passed the Thirteenth Amendment to abolish slavery. The Four- teenth Amendment granted citizenship rights to former slaves in 1868, and in 1870, the Fifteenth Amendment granted voting rights to black men. (This rat- ification, however, had little impact for almost a century, with virtually no effect in the South where whites used various methods—from physical force to the poll tax and grandfather clauses—to keep blacks from voting.) In 1943, Congress repealed the Chinese Exclusion Act. The Japanese American Evacuation Claims Act in 1948 authorized the government to pay Japanese Americans who suffered economic loss during internment. In 1952, the McCarran-Walter Immigration and Naturalization Act granted natural- ization rights for all races.

Movements also arose to remove other legal barriers to full participation in U. S. life for racial minority groups. In another landmark decision, on May 17, 1954, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled unanimously that racial segregation in public schools violated the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution, which says that no state may deny equal protection of the laws to any person within its jurisdiction. The Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka decision declared that separate educational facilities were inherently unequal, thereby reversing the Plessy v. Ferguson ruling. Allen 04.fm Page 74 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Race Matters75 Mindfulness Become more mindful difference matters. What does being “mindful” mean? When you are mindful, you actively process information, you are open to new ideas and insights, and you are sensitive to context. 39 Also, mindfulness is “a heightened state of involvement and wakefulness or being in the present.” 40 In other words, being mindful requires you to observe yourself in the process of thinking. 41 Put even more simply, being mindful means thinking about what you’re thinking about. Becoming more mindful can help you become more sensitive to your environment, more open to new information, more conscious of how and what you perceive, and more aware of multiple perspectives for solving problems. 42 To be more mindful about difference matters, notice and question how you categorize and characterize others. Try to notice when you are relying on stereotypes and prejudices about social identity groups. When you meet someone different than you, be aware of which social identity cues you highlight, and remember that each person embodies a complex set of social identities. Monitor your thoughts and feelings related to other people based on their gender, race, age, and so forth, including people who belong to the same groups as you. Cultivate curiosity about how you and others con- struct and perform social identities. Also pay attention to how you per- ceive that others are responding to you. Look for ways that you are guilty of TUI (Thinking Under the Influence) of dominant belief systems or stereo- types, and try to restructure your thoughts.

To really develop this tool, improve your critical thinking skills. Con- sider taking a course or referring to books or Web sites on critical thinking.

Please see my Web site [www.differencematters.info] for links to critical thinking sites. •••• Tool No. 1 •••• Tool No. 1 Cultural Competence “Cultural competence” refers to how well you can interact effectively with people from cultures other than your own. 49 Cultural competence includes “an experiential understanding and acceptance of the beliefs, val- ues, and ethics of others as well as the demonstrated skills necessary to work with and serve diverse individuals and groups.” 50 The concept of cultural competence originated in health care professions, where providers became aware of communication challenges based on cultural differences while working with diverse patient and client populations. Members of these professions and others have created a wealth of information about how to deal effectively and humanely with challenges in cross-cultural communication through cultural competence training. Training often includes four components of cultural competence: 51 1. Awareness: Become more aware of how culture operates in your life.

Reflect on and examine your own cultural background and values, as well as biases and prejudices. Also become more aware of how you perceive and respond to other cultures. Recognize impacts of your cul- tural background on your perceptions and communication style.

2. Attitude: Increase your level of respect for different heritages.

Become comfortable with differences between your culture and other cultures’ values and beliefs; be sensitive to cultural differences. Be open-minded about cultural differences.

3. Knowledge: Understand power structures in society and their impact on nondominant groups. Learn more about other cultural groups and your own. Recognize and acknowledge societal and institutional barri- ers that prevent members of disadvantaged groups from using organi- zational and societal resources.

4. Skills: Develop, use, and improve skills for cross-cultural communica- tion that include a wide variety of verbal and nonverbal responses.

Select and use various media to communicate accurately and appropri- ately. Intervene and advocate on behalf of individuals from different cultures (i.e., serve as an ally).

I encourage you to seek and create opportunities to develop these components of cultural competence. By becoming culturally competent, you learn more about yourself as well as others, thereby expanding your hori- zons and gaining a better understanding of multiple views and experiences that form the foundation from which others see the world. A culturally com- petent individual can think critically about power and oppression and work to foster fairness and appropriate actions that apply in all contexts. •••• Tool No. 3 •••• Tool No. 3 Allen 04.fm Page 75 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 76Chapter Four Embedded in all of these events is racism, a complex concept with multi- ple meanings. Different types of racism exist around the world. However, the most prevalent and pernicious form of racism has historically been European racism against non-European peoples. Early versions of this brand of racism referred to “any theory or belief that a person’s inherited physical characteris- tics, such as skin color, hair texture or facial features, determine human intel- lectual capacity and personality traits.” 52 Blatant racist attitudes flourished in the early days of the United States due to a pseudoscience that declared whites to be superior to all other races. Racist attitudes and behaviors intensi- fied and deepened from the late nineteenth to the early twentieth centuries, as seen in a variety of legislative measures against various racial groups, the inception of the Ku Klux Klan, forcing Native American children to attend boarding schools, innumerable lynchings of blacks, internment of Japanese Americans, and so forth.

Currently, the concept of racism is both political and personal. To be called racist is one of the most disturbing accusations for most people in the United States, sometimes leading to irreparable damages to reputations and careers. 53 Basing their connotations of racism on our horrific history, as well as notable progress since the civil rights movement, many whites and some per- sons of other races contend that racism no longer exists, except for isolated, individual, brutal crimes. Moreover, some whites may believe that their con- tempt for such crimes and the beliefs that provoke them disqualifies them from being racist. Many people do not understand that racial biases permeate practices and norms in organizations and institutions as well as individual attitudes and behaviors, whether intended or not. They do not understand the concept of systemic racial issues that became known as structural or institu- tional racism. In the late 1960s, Black Nationalist Stokely Carmichael coined this term to refer to collective patterns and practices that help to entrench racial inequality. Institutional racism is a product of “the systematic alloca- tion of resources, privileges, and rights differentially by race: it is distributed across the whole range of social institutions both historically and in the present, and it does not require intention or agency to be perpetuated.” 54 Institutional racism results from “the social caste system that sustained, and was sustained by, slavery and racial segregation. Although the laws that enforced this caste system are no longer in place, its basic structure still stands to this day.” 55 In other words, the history of white supremacist ideol- ogy and racial hierarchy influences and maintains institutional patterns and practices that reproduce inequalities.

Institutions enact this type of racism through blatant behaviors, such as specifically excluding people of color from services, or covertly, such as adopting policies that can unintentionally exclude people of color. A policy of “seniority rules,” or “last in, first out,” which tends to apply to jobs that white persons historically have held, makes it difficult for more recently appointed persons of color to advance or to retain their jobs. Another exam- ple of institutional racism is the prevalence of standardized academic tests or Allen 04.fm Page 76 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Race Matters77 criteria unrelated to job requirements or success, which measure cultural and educational norms of middle-class white males.

Racism can arise from individuals’ behaviors, as well as from institutional or corporate policies. Both can be conscious or unconscious. For instance, individuals who realize that they may face sanctions may consciously veil dis- criminatory behaviors, or they may unconsciously enact biases based on how they have been socialized about race. On the other hand, perpetrators may genuinely be oblivious to the racist nature of their behaviors, and they will protest that they are not racist. Yet, “even people who are strongly motivated not to be racist are subject to automatic cognitive activation of stereotypes that can unconsciously influence behavior.” 56 Psychological research, particu- larly studies using the Implicit Association Test (IAT), 57 provides convincing proof of the unconscious impact of living in the U.S., “where we are sur- rounded every day by cultural messages linking white with good.” 58 Meanings of racism are further compromised by people of color who indiscriminately label any negative behavior as racist. Sometimes called “playing the race card,” these promiscuous charges of racism have “devalued the currency of the term.” 59 Also, when some whites experience anything that smacks of favoritism for people of color, they will claim “reverse rac- ism.” These connotations and developments indicate that “U.S. society is presently engaged in a highly politicized struggle to define and redefine the meaning of racism.” 60 Concurrent with struggles over the meaning of racism are debates about definitions of race. The prevailing position corresponds with the premise of this chapter that race is an artificial construction. Most social scientists reject biological notions of race. Anthropologists in particular have challenged “essentialist” explanations of racial difference that have pervaded Western thought. In 1998, the American Anthropological Association (the official professional organization of anthropologists in the U.S.) released an official statement about race as a social and historical construction and that race should not be considered a valid biological classification:

The “racial” worldview was invented to assign some groups to perpetual low status, while others were permitted access to privilege, power, and wealth. . . . Given what we know about the capacity of normal humans to achieve and function within any culture, we conclude that present-day inequalities between so-called “racial” groups are not consequences of their biological inheritance but products of historical and contemporary social, economic, educational, and political circumstances. 61 In 2001, the Human Genome Project concluded that the human genome sequence is almost exactly the same in all people; that is human beings share 99.9 percent of their DNA. 62 This discussion about the construction of race in the United States dem- onstrates that race is a social concept: “Racial categories and the meaning of race are given concrete expression by the specific social relations and histori- Allen 04.fm Page 77 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 78Chapter Four cal context in which they are embedded.” 63 We cannot consider race to be a scientific construct because society constantly changes its categories. This process is known as racial formation, “the sociohistorical process by which racial categories are created, inhabited, transformed, and destroyed.” 64 In this process, social, economic, and political forces determine the content and importance of racial categories. Consequently, meanings and categories of race depend more on the social relations and historical context in which they operate than actual physical differences between human beings. Moreover, meanings and categories tend to reflect and reinforce dominant ideologies about “superior” and “subordinate” groups. Members of society enact these belief systems in all aspects of their lives. Next, we’ll explore how race-based ideologies have operated in the labor market. Race and Labor The history of race and labor in the United States shows relationships between white supremacist ideology and how various racial groups are treated in the labor market. Common themes have been domination, discrim- ination, and segregation, which affected indigenous people who occupied the land prior to the Europeans, as well as members of different racial groups who came or were forced to come to the United States under varying circum- stances. Combined with ideologies about race and their effects, those circum- stances affected these groups’ experiences in the labor market.

In the Virginia colony, most workers were white indentured servants who were outcasts (e.g., convicts) from England, Germany, and Ireland.

Many of them were brought to this country involuntarily. By 1808, over 330,000 Africans populated the United States as unfree, unpaid laborers.

Slave traders crammed them into ships and transported them against their will to the United States. African slaves received much harsher treatment than white indentured servants. They were doomed to be slaves for life, while indentured whites served for a contracted period of time. However, inden- tured whites also suffered discrimination, and many died before their con- tract expired. In 1850, Congress passed the Fugitive Slave Law, which obligated citizens to help capture runaway slaves and established harsh penal- ties for anyone who helped runaways.

White colonists employed various means to use persons of color to help build the “New World.” Some Europeans forced indigenous peoples to work for them in addition to making payments of corn and animal skins. During the 1880s, Mexican cowboys (vaqueros) taught their ranching and cattle-herd- ing skills to the colonists. Mexicans also worked as laborers in railroad con- struction and mining. These worksites always were racially stratified: on the ranches, managers and foremen were white, while cowhands were Mexican.

In the mines, whites operated machines, while Mexicans did the dangerous work. On rare occasions when whites and nonwhites did the same work, their pay was unequal. 65 Allen 04.fm Page 78 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Race Matters79 During that time, many Chinese voluntarily came to the U.S. for sanctu- ary from conflicts in their native land. Concentrated in low-paying jobs, Chi- nese laborers built the agricultural industry in California, and they worked in gold mines. They also played a pivotal part in constructing the Central Pacific Railroad line.

Once railroads were completed, jobs on the West Coast became scarce.

As numbers of jobs decreased, white workers often used physical force to shut Chinese immigrants out of farm, factory, or construction work. Many Chinese started laundry businesses because they were easy to establish and maintain and because whites were not interested in that type of work. In 1900, one of four employed Chinese men worked in a laundry. 66 Around this same time, the federal government decided to train native people to become agricultural workers. Governmental interventions designed to “help” indigenous people often relied on “scientific” knowledge, and coerced them to abandon their ancient ways, which often were more effec- tive. Whenever the government’s forced initiatives failed, many Native Amer- icans were forced to take temporary government employment to earn minimum wages. One last example: in 1912, President Woodrow Wilson issued an executive federal order to segregate (by race) eating and toilet facil- ities of civil service employees.

These are but a few ways that persons in power or members of dominant groups, often with the help of the federal government, oppressed nondomi- nant racial groups. They illustrate the potency and persistence of the ideology of white supremacy. 67 However, across history, members of all racial groups challenged this perspective. The abolitionist movement, which was the first large-scale movement in the United States, consisted of women and men of all races who condemned the practice of slavery of any group. Abolitionists advocated abolishing all forms of involuntary servitude. 68 In 1903, Mexican farm workers formed a coalition with Japanese laborers known as the Japa- nese-Mexican Labor Association. In addition, members of Sociedades Mutual- istas, an association established to instill a sense of pride among the members of various Mexican American communities, resisted labor exploitation and racism. Chinese workers not only went on strikes, but they also took their struggles to court, and sometimes they won their cases. 69 Individually and in groups, many other people of color and their allies exercised their legal rights by attempting to settle their grievances related to labor and employment through the court system. Sometimes, they succeeded.

In the 1930s, all-black unions enacted a movement against racial segrega- tion and discrimination in the workplace. A. Philip Randolph, the president of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, collaborated with other black leaders to organize a march on Washington, D.C., in 1941 for labor solidarity.

Their actions culminated in Executive Order 8802, which President Franklin Roosevelt signed to end discrimination in defense industries and government employment. In 1944, the Supreme Court ruled that labor unions had to rep- Allen 04.fm Page 79 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 80Chapter Four resent all employees. Randolph also helped persuade President Harry Tru- man to issue an executive order to integrate the armed services.

As reported earlier, the Supreme Court overturned the separate-but- equal doctrine in 1954. This momentous decision was the impetus to the civil rights movement, which spawned a series of laws to end racial discrimination related to voting rights, housing accessibility, employment, education, and public accommodations. These formed the foundation for most other social movements in the twentieth century and also encouraged initiatives such as the development of women’s studies and ethnic studies in college curricula.

Equal opportunity laws include Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which forbids discrimination in employment based on race, color, religion, national origin, and sex, and Title IX (1972), which prohibits discrimination in government-funded educational programs. In 1965, to remedy the impact of persistent patterns of discrimination and to advocate preferential treatment of historically disenfranchised groups, President Lyndon Johnson encour- aged the government to take “affirmative action.” Consequently, the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) developed affirmative action policies to end discrimination in hiring, college admissions, and awarding contracts. Affirmative action is based on the premise that current conditions arise from centuries of systemic inequalities in educa- tion, training, and preparation for work, as well as racist stereotypes and white supremacist ideologies. When affirmative action was first created, most people endorsed it because they thought it was a fair way to remediate past injustices.

However, by the mid-1970s, many people, particularly whites, had become dis- gruntled because they felt that minorities were receiving unfair opportunities and advantages. In 1978, in the midst of backlash, Allan Bakke sued the Univer- sity of California Medical School at Davis because admissions personnel denied him admission in favor of black candidates whom he claimed were less qualified academically than he was. 70 Bakke called this action reverse discrimination, contending that preferential treatment of blacks meant discriminating against whites. The Supreme Court ruled in Bakke’s favor, and this became the basis for an ideological campaign against affirmative action policies. Other lawsuits fol- lowed, with similar conclusions by the Supreme Court. However, as discussed earlier, the Supreme Court ruled in 2003 to uphold affirmative action policies.

In the 1960s and 1970s, Native Americans and their allies also sought justice and equal rights. For instance, they challenged treaty violations. In 1967, they won the first of many challenges to land and water rights. The first Native American Senate member, Ben Nighthorse Campbell, was elected in Colorado in 1992. The American Indian Movement, founded in 1968, remains an active force against discrimination.

This overview of race and labor in the United States shows how power dynamics operate to construct race, to reinforce racial hierarchies, and to make changes in favor of equality. Due to countless acts of resistance by groups and individuals, and based on related legislation, the plight of persons of color in the labor force has improved. While we have made notable Allen 04.fm Page 80 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Race Matters81 progress, current statistics expose an enduring, race-related division of labor, opportunity, and power in the United States. People of color persistently and disproportionately occupy menial service-sector jobs, and women of color (especially Latinas) remain the lowest paid labor group.

Although members of all racial groups helped to build the United States, persons of color in general have not reaped the benefits of their contributions.

Minorities often are placed in powerless positions or departments or in dead- end jobs. People of color in management positions tend to be concentrated in public relations; community relations; personnel/human resources, which deals with affirmative action issues and equal employment opportunity man- dates. 71 I do not mean to demean these jobs, which are important in their own right. Instead I wish to punctuate the persistent paucity of persons of color in powerful, decision-making positions across many types of organiza- tions. These conditions arise and are either reinforced or resisted, as individu- als communicate race in various social contexts. Communicating Race on Television Television is an omnipresent form of contemporary media. One televi- sion show can reach 20 million or more households. 72 Moreover, television is “a crucial location in which relationships between social groups, stereo- typing, group identity, and the like, are played out.” 73 Television programs tend to condense and oversimplify characters, which helps to perpetuate caricatures and stereotypes. TV shows regularly “assign and reassign racial characteristics to particular groups, both minority and majority.” 74 These characteristics often convey stereotypical ideas about racial groups.

Such stereotypes are especially powerful for persons who have limited interactions with other racial group members, because they may uncon- sciously believe what the media broadcast. Research shows that viewers from all racial groups are likely to believe televised portrayals of minorities to be realistic and representative. 75 Thus, television may help to validate false ideas about racial minority groups, and negatively affect self-esteem of minority groups. 76 Television programs always have overrepresented whites in contrast to their proportion in the population, while they tend to underrepresent other racial groups. (However, class distinctions permeate portrayals of poor or working-class white characters, who often embody negative stereotypes.) They also depict whites in a greater variety of roles. These distinctions matter because, for example, if we see only a few Native American charac- ters, the few images that we do see may seem more significant and have more of an impact; also, if the media present a limited range of characters, we are less likely to understand that a wide range exists. Spotlight on Media •••• Spotlight on Media •••• (continued) Allen 04.fm Page 81 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 82Chapter Four The imbalance in numbers and types of roles persists. Recent studies show that persons of color in general tend to play more negative roles than whites. Also, although Hispanics are currently the largest ethnic minority in the U.S., they comprise only about 3 to 4 percent of characters on prime-time television. Furthermore, they tend to be restricted to a few roles such as com- ics, criminals, law enforcers, or sex objects. Plus, these characters frequently exhibit negative characteristics, such as limited intelligence, inarticulate speech, laziness, and verbal aggression. And, most Latinos are cast in service status roles (more than any other racial-ethnic group on television). 77 Thus, mainstream television depictions don’t begin to capture the complex cultural, linguistic, gender, and social class heterogeneity of Hispanics in the U.S.

The rare portrayals of Native Americans tend to be negative, represent- ing them as vicious, cruel, and/or lazy. They also fail to convey the hetero- geneity of Native American groups. Instead, depictions promote homogeneous notions of poverty, alcoholism, and folklore. Although some recent images are more realistic, they substitute past stereotypes for newer ones, including the gentle, peaceful, noble, or passive Native Ameri- can who has a “natural” connection to the environment. 78 Similar racial distinctions operate in television news, which historically depicts whites more often and in more positive light. 79 Whites dominate coverage on national news programs, which overrepresents whites as vic- tims of crimes, and persons of color as perpetrators of crimes. An in-depth analysis of nightly newscasts from three national networks ABC, CBS, and NBC in 2005 found that whites comprised 77.3 percent of on-camera sources. 80 Sources who were racial minorities included blacks, Middle Easterners (most of whom were of foreign descent, part of international stories), Hispanics, and Asians. American Indians were virtually nonexist- ent. Elite news sources such as experts, company spokespersons, govern- ment officials, and attorneys were predominantly white. Most of the persons of color who were news sources were private individuals providing personal accounts of news topics, such as disaster/accident stories and crime stories. Among racial minorities, Asians appeared most often as experts, (e.g., doctors and scientists in highly specialized fields), usually in stories about health and medicine. Minorities appeared more often in sto- ries about crime and sports/entertainment than in any other topics.

On a more positive note, prime-time news magazine programs such as 20/20 and Dateline NBC have offered compelling hidden camera programs about racial dynamics that expose ways that people both enact and resist prejudice against minority racial groups, including Middle Easterners and African Americans in everyday settings. Also, numerous cable channels focus exclusively on various racial, ethnic, and linguistic groups. Although these alternatives strive to offer cultural sanctuary to members of minority groups, they also may perpetuate negative representations, as media stud- ies scholar Beretta E. Smith-Shomade discusses in an in-depth analysis of positive and problematic aspects of Black Entertainment Television. 81 Allen 04.fm Page 82 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Race Matters83 Communicating Race Communication research offers insight into relationships between the history of race in the United States and communication processes. Intercul- tural communication and mass media communication studies delve into top- ics such as racial/ethnic identity, co-cultural interaction (communication between members of dominant and nondominant groups), and media depic- tions of race. Combined with research from organizational behavior and organizational communication, this body of work implies intriguing relation- ships between racial dynamics and organizational communication processes.

To get a better idea of how we communicate race, let’s look at everyday inter- actions and personnel procedures in organizations. Everyday Interactions Within various settings, individuals tend to expect everyone to enact dominant norms and communication styles during everyday interactions. As a result, they may negatively judge persons who do not meet (or do not seem to meet) expectations related to white, middle-class values and attitudes.

Standard-English-speaking listeners usually evaluate nonstandard speakers unfavorably based on status-related traits. They may respond to variations in verbal and nonverbal communication by equating them with speakers’ levels of intelligence and personal characteristics. One group of listeners evaluated Spanish-accented, Appalachian-accented, and vernacular black English speakers as being of low status, while they evaluated British-accented speak- ers as being of high status. 82 According to one study, inner-city blacks speak less standard English than they did three generations ago. 83 Negative views of their speech styles can negatively affect black children’s education in inner- city schools.

A major controversy about language in the U.S. centers on Spanish.

Some groups want to abolish or restrict Spanish in the workplace and educa- tion, while others advocate extensive bilingual or multilingual training and curricula. For instance, a hotel owner in New Mexico forbade Hispanic workers from speaking Spanish in his presence because he thought they were talking about him. He also ordered some of them to Anglicize their names:

Martin (Mahr-teen) would become Mar-tin, and Marcos changed to Mark.

He fired those who did not go along with his demands. The New Mexico chapter of the League of United Latin American Citizens has protested the owner’s behaviors. 84 A large-scale study of diverse U.S. Latinos found that the more English that Latinos and Latinas speak, the more likely they are to interpret co-cul- tural interactions as discriminatory. 85 Speaking English was associated with twice the rate of reporting everyday discrimination, such as being treated with less courtesy or respect, receiving poorer service, and people acting like they were afraid of them or thought they were dishonest. Respondents also reported being called names, insulted, threatened, or harassed. As Latinas Allen 04.fm Page 83 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 84Chapter Four and Latinos achieve higher social status and become more assimilated, they seem to be more sensitive to discrimination than their less-acculturated coun- terparts. Basically, “as immigrants assimilate, they may lose their idealized view of America as the land of equal opportunity and therefore have higher expectations of fair treatment.” 86 Sometimes dominant group members enact skeptical attitudes toward people of color by challenging them, questioning their authority, or not invit- ing their input. Consequently, many people of color are guarded, cautious, and/or suspicious during interracial interactions. They sometimes find them- selves second-guessing others’ behaviors. For example, they may wonder whether another person’s comments or behaviors are based on prejudiced attitudes or if they stem from a harmless misunderstanding. Communication scholar Mark Orbe developed co-cultural theory to describe a variety of verbal and nonverbal communication practices that nondominant people use while communicating with dominant groups. 87 They may use “conscious commu- nication” strategies such as “mirroring” the language practices and appear- ances of dominant group members. They may also prepare extensively. For instance, persons of color may engage in cognitive rehearsal prior to interact- ing with members of dominant groups. They also may censor themselves.

Although they may feel offended by dominant group members, they may choose to remain silent because they fear their response might magnify differ- ences or alienate them from dominant others.

In addition to mirroring and extensive preparation, members of racial minority groups may respond to potential and actual stereotyping and dis- crimination by consciously avoiding interaction with dominant group mem- bers. They also might try to avert controversy by deflecting potentially controversial or charged topics, such as affirmative action or any current event that implicates race. Furthermore, persons of color may emphasize commonalities among all human beings and downplay differences based on race. Or, they may contend with others’ preconceptions by simply being themselves: “Instead of worrying about the stereotypes that others place on all members of a co-cultural group, these persons do not allow such consider- ations to affect their behaviors.” 88 Stereotypes can influence everyday co-cultural interactions. Dominant group members may expect a Latina to be an expert on race relations and to speak Spanish fluently. Moreover, they may believe she is not qualified to per- form any roles other than stereotypical ones, such as working with members of “her” community. Thus, executives may relegate persons of color to commu- nity liaison/relations positions rather than to more powerful executive roles.

Expectations based on stereotypes and their consequences can vary according to racial group. Organization members may expect Asian Ameri- cans to enact the “model minority” role by being docile, passive, and compli- ant. Asian Americans are characterized as “model” because they tend to assimilate into U.S. society without challenging mainstream ethos. This ste- reotype mistakenly assumes that Asian Americans do not identify as a racial Allen 04.fm Page 84 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Race Matters85 minority group with specific grievances. Yet, in 2005, 31 percent of Asians reported incidents of discrimination—the largest percentage of any ethnic group. 89 Stereotypes of passivity also undergird managerial discourse that Asian Americans are not interested in climbing the corporate ladder. This reasoning may explain low numbers of Asian Americans in higher-level exec- utive positions and their slow entrance into high-level positions in society, known as the “bamboo ceiling effect.” 90 In addition to impeding career advancement of people of color, race- based stereotypes can influence co-cultural interactions between service pro- viders and clients or patients. For example, anthropologist Geri-Ann Gal- anti’s book, Caring for Patients from Different Cultures, chronicles more than 200 case studies, illustrating how lack of cultural competency can cause cross-cul- tural conflicts and misunderstandings that affect the quality of health care that a person receives. 91 Racial dynamics also can affect interactions within educational contexts.

Communication scholar Patricia Covarrubias’ in-depth study of Native American college students’ everyday experiences revealed the prevalence of discriminatory silence, “the public or private withholding of speech, specifi- cally the withholding of voiced objections to statements that dismiss, discon- firm, or alienate a person because of racial, ethnic, or cultural origin when the ethical action would be to speak up.” 92 Students described numerous classroom moments when their white classmates, professors, or presenters made discriminatory or dismissive comments about Native Americans that everyone else ignored. One student reported crying through a whole class as a guest speaker interspersed his speech about injustices against Native Amer- icans with frequent references to “drunk Indians,” and no one questioned the speaker’s assumptions and stereotyping. Another student said that while she “poured her soul out” in a class where everyone else was white during a speech about a need for increased federal funding for health care on Indian reservations, white students made negative remarks and exhibited negative nonverbal cues. When she concluded, a white student said, “I don’t think Indians deserve to have free health care. My grandfather had to pay for his own.” The professor and other students said nothing, although the professor supported her outside of the class. As Covarrubias concludes: “it is up to all of us to collaborate to invent more just selves by deciding when it is ethical to exercise silence or to speak up.” 93 As some persons of color negotiate co-cultural interactions, some white people also struggle with racial dynamics. White males sometimes feel tar- geted and stereotyped as the source of racial strife. They believe that others equate “white male” with being racist, sexist, homophobic, and insensitive. 94 During everyday interactions, white persons’ anxiety about being perceived as racist can inhibit communication. In a multiracial consulting firm, white employees actively avoided conflict or confrontation with persons of color because they feared they would be seen as racist. 95 These apprehensions con- strained interracial relationships to the extent that white managers hesitated Allen 04.fm Page 85 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 86Chapter Four to offer constructive criticism to people of color. In contrast, people of color resented the conflict-avoidant behaviors of their white colleagues.

Some white people are not conscious of race because of their historical power position. Whites as the privileged group have tended to take their iden- tity as the hidden standard for measuring other groups. In early communica- tion studies, being white was the unspoken norm. As a result, when scholars and researchers referred to an individual or a group as “different,” they usu- ally meant as compared to a white person or white people. When an identity is the norm, it is thereby invisible, “to the extent that many whites do not consciously think about the profound effect being white has on their everyday lives.” 96 This lack of consciousness about white racial identity is changing due to racial demographics, responses to affirmative action, perceptions of “reverse discrimination,” diversity training/teaching initiatives in corpora- tions and on college campuses, and scholarship on whiteness. 97 Similar to work in gender studies that considers men’s experiences, research about race now includes whiteness. This body of work seeks to challenge the reality that “whiteness often has gone unnamed and unexamined because it has been uncritically and unthinkingly adopted throughout society.” 98 A pioneer in whiteness scholarship named Peggy McIntosh introduced the concept of white privilege to refer to the unearned, unacknowledged enti- tlement one receives in everyday life simply because of white skin. In a groundbreaking article, McIntosh offers a list of forty-six invisible advantages she enjoys as a white person, including the ability to choose to be oblivious to the effects of race. Her list includes ordinary conditions of daily experience that she “once took for granted, as neutral, normal, and universally available to everybody.” 99 The list illuminates issues and circumstances that people of color tend to routinely confront, but that most white people are unaware of.

Most of the items she includes in her “knapsack of privilege” have obvious implications for communication. As you read the following examples, con- sider if and how they apply to your life.

1. I am never asked to speak for all the people of my racial group.

2. I can do well in challenging situations without being called a credit to my race.

3. I can turn on the television or open the front page of the paper and see people of my race widely and positively represented.

4. I can go shopping alone most of the time, pretty well assured that I will not be followed or harassed by store detectives (because of my race).

5. I can worry about racism without being seen as self-interested or self- seeking.

100 These sample items illustrate how race can matter during everyday inter- actions and events in various contexts. As items 1 and 2 imply, persons of color often encounter situations where others view them as representatives of their race. In college classrooms on predominantly white campuses, black, Allen 04.fm Page 86 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Race Matters87 Latina, and Latino students sometimes feel a sense of hypervisibility when it comes to discussions about race, as others in the classroom turn to them for “expertise” when the topic of race arises. On the other hand, they may feel hyperinvisible during discussions about any other topics, as others seem to believe that they are not intelligent enough to participate in discussions about other subjects.

Item 3 refers to the influence of the media’s documented tendency to depict people of color and white persons in ways that reinforce dominant ide- ologies. Item 4 refers to discriminatory practices that some persons of color experience while shopping. It’s happened to me more than a few times, and I always feel frustrated, humiliated, or angry. Finally, item 5 alludes to race- related differences in how people respond when an individual makes com- ments about race and racism.

The concept of white privilege illustrates how U.S. society institutional- izes racial hegemony. The purpose of raising consciousness about white priv- ilege is not to make white people feel guilty or ashamed. Rather, the goal is to increase their understanding of how others experience race, and their com- mitment to using their privilege to combat racism. Understanding white priv- ilege also may help people of color understand why some white people seem oblivious to the issues that frequently occur for people who are not white.

Furthermore, the concept does not assume that ALL white people enjoy maximum benefits of white privilege because it recognizes that privilege operates in degrees, according to other aspects of identity such as gender, sex- uality, social class, and so forth. Thus, exploring whiteness and white privi- lege has positive potential for achieving racial equality. Personnel Procedures Racial dynamics often unfold during personnel procedures such as recruiting, hiring, evaluating, and promoting employees. To recruit employ- ees, organizations often rely on informal hiring practices, and applicants often learn about jobs through friends or relatives. As a result, organizations that use employee referrals to fill job vacancies tend to hire workers of the same race as current employees, which helps to maintain racial segregation patterns of employment across all levels of organizations. Recruitment through informal methods such as word-of-mouth reinforces racial homoge- neity because employees usually tell people like themselves about job oppor- tunities, and companies often hire applicants who are referred by current employees. 101 Furthermore, research shows that race-based social networks can affect racial inequality in attaining jobs, as well as pay levels and reten- tion rates. 102 Regardless of how people apply for a job, employers may base hiring decisions on race-based stereotypes and attributions. A large-scale research project on employment screening behaviors found that school prin- cipals were more likely to invite Asian American applicants to interview for an assistant principal position than they were to invite Hispanic or older Native American applicants, although their credentials were identical. 103 The Allen 04.fm Page 87 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 88Chapter Four principals may have relied on stereotypes that Asian American candidates are more intelligent and capable than other racial minorities.

In a similar project, resumes of applicants with “white-sounding” first names (e.g., Neil, Brett, Greg, Emily, Anne, and Jill) elicited 50 percent more responses than ones with “black-sounding” names (e.g., Ebony, Tamika, Aisha, Rasheed, Kareem, and Tyrone). Researchers mailed five thousand resumes in response to want ads in the Chicago Tribune and the Boston Globe.

“White” applicants received one response—a phone call, e-mail, or letter— for every ten resumes mailed, while “black” applicants with equal credentials received one response for every fifteen resumes sent. 104 Once hired, persons of color may face differential treatment. Contrasted with whites, they tend to receive fewer rewards, resources, or opportunities to advance. In general, employee evaluations are significantly higher for persons of the same race or gender as the evaluator, even when they are based on “objective” performance standards, although black raters may evaluate blacks lower than whites. 105 Although supervisors may not realize their perceptions or how their attitudes toward people of color influence their evaluations, ten- dencies toward differential performance evaluation can limit career mobility for persons of color and increase opportunities to advance for white employ- ees. However, white males also can experience limited career mobility if they do not personify the image of a promotable employee, which often is based on the ideal of white masculinity that I discussed in the chapter on gender.

Research repeatedly reveals that discriminatory practices in organiza- tions can block minorities’ advancement to top management positions. Per- sons of color may have limited access to critical information and they may experience lower levels of acceptance into work groups or teams. The Federal Commission on the Glass Ceiling reported that areas in which minorities and women experience obstacles to advancement include managerial prepared- ness, mentoring, management training, and career development. 106 A key to successful career development is networking. Establishing rela- tionships with persons who can help you advance is essential for moving up the organizational ladder. Employees may join formal groups at work or engage in informal networking. Informal networking often occurs outside of the organization during sporting events, cocktail hours or happy hours, and parties. Persons of color may not participate in these extracurricular social activities because they think they will be uncomfortable due to anticipated “culture clash.” In addition, they may simultaneously contend with in-group pressure not to align with the “good old boys.” White colleagues may not invite persons of color to participate because of outright discrimination, or due to apprehension about interacting with an “other” outside of work.

In addition to formal and informal networks, another key to advance- ment is mentoring relationships, which also may suffer from racial dynamics and politics. Employees of all races might hesitate to initiate cross-race men- toring relationships: persons of color may worry that others in their racial group will consider them to be an Uncle Tom or Aunt Jane (someone who Allen 04.fm Page 88 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Race Matters89 kisses up to white people), while whites may feel similar apprehensions about other white people’s opinions. Cross-race/cross-gender mentoring relation- ships—for example, between a white man and a Latina—may be fraught with concerns about sexuality issues, given increased attention to sexual harass- ment in organizations, as well as cultural differences in attitudes toward sexu- ality (I discuss organizational romances and sexual harassment in chapter 6).

The good news is that many organizations have instituted formal prac- tices and policies that seem to address many of these challenges to career advancement for employees of color (and members of other nondominant groups, including women, GLBTQ employees, and persons with disabilities).

For instance, many businesses support employee resource groups (also called advocacy groups, affinity groups, or employee networks), which focus on issues germane to underrepresented groups. Most groups do not limit mem- bership to those who self-identify with the focus of the group; they welcome anyone who wishes to join. About 90 percent of Fortune 500 companies have employee resource groups, and 100 percent of the organizations honored as the 2010 DiversityInc Top 50 Companies for Diversity finance employee resource groups (contrasted with 62 percent in 2005). 107 These 50 organizations con- sider resource groups to be crucial assets to accomplishing business goals, and all of them allow groups to meet during the workday (contrasted with 73 per- cent in 2005). Earlier versions of resource groups tended to provide in-group networking, and to focus on social or cultural networking and activities, such as cultural potluck lunches or Black History Month events. However, current groups serve much more productive functions, including employee recruit- ment, retention, and advancement, as well as marketing to diverse communi- ties and achieving supplier diversity. Moreover, 74 percent of CEOs from the Top 50 meet regularly with these groups, and 92 percent of the groups have a senior executive who is a formal member (this person usually reports to the CEO). A few companies support affinity groups for white males; most of these address diversity issues and strive to include white males in diversity ini- tiatives. A group at IBM formerly known as the white male network changed to a men’s network that supports diversity efforts and fatherhood. 108 Because companies such as the Top 50 realize the value of diversity to their bottom line, they are investing monetary and human resources into a variety of initiatives. In addition to employee resource groups, these initia- tives include formal mentoring programs and mandatory diversity training (which often focus on communication and cultural competence). Many com- panies also are making diversity more central to their missions and strategic goals, and they are factoring accountability into their efforts. For instance, Sodexo (number 1 on the list), implements a Spirit of Mentoring program: “a focused, practical and extremely comprehensive mentoring effort that includes advance training and benchmarks at regular intervals to examine how mentoring pairs are relating to each other and accomplishing goals.” 109 Sodexo also measures progress in diversity through a scorecard that tracks hiring, retention, and promotion of underrepresented groups. Allen 04.fm Page 89 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 90Chapter Four Our exploration of communicating race highlights numerous issues that confront members of nondominant and dominant races. Organizations that embrace/support racial diversity can reap numerous rewards, including enhanced co-cultural interactions, decreased complaints and lawsuits, less turnover, increased innovation, greater market performance, and improved productivity. Valuing racial difference requires concerted effort at all levels of an organization. Members must assess and be willing to reconstruct everyday practices and policies. The process can be challenging and time consuming.

However, the potential positive outcomes seem well worth the efforts. Conclusion Race is an artificial construction of social identity based on an ideology of white supremacy, a belief in a racial hierarchy with white people at the top. Var- ious power sources have used communication to construct categories of race to reinforce and reproduce this ideology. However, persons of all races have also used communication to envision and enact more positive perspectives on race.

Across the history of the United States, labels for race have often changed, due to political, social, cultural, and economic developments. Currently, actual and anticipated changes in racial demographics (i.e., numbers of persons of color are increasing) have heightened awareness of racial dynamics in all sectors of U.S. society. In the labor market, race has been, and continues to be, a signifi- cant factor, as minority racial groups and their advocates vie for equal employ- ment opportunities. Consequently, race remains an important aspect of social identity in the United States. Furthermore, communication plays both oppres- sive and liberatory roles in the quest for racial equality and harmony. 1. What is your race?

2. How important is your race to you? Explain.

3. What primary sources have taught you about your race?

4. How, if at all, do you express your race (e.g., through language, com- munication style, dress, accessories, music, and so forth)?

5. Does your awareness of your race ever help you communicate with others? Explain.

6. Does your awareness of your race ever hinder how you communicate with others? Explain.

7. What situations, if any, do you avoid because of concerns related to your race?

8. What situations, if any, do you seek because of your race?

9. What advantages, if any, do you enjoy based on your race?

10. Do you know of any stereotypes about your race? If so, list them. •••• ID Check •••• ID Check Allen 04.fm Page 90 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Race Matters91 REFLECTION M ATTERS 1. What did you find intriguing or interesting in this chapter? Explain.

2. Do any current news stories involve issues that this chapter covers? If yes, what points do they exemplify?

3. According to the sociohistorical overview, what are examples of how people used communication to construct race throughout the history of the United States?

4. What are examples of power relations in the construction of race in the United States?

5. How much does your race matter to you? How much does your race seem to matter to others? Explain and give examples. How strongly do you identify with your ethnic heritage? Explain.

6. How is the “melting pot” metaphor based on whiteness?

7. What do you think of the concept of white privilege? How did you respond to the sample questions from Peggy McIntosh’s list? Explain.

8. How much do you know about races or ethnic groups other than your own? How did you attain this knowledge?

9. Are you aware of any stereotypes about your combined race-gender identity (e.g. white woman, or Asian man)? If yes, what are they?

Has anyone ever seemed to respond to you based on your combined race-gender identity? Explain.

10. If you watch prime-time television, how do the programs that you like portray race and race relations? How accurately do you think they tend to portray racial groups?

11. Do you ever watch cable channels that target a specific racial or ethnic group? If so, how well does their programming represent those groups? What criticisms, if any, would you offer about these channels?

12. How do you think you would have responded if you were a student in the class that I described where a Native American student was visibly distressed by a speaker’s presentation? 11. Are you ever aware of stereotypes about your race as you interact with others? Explain.

12. How do the media tend to depict your race? Do media depictions cor- respond with your sense of your race? Explain.

13. Do you think your attitudes toward race intersect with any other fac- ets of your social identity, for instance: your gender? your age? your social class? your sexual orientation? Allen 04.fm Page 91 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM ….

93 •••• •••• Chapter 5 Social Class Matters I would get excited when my grandma brought home hand-me-down clothing from the white families she worked for as a maid. I would eagerly sift through the pile to find something I liked. Although I proudly wore sec- ondhand outfits, my friends and I would mock members of a family in my neighborhood who often rummaged through dumpsters for castoffs. Even though I knew the government housing project where we lived was restricted to low-income families, I do not remember feeling stigmatized. Every year my elementary school would send “care” packages to needy families over- seas. Happy to help poor children, I would eagerly donate small items like a bar of soap, a handkerchief, or a box of crayons.

I used to wish my family could get surplus government food like some of my friends’ families. Even though Ma was raising my brother, sister, and me on her own, her income was slightly higher than the maximum allowed. For- tunately, her income was low enough to qualify me for the Comprehensive Employment Training Act (CETA) program. In junior high, CETA employed me as an assistant to the home economics teacher; in high school, I worked in the guidance counselors’ office. I used my income to start a bank account and help Ma pay for my school clothes.

Kids in the projects enjoyed lots of recreational activities, thanks to gov- ernment social programs that provided facilities, staff, and other resources.

We flocked year round to the settlement house (a recreation and social ser- vices center) to do arts and crafts, play sports, perform in variety shows, and watch movies. I was a member of the girls’ basketball team and an award- winning drill team. During the summer, we played in fully equipped and staffed playgrounds. Thanks to the Associated Neighborhood Centers (a city- sponsored program), I worked one summer as a day-camp counselor, where the kids nicknamed me “Big Bird.” My experiences encompass some of the issues that I cover in this chapter.

They show how class-power dynamics unfold in macro-level structures as individuals engage in everyday micropractices. The fact that my friends and I made fun of the family who could barely afford clothes demonstrates the enduring nature of class consciousness. Combined with my home training, the annual charitable drive at my school socialized me to care about less-for- tunate people. Yet, attitudes toward class vary according to sociohistorical Chapter 5 Allen 05.fm Page 93 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 94Chapter Five context. When I was younger, the media did not bombard me with ads tai- lored for my age group, although they had begun to target teenagers. I dis- tinctly remember the jingle for Wrangler stretch jeans. I begged Ma to get me a pair, and she did. However, my friends and I were not as concerned about style and brand names as many young people nowadays seem to be. I suspect that few children who now live where I was raised would welcome hand-me- downs. Due to peer pressure, the hype of brand names, and fashion trends, most of them are probably way more picky than I was about clothing.

My story illustrates how use of space can indicate class. Geographic location can denote class position. “Housing projects” are class symbols of being poor, and trailer parks often signify poverty. 1 Race also matters, since the projects symbolize people of color (especially blacks), and trailer parks symbolize white people. The familiar saying that the most important aspect of real estate is “location, location, location” implies a class bias. Prices of comparable homes can vary sharply based on neighborhoods. Most major U.S. cities have identifiable communities of wealthy people, as well as “the other side of the tracks” (or the “wrong side”) where poor people reside. Was that true where you grew up?

Throughout history, the federal government and state and local agencies, to varying degrees and with varying criteria for qualifying for assistance, have intervened to assist lower-class groups. When I was growing up in the 1960s, the United States was in the midst of social reform. Due in large part to social activists, the government initiated programs for socioeconomically disadvan- taged families. As a result, many lower-income families had jobs, affordable housing, and food. The programs that employed me as a teenager helped to reinforce the strong work ethic my mother instilled in me and to empower me. Yes, my peers and I were poor, but we enjoyed a rich childhood and a strong sense of community. We were among countless beneficiaries across the country of the settlement house movement that offered services to poor citizens and poor immigrants. Many of us are proud to be from the neighbor- hood we affectionately call “Brick City.” We were fortunate to grow up dur- ing a time when public attitudes toward the less fortunate were benevolent.

My memories imply relationships between hegemony and social class.

For example, income often dictates where people live. 2 The United States comprises a class-segregated society with poor and rich people residing in dif- ferent types of “gated” communities, with different ramifications. To live in the projects, we had to follow rigid rules and policies or risk eviction. Mem- bers of homeowner associations in other types of neighborhoods also have to comply with rules and regulations.

I delve into these and related issues in this chapter to show how power relationships and ideology affect constructions of social class in the United States. First, I discuss conceptions of class, after which I explain why class matters. Next, I trace the social construction of class in the United States.

Then, I explore relationships between class and communication. Allen 05.fm Page 94 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Social Class Matters95 What Is Social Class? What is your social class? If you are like most people in the United States, you consider yourself to be middle class. Whatever class you identify with, what do you base your category on? Many people equate class with money or economic status. 3 However, class consists of more than economics. The word “class” comes from the Roman classis, a system used to divide the population into groups for taxation purposes. 4 Since Roman days, class consistently has been based on social stratification—the ranking of groups according to vari- ous criteria, with higher positions afforded more value, respect, status, and privilege than lower positions. Placement in a class system can occur through ascription, based on conditions at birth such as family background, race, sex, or place of birth, or achievement, as a result of individual effort or merit such as running a profitable business or earning a college degree. 5 Most social science ideas about class stem from Karl Marx and Max Weber, who based their work on economics. Marx conceived of two classes related to the means of production: the bourgeoisie, which includes those who own the means of production, and the proletariat or working class (everyone else). 6 Class labels initially were based on objective factors, such as amount of capital (accumulated goods and their value).

Believing that class is more than just economics, Weber claimed that stratification is based on property, power, and prestige (the three Ps). 7 Prop- erty refers not only to ownership, but also to the control of property. Weber conceived of power from a “power over” standpoint. He viewed power as the ability to control resources and behaviors of others, contending that this form of control and its results affect social stratification: 8 “Class is about the power some people have over the lives of others, and the powerlessness most people experience as a result.” 9 Prestige means esteem or social status. One type of prestige in contemporary society is occupation. Because amount of income and advanced education and training can influence the prestige level of occu- pations, white-collar occupations generally imply higher prestige than blue- collar, pink-collar, or brown-collar occupations, which include service and clerical jobs.

Weber’s ideas about class correspond with contemporary views that it consists of both economic factors and more subtle variables. French sociolo- gist Pierre Bourdieu elaborated the concept of capital to emphasize ideologi- cal conditions plus how people use capital to compete for position and resources. He specified three types of capital: economic capital, which includes financial assets; cultural capital, which encompasses specialized skills and knowledge such as linguistic and cultural competencies, passed down through one’s family or from experiences in social institutions, such as an Ivy League education; 10 and social capital, which consists of networks, or connec- tions among people who can help one another. 11 Here’s a brief example of Bourdieu’s conception of capital. When I won an all-expenses-paid scholar- ship for college, I could have gone to any college in the world that admitted Allen 05.fm Page 95 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 96Chapter Five me because I had earned access to economic capital to pay tuition, room, board, and travel costs. Because I was clueless about how to select a school, I picked the one that another black female student (who had won the same scholarship two years earlier) had chosen. I was not savvy about the college selection process, and the guidance counselors at my school did not offer any assistance, even though I worked in their office. (Research persistently reveals a pattern of differential counseling according to a student’s social class.) 12 In essence, because I was a member of a poor family whose members had never gone to college, I had not gained the appropriate cultural or social capital to navigate the college admission process. Fortunately, I did acquire an important bit of cultural capital because I was tracked according to intelli- gence and placed in classes with middle- to upper-class white students who knew the ropes of getting into college. I took my cues from them as they dis- cussed the SAT and the ACT (college entrance exams I did not know about), and I persuaded Ma to pay for me to take those tests. Also, I dared to dream about going to college because of my friendships with white peers; if they could do it, so could I. Unfortunately, my black friends from the projects did not have similar exposure and experiences, and none of them planned to attend college immediately following high school.

My experiences and Bourdieu’s perspective on class reveal “linguistic, social and communication processes that foster class membership and con- sciousness.” 13 For example, an increasing emphasis on educational creden- tials reflects the strength of cultural capital in U.S. society. Members of the middle and upper class increasingly seek access to elite universities that signal a more superior educational experience than other types of institutions of higher education that increasingly are available to the masses. 14 People in higher socioeconomic brackets often rely on “connections” to gain admission to preferred institutions, illustrating an underlying premise of social capital:

“It’s not what you know, it’s who you know.” Another example of social cap- ital permeates the standard practice within elite institutions of higher educa- tion of “legacy admissions,” or giving preferential treatment to children of alumni. Yet, few people challenge this longtime form of “affirmative action.” When I asked you about your social class, what categories did you con- sider? Although dozens of classification schemes exist, most charts refer to variations of “upper,” “middle,” and “lower” classes. Some subdivide these, for instance: “upper-upper,” “lower-upper,” “upper-middle,” “lower-middle,” “working class,” and “poor.” Synonyms for the upper class include “own- ing,” “capitalist,” or “overclass.” And, the lowest of the lower class has been labeled the “underclass.” 15 These classifications explicitly indicate power relationships. Members of the working class tend to have relatively little control over their jobs, and they usually do not supervise anyone. At the top level, the capitalist class includes those who control the means of production. Furthermore, “as of 2007, the top 1 percent of households (the upper class) owned 34.6 percent of all pri- vately held wealth, and the next 19 percent (the managerial, professional, and Allen 05.fm Page 96 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Social Class Matters97 Mindfulness Become more mindful difference matters. What does being “mindful” mean? When you are mindful, you actively process information, you are open to new ideas and insights, and you are sensitive to context. 39 Also, mindfulness is “a heightened state of involvement and wakefulness or being in the present.” 40 In other words, being mindful requires you to observe yourself in the process of thinking. 41 Put even more simply, being mindful means thinking about what you’re thinking about. Becoming more mindful can help you become more sensitive to your environment, more open to new information, more conscious of how and what you perceive, and more aware of multiple perspectives for solving problems. 42 To be more mindful about difference matters, notice and question how you categorize and characterize others. Try to notice when you are relying on stereotypes and prejudices about social identity groups. When you meet someone different than you, be aware of which social identity cues you highlight, and remember that each person embodies a complex set of social identities. Monitor your thoughts and feelings related to other people based on their gender, race, age, and so forth, including people who belong to the same groups as you. Cultivate curiosity about how you and others con- struct and perform social identities. Also pay attention to how you per- ceive that others are responding to you. Look for ways that you are guilty of TUI (Thinking Under the Influence) of dominant belief systems or stereo- types, and try to restructure your thoughts.

To really develop this tool, improve your critical thinking skills. Con- sider taking a course or referring to books or Web sites on critical thinking.

Please see my Web site [www.differencematters.info] for links to critical thinking sites. •••• Tool No. 1 •••• Tool No. 1 Networking The old saying, “It’s not what you know, but who you know” is true, to a certain extent. According to many sources, nearly 80 percent of job open- ings available at any one time are never advertised. These jobs exist in the “hidden job market.” You can access this invisible market through network- ing. Networking seems to come naturally to many members of dominant groups because they have been socialized to make and use connections.

However, many people may not feel empowered to network or they may not know how to network. Yet, anyone can build and maintain an effective career network. Here are some tips:

• Build a local career network of anyone who has helped you or who might help you with your career in any way—regardless of where you are on your career path. For instance, list current and former teachers, employers, classmates, and coworkers. (I got my first job when I finished college from my 8th grade English teacher, who was directing a citywide library program.) • Be inclusive in building your career network. Don’t limit yourself to people who are like you. Consciously include people from varying social identity groups and with diverse professional interests.

• Consider adding variety to your routine so that you’re exposed to new people, places, and ideas. 16 Attend workshops, conferences, seminars, job fairs, and other career-oriented events. Also, network during social functions. When you meet someone new, exchange business cards (if you’re not employed, create a basic card with your name and contact information), and follow up with an e-mail saying that you were pleased to meet her or him.

• Stay in touch with members of your network. Drop an occasional line to check in, or schedule a beverage break. Also, send them information related to their professional interests. Don’t wait until you need something to contact individuals in your network.

• Be generous within your career network. Tell your connections about job openings or opportunities for career development.

• Use the Internet. Sign up for online social networking tools (I won’t name any because they change so rapidly; ask people in your network to recommend online social networks relevant to your interests). Also, find out which sites and organizations are active among people in your career area and browse these for information and insight. 17 • Consult resources on career networking. If you’re in college, your campus probably has a career services office. Don’t wait until you’re about to graduate to use this resource. If you’ve graduated from college, check to see if your university’s office offers services to alums. If you’re not affiliated with a university (and even if you are), a great reference for networking is What Color Is Your Parachute, by Richard Bolles. 18 •••• Tool No. 4 •••• Tool No. 4 Allen 05.fm Page 97 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 98Chapter Five small business stratum) had 50.5 percent. . . . leaving only 15 percent of the wealth for the bottom 80 percent (wage and salary workers).” 19 The preceding ideas correspond with our working definition of social class: “an open (to some degree) stratification system that is associated with a systematically unequal allocation of resources and constraints.” 20 “Resources and constraints” can refer to various types of capital, including financial net worth, savoir-faire or “know-how,” social skills, authority, experience, and networks. Social class is dynamic; we can change our location in the hierar- chy, though not always easily. Why Social Class Matters Class difference and class struggle represent significant themes in U.S.

history. Social class embodies a powerful, persistent predictor of accessibility to resources, potential for longevity and success, and self-esteem. Most peo- ple remain in or close to the class position of their family, which may affect their personal identity: “estimation of self-worth, degrees of confidence and feelings of entitlement or lack of entitlement permeate the experience of belonging to one class or another.” 21 Social class also can be “a major deter- minant of individual decisions and social actions.” 22 From womb to tomb, social class can make a major difference in one’s life. Most working-class mothers see a doctor for the first time in the last month of pregnancy, whereas most wealthy women get top quality prenatal care throughout their entire pregnancy. 23 As a result, rates of infant mortality, birth defects, and illness are higher among poor families. Poor children lack basic resources and suffer distressing material conditions, such as constant moving, poor nutrition, lack of warm clothing, and inferior living conditions, which can constrain their potential to develop physically and mentally.

Lower-class communities more often are built in old industrial areas, and res- idents are exposed to environmental hazards such as air pollution, lead paint, and asbestos. 24 Class is the strongest predictor of achievement in schools. 25 The higher the social class, the more likely the student is to succeed academically. Social class also is the strongest predictor of whether or not an individual will go to college, as well as the type of college a student will attend. Suburban schools in wealthy neighborhoods work with budgets two to three times higher per student than poor urban and rural schools. Poor students are disproportion- ately labeled as low-status and segregated from mainstream students and edu- cation. In one poor, Hispanic district, more than one-quarter of the students were classified as “special education,” and teachers believed that students’ poverty caused their failure rates. 26 Compared to patients in higher-level social classes, those from lower classes tend to receive more inferior medical care and have limited access to care.

27 Incidents of injury at work and work-related fatalities are higher for lower-class workers. 28 Older poor people suffer more from chronic illness, Allen 05.fm Page 98 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Social Class Matters99 and wealthy people in general live longer than poor and working-class indi- viduals. These distinctions across classes are not limited to stark differences between the poor and the rich. Throughout the life span, health declines with each successive class group. 29 Of course, class intersects in stark ways with other aspects of identity. Although all working-class people might tend to have some similar experiences, they can vary according to race, ethnicity, sex, and sexuality because we experience class through multiple lenses. 30 Although social discourse implies that the United States is classless, class- based stratification persists. 31 As the preceding paragraph suggests, quality of life varies according to socioeconomic status (SES), which is determined by the combination of income, education, and occupation. Even though the United States is an affluent society in general, measured by the median income for a family of four, wealth (defined as total value of money and other assets, minus outstanding debts) is distributed much more unequally than income. 32 In fact, the United States has the most unequally distributed wealth and income in the world. About 34.2 percent of all people in the U.S. are classi- fied as living in poverty at least two months out of the year. 33 In 2003, the average poor family had an income of $8,858, or $738 per month. 34 Eco- nomic statistics indicate that the rich are getting richer, and the gap is widen- ing between the haves and the have-nots. In 1982, CEOs of large corporations earned 42 times the salary of the average factory worker; in 2005, their salary was 431 times greater. 35 Social class matters because it affects the political system. Political candi- dacy and being elected are tied to class issues. Running for office requires a big bankroll and extensive social networks. Most candidates for national office gain funding from elite corporations, and most congressional represen- tatives are lawyers or established business persons. In addition, political can- didates recognize that class matters. Most of them either tout the fact that they grew up poor, or in working-class families, implying that they under- stand the plight of the poor, or they admit that they are rich, invoking proof of the American dream. 36 Finally, a number of startling statistics confirm why we should concern ourselves with social class. Approximately one out of four children is born into poverty in the United States. This rate is 1.5 times greater than that of comparable democracies in the world. The United States provides fewer tax- supported services for infants and youths than other developed countries. 37 Furthermore, 40 percent of people living in poverty are under 18 years of age.

Approximately 17 percent of children or 12.1 million under 18 are poor by federal standards. Nine million U.S. children suffer from malnutrition. 38 Nondominant members of society, such as women, children, and people of color, are more likely to be poor than are dominant members. These num- bers illustrate once again that intersections of identity matter. Similar to other aspects of social identity we are studying, current conceptions and conditions of social class arise from a variety of developments across history. Allen 05.fm Page 99 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 100Chapter Five Constructing Social Class in the United States Power dynamics related to the social construction of social class are evi- dent in the history of how the United States was established and built. In early stages of the country, many white male newcomers arrived with high social and economic status. Others experienced “shipboard mobility,” simply by leaving poor circumstances in England to take advantage of opportunities across the ocean. In the seventeenth century, over half of English immigrants were indentured servants who worked five to ten years to pay for their pas- sage to the New World. Almost one-third of them died before paying off their contracts. Those who survived were able to improve their status, though not to a substantial extent. 39 Meanwhile, Native Americans, white women, and blacks had few eco- nomic opportunities. Chances for upward mobility were available primarily to certain white men who capitalized on slavery, immigrant labor, tenant farming, sharecropping, farm mortgages, and land grabs from Native Ameri- cans, French immigrants, and Mexicans. Consequently, only a few persons accumulated wealth.

The so called “New World” was unlike Europe, which operated under feudalism and a formal class hierarchy. In contrast, the land that would become the United States seemed egalitarian, and numerous authors wrote about abundant opportunities for mobility. Yet, the main persons who climbed the economic ladder were offspring of wealthy colonialists. During the financial panics in the 1800s, descendants of the colonial elite survived because they could afford to capitalize on economic prospects, such as buy- ing up land offered for sale below market value. In the mid-1800s, 95 percent of New York City’s wealthiest one hundred persons were born into their wealth. 40 Thus, class was primarily ascriptive.

The government and politicians have played major roles in creating, rein- forcing, and changing conceptions of and attitudes toward social class. Dur- ing World War I, President Woodrow Wilson appealed to values of thrift and savings to persuade citizens to make personal sacrifices. When times became more prosperous after the war, political figures invoked and inculcated ideals such as individualism, materialism, and hedonism. A consumer ethic arose, encouraging people to acquire material possessions. Mass advertising cam- paigns aimed to convince middle- and working-class people to use credit or installment plans to buy products.

After World War I, the government mainly served the interests of the wealthy. For example, the tax on earnings of one million dollars decreased from $600,000 to $200,000. 41 Consequently, inequalities in the incomes of the rich and the poor became even more pronounced. During the Great Depression (1929–1933), the gross national product dropped by 29 percent and consumer spending fell 18 percent. Unemployment rose from 3.2 percent in 1929 to 24.9 percent in 1933. In essence, “the American dream had turned into the American nightmare.” 42 The economic cycle turned again after the Allen 05.fm Page 100 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Social Class Matters101 bombing of Pearl Harbor, with the beginning of World War II. Spending and investment increased in the defense industry. Once again, politicians implored citizens to make sacrifices for patriotism.

During the twentieth century, the government established numerous pro- grams to improve economic and material conditions, including the Social Security Act implemented in 1935 to provide retirement income for workers, and the GI Bill of 1944 to benefit veterans of World War II by opening up educational opportunities for young men of all races from poor backgrounds.

By the 1950s, the country was poised to return to prosperity and materialism.

Although boundaries of race and gender blocked mobility, class lines became more permeable in the 1950s and 1960s. Many working-class families were able to purchase a modest home and a car and to plan for extended summer vacations. Many also could afford to send their children to college. In addi- tion, the government created opportunities such as CETA (which employed me during high school) to remove obstacles to class mobility.

Numerous developments have affected class location since the 1960s. In the 1980s, under Ronald Reagan’s administration, the tax structure shifted to benefit the wealthy and to decrease domestic programs for low-income fami- lies and children. In 1996, Congress passed the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA) and the Temporary Assis- tance for Needy Families (TANF) program to initiate welfare reform that requires recipients to work in exchange for time-limited assistance. A health care reform bill, the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, was signed into law by President Barack Obama on March 23, 2010. One of its goals is to provide affordable, quality health care to all Americans.

Across history, whenever the federal government created and adminis- tered social policies and programs, they often were responding to concerns and demands of citizen groups and individuals, whose attitudes toward poor people and poverty fluctuated. Early perceptions of social inequality reflected a Christian attitude of benevolence and compassion toward the less fortunate.

This mind-set changed drastically in the late nineteenth century, when most people viewed poverty as a blight on society. Social programs during those times distinguished “deserving” poor, such as the elderly, orphans, and wid- ows with young children, from the “undeserving” poor, such as vagrants.

Crimes of vagrancy were punishable by flogging and even death. 43 During the late nineteenth century, a discourse arose about survival of the fittest and eradicating the unfit. This social Darwinist approach to pov- erty endorsed the idea of helping nature run its course by weeding out “unde- sirables,” for instance, through sterilization. Included in the list of undesirables were persons with disabilities, people of color, and poor white people. Stereotypes portrayed poor whites as incestuous, alcoholic, stupid, and “genetic defectives.” White Anglo-Saxon Protestant families who moved West from the Oklahoma dust bowl during the 1930s were held with con- tempt and antagonism. Known as “Okies,” they were called “dirty, shiftless, ignorant, breeders.” This “white trash” stereotype blames the poor for being Allen 05.fm Page 101 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 102Chapter Five poor, and it helps to solidify for middle- and upper-class whites a sense of cul- tural and intellectual superiority.

Across the twentieth century, societal discourse fluctuated between por- traying poor people as genetically defective and depicting them as helpless victims of macrosocietal economic conditions. 44 By the beginning of the twenty-first century, attitudes had shifted yet again, as some analysts contend that “poverty” has lost its meaning and that most citizens are apathetic toward poor people. 45 However, grassroots groups are springing up to narrow the widening gap between the rich and the poor. The living wage movement, established in the 1990s, seeks to raise wage standards at local levels. Advocates of this move- ment encourage cities and counties to develop ordinances for organizations that contract city and county services. These ordinances require employers to pay workers enough to “survive on what they earn and support their families without relying on welfare for emergency health care and food stamps and other public assistance.” 46 Over 117 local living wage ordinances have been adopted across the United States.

Another example of efforts to improve class positions of citizens is the “I Have a Dream” Foundation. 47 Philanthropist Eugene Lang created this remarkable intervention program in 1981 after returning to the elementary school he had attended 50 years earlier in New York’s Harlem. When the school’s principal told Lang that three-quarters of the students would probably never complete high school, Lang was so moved that he vowed to pay the col- lege tuition of every sixth grader who would graduate from high school. Lang’s program has blossomed. Across the country, local groups adopt an entire grade from an elementary school or an entire age group from a housing devel- opment and offer a variety of services and support systems to children and their families from elementary school through college. Most “Dreamers” who go to college are the first in their families to do so. More than 15,000 Dreamers have gone to college in 27 states, Washington, D.C., and New Zealand.

The U.S. Department of Education has developed a replication of Lang’s model called GEAR UP (Gaining Early Awareness and Readiness for Undergraduate Programs), which employs partnerships committed to serv- ing and accelerating the academic achievement of cohorts of students. In 2009, the program funded 747,260 students in 209 programs across the U.S.48 The Myth of a Classless Society Social discourse often portrays the United States as a classless society. 49 Compared to ascriptive class system in England and the caste system in India, the “classless” United States certainly would seem preferable to most people. However, an irony infuses this myth of classlessness. As feminist scholar bell hooks observes, many people in the U.S. have wanted to “hold on to the belief that the United States is a class-free society—that anyone who works hard enough can make it to the top. Few people stop to think that in a class-free society there would be no top.” 50 Furthermore, the language we use Allen 05.fm Page 102 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Social Class Matters103 to denote class differences implies hierarchy as well as power differentials, as seen in the terms “upper class” and “lower class.” From its colonialist beginnings, the United States was praised as the land of opportunity. This image, etched into the psyche of many people, helped to gen- erate the fundamental class-based ideology of the American dream: “an Ameri- can social ideal that stresses egalitarianism and especially material prosperity.” 51 This premise arises from a culture of individualism and autonomy, which affirms that anyone can get rich because our society is open and competitive.

This ideology rests on an achievement orientation to success rather than ascrip- tion. The concept of equal opportunity implies that individuals are responsible for success or failure: “wealth is seen as the result of superior individual effort and talent and poverty as the product of deficiencies in these areas.” 52 The rags-to-riches myth valorizes the few people who manage to beat the odds. Popular since the seventeenth century, this recurring narrative pro- motes a picture of the United States as a utopia. It focuses on individuals and their potential, claiming that everyone can participate and advance equally, if only they work hard enough. This narrative associates success with virtue and merit. Thus, this perspective ignores the fact that a person’s starting point can affect success and overlooks the fact that success often depends on access to education, health care, safe living conditions, legal protection, books, con- tacts, professional jobs, travel beyond one’s neighborhood, and other forms of economic, social, and cultural capital. The rags-to-riches perspective fails to acknowledge structural barriers and systemic obstacles to employment, hous- ing, education, and health care.

Related to this, the culture of poverty ideology contends that poor people collectively exhibit traits that keep them down. This perspective on class blames the poor for their circumstances and ignores the fact that many wealthy people have inherited their wealth and resources or that they were better positioned to attain the American dream. This ideology does not acknowledge that economic, cultural, and social capital can tilt the playing field in favor of those who have accumulated wealth, knowledge, and/or con- nections. Instead, victim-blaming narratives attribute persistent intergenera- tional poverty to immorality and family dysfunctions. 53 Belief in the dream seems to be alive and well: 94 percent of Americans think that “people who work full-time should be able to earn enough to keep their families out of poverty.” 54 Many people in the United States also hesi- tate to even entertain the topic of social class: “if we identify and recognize a class system in the United States, we are challenging and questioning the very fiber of democracy. To some of us it may even seem unpatriotic to con- sider an American class system.” 55 Social Class and Labor The overview of the social construction of social class implies several issues related to labor. By the late nineteenth century, due to large corpora- tions and railroads, the United States had become a capitalist society. Capi- Allen 05.fm Page 103 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 104Chapter Five talist expansion impacted class formations as the Industrial Revolution provided opportunities for thousands of workers to produce a multitude of goods. As the U.S. became more industrialized and urban, more people depended on wage-paying jobs for food, clothing, and shelter. Rapid industri- alization fostered the rise of a large class of white-collar workers. By the end of the 1920s, corporations controlled almost half of industry, and publicly financed corporations owned two-thirds of industrial wealth. 56 During the depression, job discrimination escalated for women and blacks, 50 percent of whom became unemployed. Desperate for any type of work, whites took over so called “Negro” occupations such as bellhop, street cleaner, and elevator operator. This type of response recurred across the his- tory of labor in the United States: “the roots of ethnic and racial antagonism usually lie in economic inequality and conflict . . . because subordinate racial and ethnic minorities represent an economic threat to many members of the dominant majority.” 57 As the number of factories rose, workers’ safety and health were often threatened. Also, factory owners did not have to pay workers the wages they deserved because a large labor pool provided a steady supply of employees.

Consequently, workers began to organize for safe working conditions as well as reasonable compensation. They formed labor unions and took actions such as strikes and organized protests to secure their demands. To retaliate, some capitalist owners took coercive measures. They enlisted local or federal law enforcement groups who used physical force against the workers. Many persons were killed or injured during these interventions. For instance, in 1937, National Guardsmen killed eighteen strikers and arrested two hundred in my hometown (Youngstown, Ohio). 58 Resistance through organized protests and strikes marks an important era in the labor history of the United States. These activities, usually initiated by unions, resulted in changes in opportunities for economic mobility. Labor union movements helped to gain significant aspects of employment that we take for granted, including an eight-hour workday, a forty-hour workweek, occupational safety laws, wage minimums, unemployment benefits, and so forth. However, many union groups barred racial minorities and women from their membership. 59 In addition, corporate bosses sometimes used class and race antagonisms to secure consent to domination. Henry Ford mounted a conscious campaign of racial division between black and white workers. To dissuade blacks from joining unions, he reminded them that the United Auto Workers’ opposed black membership. 60 On the other hand, groups also formed interracial coalitions because they realized that economic opportunity and political and civil rights were interrelated. Predominantly white members of the unions representing auto- mobile workers, electrical workers, and garment workers joined with the pre- dominantly black Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters to donate money and organize members to travel to Washington, D.C., in 1963 to march for jobs and freedom. Allen 05.fm Page 104 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Social Class Matters105 A pivotal figure in the labor movement was former migrant worker Cesar E. Chavez. In the 1960s, he and Dolores Huerta founded the United Farm Workers union and worked tirelessly for almost three decades to gain better pay and working conditions for laborers. Basing his efforts on Gandhi’s non- violence approach, Chavez went on extended hunger strikes and coordinated numerous boycotts. In 2000, California made his birthday, March 31, a paid holiday for state employees. Nine other states (Arizona, Colorado, Illinois, Michigan, New Mexico, Texas, Utah, Wisconsin and Rhode Island) have established optional and commemorative Cesar Chavez Days, and a cam- paign is under way to create a paid federal holiday to honor Chavez. 61 Communicating Social Class We use communication to disseminate and internalize ideologies and myths about social class. Power dynamics operate, as “those in control of lin- guistic and communicative resources use these to manage the impressions of others.” 62 In essence, communication is a fundamental aspect of class forma- tions, and the experience of class occurs primarily through communication.

Individuals consciously or subconsciously “read” one another’s appearance and behaviors to discern class position. We look for cues such as clothing, accessories, speech style, mode of transportation, and so forth to make deci- sions about other people’s class location. And, we perform class by our (con- scious and unconscious) choices of clothing, accessories, speech style, manners, food preferences, home décor, mode of transportation, and so forth. Persons in similar class positions usually share similar symbols and language systems. Most organizations reflect the class system of society where class dynamics are evident in organizational structures, practices, poli- cies, and norms. Educational Settings Educational systems are primary sites of social class dynamics:

The educational system replicates the class structure and corporate sys- tem of capitalist societies. That is, schools prepare a labor force to assume the tasks demanded by the corporations. Some schools, dominated by low-income and minority youth, teach the skills of punctuality needed to maintain the assembly line. Other schools, populated by majority and high-income youth, teach the skills of independent thought and person- nel management necessary for higher levels of the corporation. 63 Basically, educational experiences “from preschool to high school differentially prepare students for their ultimate positions in the workforce, and a student’s placement in various school programs is based primarily on her or his race and class origin.” 64 For instance, school personnel counseled students to enroll in either college preparatory or trade-technical courses based on students’ social class and assumptions of their parents’ ability to pay for their education. 65 Allen 05.fm Page 105 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 106Chapter Five Because members of the middle and upper classes have always controlled educational systems and content, their values dominate curriculum struc- tures and materials and placement procedures. Consequently, education pro- cesses differ for children according to their social class, and these differences help to reproduce inequalities.

Most children attend schools segregated by race, ethnicity, and class.

Was that true for you? Even when schools are integrated, students often are resegregated by tracking or ability grouping, like I was. Lower-track classes Communicating Social Class in the News The news media rarely report on working-class or poor persons and their concerns, mainly because a class divide exists between most journal- ists and members of the lower levels of social classes in the United States. 66 Fewer than 30 percent of citizens have a college degree, as con- trasted to over 80 percent of journalists. These journalists decide what and whom to portray regarding social class, and they increasingly report stories of wealth rather than poverty. Their articles align with publishers’ and advertisers’ perspectives on social class that values middle- to upper- class readers. As a result, “the poor have become increasingly invisible.” 67 When reporters cover poor people, they often portray them as “a prob- lem, victims and perpetrators, the face of failed social policies.” 68 Conse- quently, “millions of people in this country see little of themselves and their lives in the media, unless they are connected somehow to a problem.” 69 Journalists occasionally offer thoughtful insights into complexities of social class issues. In 2005, The New York Times published a series enti- tled “Class Matters.” For this project, “A team of reporters spent more than a year exploring ways that class—defined as a combination of income, education, wealth and occupation—influences destiny in a society that likes to think of itself as a land of unbounded opportunity.” 70 Also, Chicago Tribune columnist Mary Schmich has written over two dozen columns about everyday experiences in a poor/working-class neighborhood in Chi- cago. She explains how the press tends to deal with poor people: “We bite off a huge project every few years, and that has the effect of reducing the poor to a problem. Then they disappear largely until the next big project.” 71 These sporadic, one-dimensional approaches to covering poor and working-class people can affect their self-esteem and further disempower them. Moreover, because public opinion can affect public policy, “if atti- tudes on poverty-related issues are driven by inaccurate and stereotypical portrayals of the poor, then the policies favored by the public (and political elites) may not adequately address the true problems of poverty.” 72 Thus, a need persists for more balanced reporting of lower social class groups in the United States. Spotlight on Media •••• Spotlight on Media •••• Allen 05.fm Page 106 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Social Class Matters107 tend to consist mainly of working-class and minority students. Separating and segregating students by social class can perpetuate class distinctions and socialize students about “their place” in society. For instance, teachers who work with lower-class students often apply an approach known as a “peda- gogy of poverty,” which stresses teacher control and student compliance. 73 Many teachers expect all students to comply and respond in similar ways.

They may not employ alternative methods such as cooperative learning, stu- dent-devised learning contracts, individualized instruction, or peer tutoring.

Rather than assign students problem-solving, group/team-oriented, or cre- ative classroom activities, they give repetitive, nonintellectual tasks. 74 In contrast, children from upper-class families often experience enrich- ment outside of the classroom. They usually come to school better prepared, and better socialized to be educated. Their access to cultural and social capi- tal places them in positions of privilege. Working-class or poor students do not always perform well on standardized tests written and geared toward higher SES members. Therefore, how well someone speaks and understands white, middle-class English becomes a common measurement of intelligence, and students not proficient in standard English may have limited opportunity for advancement.

Class differences may also affect parent involvement, a pivotal factor for student success. A review of literature concludes that “low-income parents and working-class parents, as compared with middle-class parents, receive less warm welcomes in their children’s schools; their interventions and sug- gestions are less respected and attended to and they are less able to influence the education of their children.” 75 The study cites repeated reports of teachers and administrators who discount and devalue any information that working- class parents might try to share.

However, many teachers in low-income schools strive to develop rela- tionships with low-income parents. Educator Bernice Lott recommends ways to improve parent–teacher relationships that have obvious communication implications and also imply effects of power and ideology. Lott believes that schools should initiate building relationships because they have the resources and power. She advises teachers to encourage informal communication rather than focus only on scheduled meetings that frequently do not corre- spond to lifestyles of working parents who may not be able to take time off work, or who may work during nontraditional hours. She also recommends that teacher training programs help prospective teachers to communicate effectively with parents from varying class backgrounds. 76 These issues also matter in higher education, where some students enter with a great deal of class privilege, and others have virtually none. Will Bar- ratt refers to this as academic capital, which some students attain at home and apply unconsciously to succeed at college. Elements of academic capital include “can afford supplemental school material; has expansive life experi- ences; has good social skills to develop and maintain relationships with fac- ulty, staff, and students; has good study, critical thinking, reading, and Allen 05.fm Page 107 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 108Chapter Five writing skills.” 77 Basically, “whether young people go on to college and the type of postsecondary education they pursue is a class-based process.” 78 Students from working-class backgrounds will more likely have had infe- rior resources and fewer mentors or role models. They also may have a more difficult time transitioning to higher education than students from middle- or upper-class families. Moreover, college tends to be a middle-class experience.

Some universities offer resources for first-generation college students to help them acclimate. They try to ease culture shock and isolation that some stu- dents experience. 79 They orient students to the unwritten norms and expecta- tions in college. Basically, these programs try to increase students’ cultural capital related to being a college student.

Some students won’t hesitate to contact a professor to discuss the course or their grades, while others may equate visiting a professor with the negative connotations of visiting the principal’s office. Students also learn different attitudes toward questioning authority figures, or thinking for themselves.

Some students exhibit a greater sense of entitlement and self-confidence than others. Some working-class students hesitate to ask for assistance or use resources like a writing center or student tutors because they fear that others will think they are inferior.

Texas passed a Top 10 percent Law in 1996 to increase diversity at their public colleges by guaranteeing admission to the top 10 percent of graduating seniors from each high school, thus opening the gates to students at low- income-serving high schools. However, students from low-resource high schools are significantly less likely to apply than their more well-to-do peers.

How would you explain this? Communicating Class at Work The workplace is a crucial site of class production and reproduction:

Within organizations, classism occurs in numerous ways. Organizations tend to exercise varying degrees and types of control of employees depending on their place on the organizational chart. Lower-level workers usually have to account for when and how they expend their time. In contrast, higher-level employees may be less accountable. Because I am a professor, I can come and go freely on campus. I do not have to fill out a time sheet or punch a time card, and I do not have to take timed breaks. If I do not feel well, I can cancel class without consulting anyone, and my pay for that period will not be affected. Yet, most nonfaculty staff members at the university have to call their supervisor by a specific time in order to be paid for sick leave; they also might be required to provide proof of illness. When we have “snow days” in Colorado, I can stay at home without worrying about losing a day’s pay, as many workers might.

Organizational hierarchies are necessarily class based, and some are more explicit about distinctions between levels than others. The federal gov- ernment designates occupations according to a grade system that divides civil servant employees into eighteen ascending categories. Usually, the higher Allen 05.fm Page 108 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Social Class Matters109 one’s position in a hierarchy, the greater that person’s status and access to resources, including compensation, benefits, leave policies, parking privi- leges, bathrooms, dining facilities, and even office furniture.

Physical aspects of the workplace also signify class distinctions and forms of control. The higher one is in the hierarchy, the more space one gets, and vice versa. Within office buildings, space is usually assigned according to class location. Executives tend to occupy larger, private offices furnished with more expensive or status-loaded artifacts. Consider, for instance, the symbol- ism of the corner office or the key to the executive washroom.

Lower-level personnel not only tend to have less privacy but also less control over their work space. Higher-level employees are more likely to have window(s) and door(s), individual light switches, and even a thermostat— whereas lower-level employees tend to have limited (if any) control of climate conditions. Yet, employees sometimes challenge or subvert control mecha- nisms by altering their spaces or creating new ones.

Class biases appear in many routine practices in organizations.

Employee recruitment processes often occur through social networks based on class similarities. In some organizations, hiring criteria favor recruiting Ivy League or private college graduates, an example of more obvious class discrimination. As I mentioned in the race chapter, interview expectations for certain jobs value dominant language codes, which usually correspond with speech styles used by dominant group members, who tend to belong to middle or upper classes. Requiring employees to pay for items needed for doing the job, such as uniforms, may prohibit some individuals from taking a job. Other examples of practices that reflect class bias include requiring employees to pay their business travel expenses in advance and be reimbursed later or issuing company credit cards, possibly excluding persons with bad credit histories.

When organizations schedule mandatory events such as training or retreats during off-hours, employees responsible for children or other family members may incur family care expenses (e.g., for their children or elderly parents). Organizations may assume that members have cultural capital, for instance by expecting employees to attend and participate in social events such as black-tie affairs in country club settings. Even though these events may not be mandatory, they can be important sites for networking. Employees who do not attend because they may feel out of place, or because they can’t afford to buy proper clothing and/or to pay child care costs, or those who do attend but are unsure about etiquette, may not gain networking advantages.

Some staff members, such as janitors, perform their work backstage and/or after-hours, which renders them invisible. Even when they are visible, others in the workplace may tend not to acknowledge them. However, some of these employees don’t mind being backstage because they have autonomy and independence, and are less likely to experience degrading interactions with other employees. 80 Allen 05.fm Page 109 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 110Chapter Five Formal and informal dress codes also signify class. Common distinctions like “blue collar” (less formal: clothes might become soiled on the job) and “white collar” (more formal: clothes are likely to retain a clean, pressed appearance) illustrate a class distinction connected to appearance. Newer labels combine status and other aspects of social identity. For instance, “pink collar” refers to clerical workers and implies a female focus. “Brown collar” refers to low-level, physically demanding occupations, such as domestic workers, farm workers, and low-level machine operators, who are most likely to be Latino/a. 81 Thus, “brown” refers to the ethnicity of the disproportion- ate number of Latino/as who are employed in those types of jobs.

Dress style often signals a person’s organizational status. Most executives are expected to wear business suits or business attire. Many organizations require employees to wear uniforms, which can reveal and conceal statuses, certify legitimacy, establish conformity, or suppress individuality. 82 Uniforms “vary in legitimacy and prestige, conferring different degrees of honor on members.” 83 Military uniforms may evoke different responses than working- class uniforms. In addition, “the very existence of a uniform implies a group structure.” 84 For example, uniforms clearly signify the hierarchy of armed ser- vices personnel. When I was in high school, I kind of envied the girls who went to Catholic school because their uniforms looked “cool.” My envy prob- ably was related to the positive image of those schools, which were private.

Think for a moment about different types of uniforms, and what they sig- nify. Among working-class employees such as hotel maids or bellmen, a uni- form signals a person’s role to customers, clients, and patrons. For members of the working class, a uniform forces conformity and constrains individual- ity of dress among an occupational group. It also highlights the wearer’s sta- tus and differentiates the wearer from other people in an organizational setting. Author Katherine Boo contends that working-class uniforms are not made for the workers, but rather for “the rest of us.” Boo reports that a back- lash about dress is building among the working class, following members of occupations who have substituted uniforms for street clothes. Nurses report an increase in respect from both patients and doctors when they wear cloth- ing other than a white uniform, and anthropologists repeatedly find that per- sons wearing business suits evoke more respect and better responses than those who wear other clothing. 85 However, working-class individuals may resent people whom they call “suits” because “the business suit represents the ability of members of the middle class to command respect for their kind of work. The business suit in our society loudly proclaims that the wearer is involved in dignified work.” 86 In contrast, a working-class uniform may invoke a different response.

Parking attendant Jimmy Killens asserts that he would not accept an invita- tion to go after work to dinner at a fancy restaurant in Washington, D.C., because he feared that patrons would disdain him: “I wear a uniform,” he declared, “so it does not matter that I make an honest wage. I’m looked down on in this town. A uniform—it says you’re nothing.” 87 Allen 05.fm Page 110 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Social Class Matters111 Conclusion Social class encompasses a socially constructed category of identity that involves more than just economic factors; social class includes an entire socialization process. Across history, attitudes toward social class have var- ied, as have the communication processes that create, reinforce, and chal- lenge class distinctions. Although the United States claims to be a classless society, social class distinctions have become solidified, due in part to domi- nant ideologies such as the culture of poverty and the American dream. To achieve the American dream, many groups have organized and fought to improve important aspects of employment, including equitable pay and safe working conditions. Their efforts have had significant, positive impacts on the quality of work life for many people. However, organizations of all types—from schools, to factories, to health care facilities, to corporations— continue to be sites where members reproduce dominant perspectives on social class. Consequently, a strong need exists to identify and develop strate- gies for reducing blatant and subtle forms of classism and its effects. 1. What is your social class?

2. How important is your social class to you? Explain.

3. What primary sources have taught you about your social class?

4. How, if at all, do you express your social class (e.g., through language, communication style, dress, accessories, music, and so forth)?

5. Does your awareness of your social class ever help you communicate with others? Explain.

6. Does your awareness of your social class ever hinder how you commu- nicate with others? Explain.

7. What situations, if any, do you avoid because of concerns related to your social class?

8. What situations, if any, do you seek because of your social class?

9. What advantages, if any, do you enjoy based on your social class?

10. Do you know of any stereotypes about your social class? If so, list them.

11. Are you ever aware of stereotypes about your social class as you interact with others? Explain.

12. How do the media tend to depict your social class? Do media depic- tions correspond with your sense of your social class? Explain.

13. Do you think your attitudes toward social class intersect with any other facets of your social identity, for instance: your gender? your race? your age? •••• ID Check •••• ID Check Allen 05.fm Page 111 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM 112Chapter Five REFLECTION M ATTERS 1. What, if anything, did you find intriguing in this chapter?

2. According to the sociohistorical overview, what are examples of how people used communication to construct social class throughout the history of the United States?

3. What are examples of power relations in the construction of social class in the United States?

4. Do any current news stories involve issues that this chapter covers? If yes, what points do they exemplify?

5. What type of neighborhood did you grow up in? Did your neighbor- hood affect your sense of self ? Did your neighborhood seem to mat- ter to anyone else (your peers, your teachers, other family members)?

Explain.

6. Has class ever mattered (in a positive or a negative way) in your life?

Explain. Refer to Bourdieu’s notion of capital to reflect on how class matters or has mattered to you. Please think carefully about this question. People who are middle class often say that class does not matter. They take for granted the privileges they enjoy because of their class position.

7. Interview someone who is at least 10 years older than you. Which social class did the person grow up in? How does the person describe that level of social class (i.e., what are distinguishing variables)? Has the person’s class changed since s/he was a child? If so, how? How does the person define “The American dream”? Does the person believe that s/he can achieve the American dream? Why or why not?

Does the person believe that anyone in the United States can achieve the American dream? Why or why not? Write an essay about the interview, including your response to it.

8. What is your family’s social class history? How, if at all, does it reflect any concepts from this chapter?

9. What is the difference between economic, social, and cultural capi- tal? How do they interact to produce socioeconomic class?

10. Do you believe, “It’s not what you know, but who you know?” Explain.

11. Have you ever used cultural capital? Explain. How about social capital?

12. The “white trash” stereotype blames the poor for being poor, and it helps to solidify for middle- and upper-class whites a sense of cul- tural and intellectual superiority. Can you think of examples of how this stereotype operates?

13. What are some examples of media portrayals of class? Do they shape and define class relationships and values? Explain. Allen 05.fm Page 112 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM Social Class Matters113 14. Have you ever “passed” as a member of a social class different than your own? Explain.

15. Have you or anyone in your family worn a uniform? What did or does the uniform signify?

16. Have you had any experiences that illustrate how organizations reflect the class system of society? Explain.

17. Have you developed a career network? If yes, does your network consist of diverse members (e.g., persons from varying professional backgrounds, ages, races, and so forth)? Allen 05.fm Page 113 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 2:26 PM ….

115 •••• •••• Chapter 6 Sexuality Matters Several years ago, an administrative assistant telephoned me on behalf of the dean of the college where I was teaching. The dean wanted me to meet with a black woman student who was struggling to adjust to university life. I gladly agreed, because one reason I had accepted the job at the predomi- nantly white university was to be a role model for students of color. Later that day, a black woman professor called me. The student was enrolled in her department, and the dean had told her he thought I could relate to the stu- dent’s struggles as a lesbian, since I was a lesbian. The woman professor and I were friends, and she was pretty sure that I was heterosexual. She wanted to tell me about the dean’s misperception.

I didn’t know how to respond. A part of me wanted immediately to cor- rect the misunderstanding. I didn’t want to be identified as gay. Yet I also didn’t want to care what the dean or anyone else thought about my sexual orientation. That was nobody’s business. Should I tell the dean he was mis- taken? Would denying that I was gay seem homophobic? Why did he even think I was gay? Was it my short hair, or maybe it was because I was single with no children and had never brought a date to campus social events?

Could it be how I dressed for work (I usually wore pants)? Or was it because I am a feminist and people often equate feminism with lesbianism?

Maybe someone told him I was gay. But why would he categorize me without direct information from me? Wasn’t that somehow unethical? In fact, if I had been gay and didn’t want anyone to know, his referral would have “outed” me.

The dean’s assistant never called back, and I never said anything to the dean. I still wonder if I should have handled the situation differently. What would you have done? Why?

My story implies many issues related to sexuality. A private aspect of one’s identity, sexuality, has become more public than it used to be. Not long ago, it would have been unthinkable for an employer to mention an employee’s sexual orientation, and it’s still taboo in many places. The stu- dent’s difficulties reflect the reality that homosexual individuals often strug- gle with fitting into heterosexual contexts. Being both black and lesbian may have compounded her struggles, which reinforces the point that intersections of social identity matter. And, my initial reaction to deny that I was a lesbian Chapter 6 Allen 06.fm Page 115 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 4:09 PM 116Chapter Six stresses the stigma of homosexuality and the privileged status of heterosexu- ality in the United States. Related to that, my colleague and I had never dis- cussed each other’s sexuality; she assumed that I was straight. My second- guessing why the dean thought I was gay exemplifies how we “read” nonver- bal cues to infer a person’s sexuality.

In this chapter, we will explore these and other issues related to sexuality.

I begin by defining sexuality and explaining why it matters. Next, I offer an overview of historical perspectives on sexuality in the United States and dis- cuss how people acquire information about sexuality. Then I look at commu- nicating sexuality in the workplace. Our journey into these matters shows sexuality as another significant aspect of social identity that reflects and rein- forces dominant ideologies in the United States. What Is Sexuality and Why Does It Matter? Sexuality is a complex, contested, and controversial topic. How would you define sexuality? Here’s a thorough definition:

sexuality is the social expression of social relations to and social reference to bodily desire or desires, real or imagined, by or for others or for oneself, together with the related bodily states and experiences. . . . Others can be of the same or opposite sex, or even occasionally of indeterminate gender. 1 I like this definition because it captures the complexities of sexuality: it por- trays sexuality as social; it encompasses reality and fantasy; and it acknowl- edges biological aspects of sexuality. It also implies various physiological issues beyond sexual intercourse, such as puberty, menstruation, pregnancy, and menopause. The latter part of the definition reflects categories of sexuality currently used in society, which are heterosexual, homosexual (gays and lesbi- ans), and bisexual. However, sexologist Alfred Kinsey and his coresearchers contended that sexuality ranges along a seven-point continuum, from “exclu- sively heterosexual” to “exclusively homosexual.” 2 Sexuality recently has received more public attention than ever in the United States, a country that has many sexual problems, including teen preg- nancy, rape, sexual abuse, and sexual harassment. 3 Also, political agendas often focus on any number of sexuality issues, including abortion, sex educa- tion, censorship and pornography, gay and lesbian rights, U.S. military pol- icy, HIV/AIDS, and welfare reform. Sometimes politicians conflate sexuality with race and class, as in exaggerated images of black “welfare queens,” depicted as single women parenting several illegitimate children.

Sexual scandals about celebrities often headline the media. Politicians’ sexual conduct is frequently a hot topic in the news media. Political candi- dates also have resorted to mudslinging about their opponents’ sex lives.

Occasionally, the media will report that a celebrity has “come out,” or spread rumors that a famous person is gay. Sex also is rampant in other media, including feature films, music videos, magazines, television shows, and the Allen 06.fm Page 116 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 4:09 PM Sexuality Matters117 Internet (where “sex” is the most frequent search topic). Many teenagers and young adults are sending sexually explicit messages or photos via communi- cation devices (primarily cell phones). This new behavior, known as “sex- ting,” has raised concerns among parents, educators, and legislators.

Sexuality also matters because of the rise in political activism related to gay and lesbian rights. Various organizations, including federal and state gov- ernments, churches, corporations, and educational institutions, are dealing with issues such as gay adoption, partner benefits, and gay marriage. A strong and visible gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgendered, and queer (GLBTQ) community and their allies seek to ensure equal opportunity and treatment across many sectors of society.

Many organizations have responded positively to these demands. In 1996, IBM extended health benefits to partners of homosexual employees, and almost five hundred other companies, including Apple Computer, Ben and Jerry’s, Fox Broadcasting, Xerox, AOL Time Warner, and Levi Strauss, currently offer similar benefits. According to Crooks and Baur, more than 8,000 companies offer domestic partner benefits.

4 Many universities have developed gay and lesbian studies departments, thereby creating a forum for education about sexuality issues. Some also have instituted GLBTQ student organizations. The Obama administration has introduced legislation to repeal the “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” policy that prevents gays and lesbians from serving openly in the U.S. armed forces.

However, an antigay movement also is growing, along with general nega- tive attitudes toward homosexuals. Harassment of teens who are gay or per- ceived to be gay is widespread in public schools. 5 Furthermore, public school districts still need to do more to address the needs of lesbian, gay, and bisex- ual students. 6 The U.S. Supreme court ruled in June of 2000 that the Boy Scouts of America as a private organization has a First Amendment right to exclude gays. However, the Girl Scouts of America does not deny member- ship if someone discloses she is gay. This organization allows each local council to make its own decision about sexual orientation issues. 7 Current concerns for gay rights center on parenting and marriage. Some states have developed antigay marriage legislation. In 1996, Congress passed the Defense of Marriage Act, which gives states the right not to recognize same-sex marriages performed in other states; many states followed with laws to prohibit legal recognition of same-sex marriages. In 2009, 36 states had statutes prohibiting same-sex marriages.

Finally, sexuality matters because it is an important aspect of everyone’s identity and experiences:

Sexuality has always been an obsessive human concern; it has often been the “real” subject of cultural, religious, and political discourse that did not dare to mention it or did not have the language for addressing it directly. We now possess both the language and the cultural temerity to discuss sexuality as straightforwardly as we like and with a frankness that would have shocked people a few decades ago. 8 Allen 06.fm Page 117 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 4:09 PM 118Chapter Six With these matters in mind, let’s look at how sexuality has been constructed in the United States. Constructing Sexuality in the United States The history of sexuality in the United States represents a fascinating example of how we construct social identity through power relations. Colonial Views on Sexuality Sexuality was a major concern for Europeans in the New England colonies, particularly the Puritans and Pilgrims (separatists from the Church of England who wished to reform religion). Based on strict religious doctrine, these groups viewed the sex act solely as a means to an end: reproduction. In addition to con- cerns about adhering to religious dictates, they advocated procreative sex because they needed a critical mass of laborers for the growing society. Conse- quently, clergymen and lawmakers collaborated to develop and enforce reli- gious doctrines and legal statutes to facilitate reproduction. They proclaimed that only married couples should engage in sex, strictly to procreate and not for pleasure. 9 These views of sex contrasted sharply with native people’s norms.

Across the diverse communities of indigenous people, norms about sexu- ality varied. However, a universal theme of sexuality as a vital life force pre- vailed across all groups. 10 Similarly, Africans whom the colonialists enslaved, viewed sexuality as “powerful, pleasurable, and generative.” 11 Because they believed humans should suppress their animal urges, colonialists thought these differences proved that African slaves and native people were subhu- man. They used the newly developed printing press to create and circulate reports of indigenous people as wanton savages. They also disseminated “captivity” narratives describing rapes of white women and depicting natives as sexually dangerous. 12 This imagery helped colonialists justify seizing resources, destroying native culture, and coercing Indians to assimilate to European ways. It also helped them to rationalize slavery.

Statutes reinforced biblical bans on nonconjugal (unmarried) or nonproc- reative sexual behavior such as fornication, rape, adultery, incest, and sod- omy. 13 For instance, Massachusetts justified citing sodomy as a capital crime by quoting a verse from the Bible (Leviticus 20:13). 14 The penalty for adul- tery and sodomy in most of the new colonies was death, though lawmakers rarely enforced it. However, numerous individuals received public lashings.

Other punishment included fines and banishment. Laws for adultery were gender biased, as a married man could be charged for adultery if he engaged in sex with an engaged or married woman, while a married woman could face charges regardless of the marital status of her male partner. In Boston, 18-year-old Mary Latham was hanged along with one of the twelve lovers with whom she confessed to having committed adultery.

15 Stances on sexuality reflected other gender power dynamics. For instance, colonialists believed that men were seed sources of birth, while women were Allen 06.fm Page 118 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 4:09 PM Sexuality Matters119 simply receptacles. Thus, it was sinful and wasteful for men to release their precious seed for purposes other than making babies. Therefore, sodomy and bestiality laws were developed along with legal sanctions against adultery. Victorian Era–Early 1900s Colonial views of sexuality evolved into views espoused in the Victorian Era in the United States (1820–1850). Named for Queen Victoria of Great Britain (1837 to 1897), this perspective dictated that women and men should practice sexual self-control and discipline, engaging in sex only as married persons seeking to reproduce. Upper- and middle-class white women were strongly encouraged to help men overcome their animal passions. Middle- class reformers formed voluntary groups like the Women’s Christian Temper- ance Union to counter sexual activities such as prostitution and obscenity and to help men resist sexual temptation. 16 Religious authorities cautioned these women against excessive sex. Due to advances in publishing technol- ogy, authors wrote and disseminated sexual advice literature instructing women and men to channel sexual desires in procreative marital sexual activ- ity. 17 These sources pushed women to be delicate and ladylike, to provide comfortable homes for their husbands, and to fulfill their families’ spiritual needs. Many of these women constrained their bodies with corsets, hoops, and bustles.

In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, doctors and the general pub- lic viewed masturbation as a “deadly disease.” 18 These attitudes fostered rumors that masturbation can cause blindness or insanity. Many antimastur- bation pamphlets and books were printed and distributed. Manufacturers cre- ated devices to prevent young males from playing with their penises while they were in bed. 19 Inmates in asylums were forced to wear metal antimastur- bation devices.

In 1873, thanks to zealous efforts by a political conservative named Anthony Comstock, Congress passed a series of bills known as the Comstock Laws, which banned the mailing of “obscene” material. The statutes were so ambiguous that physicians or other health practitioners could not mail infor- mation on contraception or on any personal reproductive matter without breaking the new laws. Over 3,600 persons were arrested, and 800,000 pic- tures were destroyed. 20 Comstock also helped to create the New York Society for the Suppression of Vice.

Despite conservative groups’ efforts to curb citizens’ exposure to and involvement in sexual activities, reformers continued to circulate information about sexuality (e.g., contraceptive methods and abortion techniques) through a variety of printed matter and public lectures. In addition, prostitu- tion, the world’s oldest profession, thrived. Among categories of sex workers, a class system prevailed: at the high end were mistresses or courtesans, whom a man would set up in private, separate quarters; next came brothel workers who lived in houses of ill repute, but were relatively safe from public expo- sure; at the lowest and most vulnerable level were streetwalkers. 21 Allen 06.fm Page 119 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 4:09 PM 120Chapter Six The medical profession rose in the late nineteenth century and began to influence thought and discourse about sexuality. The primary authority on sexuality was transferred from priests/religious leaders to medical men (few women were physicians then). 22 The medical community, including physi- cians and mental health professionals, studied a variety of issues related to sexuality, including genetic factors and hormones. Pathologies and norms of sexual health became popular topics of public discussion. The primary sexual “problems” of these times were hysteria, prostitution, and masturbation.

However, knowledge about women’s sexuality was limited due to the high percentage of male physicians and to prohibitions against certain medical procedures (including autopsies) on women.

Toward the end of the nineteenth century, the ideal of sexuality for procre- ation between women and men prevailed. This ideal, however, was challenged by an ethic of “different-sex pleasure,” which acknowledged woman-to-man erotic desire as distinct from reproductive acts. These contrasting views of pro- creation and recreation underpin early notions of “heterosexuality,” a term coined in 1892 by Dr. James G. Kiernan in an article entitled “Sexual Perver- sion.” Kiernan denoted heterosexuality as a perversion, an abnormal manifes- tation of sexual appetite unrelated to reproducing the species. Thus, “this first exercise in heterosexual definition described an unequivocal pervert.” 23 Not too long afterward, Viennese psychiatrist Richard von Krafft-Ebing published an influential text on pathological sex that discussed “hetero-sex- ual” and “homo-sexual” eroticism. This marked a historic shift away from the age-old procreative norm. Krafft-Ebing designated heterosexuality as a natu- rally occurring eroticism related to procreation. However, sensual pleasure was judged as lowly, as something that humans should strive to overcome.

Consequently, in 1901, Dorland’s Medical Dictionary defined “heterosexuality” as nonprocreative, abnormal or perverted desire for the opposite sex. 24 In 1923, Merriam-Webster’s New International Dictionary cited a similar definition with its debut of the word “heterosexuality.” Then came Sigmund Freud, “the master heterosexual norm builder.” 25 Freud contended that libido (sex drive) was not limited to reproduction but also encompassed natural pleasure. Freud pronounced heterosexuality as positive and normal. He and British sexologist Havelock Ellis popularized the idea of sexuality as a facet of self-identity that should not be repressed.

This brief history of heterosexual discourse shows how we came to nor- malize sexual eroticism as separate from reproductive urges. As a result, society increasingly accepted the hetero pleasure principle, and heterosexuality “gradu- ally came to refer to a normal other-sex sensuality free of any essential tie to procreation.” 26 Thus, connotations and denotations of heterosexuality shifted from abnormal to normal, and they became normative in the twentieth century. Sexual Revolutions In the twentieth century, three sexual revolutions occurred within the United States, all after major wars: World War I, World War II, and the Viet- Allen 06.fm Page 120 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 4:09 PM Sexuality Matters121 nam War. The first major change in attitudes toward sexuality took place in the early 1900s. The famous Kinsey report stated that “the percentage of women born between 1900 and 1909 who had intercourse before marriage doubled from 25 percent to 50 percent.” 27 However, sex conser vatives ada- mantly fought to maintain the idea of sex as strictly procreative. To counter their efforts, many authors wrote explicitly about (hetero)sexual relations, in fiction as well as nonfiction. Sex educator Mary Ware Dennett was convicted of mailing an “obscene” essay that actually was a 21-page sex-education pamphlet. In 1912, Margaret Sanger, a nurse in New York City, wrote a series of articles on female sexuality. Concerned about health implications and complications for women who bore many children, she actively resisted efforts to suppress her quest to distribute birth control information to women.

She published her own magazine, The Woman Rebel, and she wrote and dis- tributed a pamphlet entitled Fam ily Limi tation. When Comstock charged her with violating the law, she fled to Europe. However, due to public outcry, the information was disseminated through a solidified movement for sexual edu- cation, and charges against Sanger were dropped. Birth control became more accepted, especially for middle-class women. 28 Sanger, concerned with women in poverty, opened an illegal clinic to distribute diaphragms shipped from Europe. She also promoted research on birth control hormones.

In the euphoria following the end of World War I, the Roaring Twenties were a time of celebration. Society became much more sexualized, and a new morality arose that “stressed instant gratification and fulfillment through consumption and leisure.” 29 A body of “experts,” including ministers, doc- tors, advertisers, marriage manual writers, and businessmen, circulated solu- tions and advice about sexuality. The rising hegemonic role of these experts “had enormous implications for the American sexual system. They encour- aged sexual expression rather than repression in an ideal that represented the solid beginnings of a liberation of sexuality from Victorian rigors.” 30 Mar- riage manuals explained “how to” have satisfying sex. The courts began to change their definitions of obscenity. And, the invention of automobiles enabled couples to spend time alone, sometimes on a “lovers’ lane.” Moreover, due to educational reform, young people left home to attend school and participate in extracurricular activities, which gave them more pri- vate time to explore their sexuality. As women gained more rights, such as the right to vote with the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in the 1920s, and as more women entered the workforce and attended college, they gained access to a world that was previously occupied mainly by men. Thus, women and men had more opportunities to interact with each other.

Due to an expanded emphasis on consumerism, this period also marked the beginning of using sex to sell “everything from cars to toothpaste.” 31 In addition, motion pictures played a pivotal role in attitudes toward sex, as they freely portrayed sexual passions. In 1934, We b s t e r ’ s defined “heterosexuality” as “manifestation of sexual passion for one of the opposite sex; normal sexu- ality.” 32 That same volume defined “homosexuality” as “eroticism for one of Allen 06.fm Page 121 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 4:09 PM 122Chapter Six the same sex.” Thus, heterosexuality and homosexuality had become nor- malized terms in the United States.

The second sexual revolution occurred in the middle of the twentieth century, following World War II: in 1953, Hugh Hefner published the first issue of Playboy magazine; similar to the 1920s, more women entered the workforce; the first birth control pills were distributed in 1960 in the United States, freeing women to make choices about having children. Birth control pills made it easier for women not to have children so they could enter the workforce and pursue careers. In 1965 the U.S. Supreme Court, in Griswold v.

Connecticut, ruled that states could not prohibit the right to use contraceptives by married couples. However, women continued to confront the double stan- dard that it is natural for men to be aggressive and sexually driven and for women to be submissive and chaste. In 1964, a group of concerned citizens developed a nonprofit voluntary health organization, known as the Sex Infor- mation and Education Council of the United States (SIECUS), which pro- motes comprehensive education about sexuality and advocates the right of individuals to make responsible sexual choices.

As the Vietnam War continued from the 1960s into the 1970s, many citi- zens criticized the government’s involvement in the war. They also began to challenge societal norms about other aspects of life, such as religion and sex- uality. Also at this time, debates continued about sex education in the schools. Conser vative political and religious groups objected to any type of sex curriculum. In 1970, a “purity” movement opposed sex education, and several states passed antisexuality education mandates, while the American Association of Sex Educators and Counselors (now known as American Association of Sex Educators, Counselors, and Therapists), a nonprofit orga- nization, was formed for professionals (including educators) interested in promoting understanding of human sexuality and healthy sexual behavior. 33 In 1980, after the outbreak of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS) many states required or recommended AIDS education. More states have specific programs directed toward AIDS education than sex education in general. 34 Many nationally organized groups against sexuality programs currently exist, including Eagle Forum, Focus on the Family, American Fam- ily Association, and Citizens for Excellence in Education. Concepts of Homosexuality Concurrent with these historical developments related to heterosexuality, members of society confronted homosexuality. Freud’s ideas about “hetero- sexual and homo-sexual offered the modern world two sex-differentiated eroticisms, one normal and good, one abnormal and bad, a division which would come to dominate our twentieth-century vision of the sexual uni- verse.” 35 This perspective portrays heterosexuals as more valuable because they can reproduce the species.

In the 1800s, medical specialists recommended and performed drastic treatments such as surgical procedures or castration to “cure” same-sex Allen 06.fm Page 122 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 4:09 PM Sexuality Matters123 desire. Other procedures included aversion therapy, where technicians would administer shocks to homosexual men as they viewed erotic photographs of men. Doctors performed hysterectomies on lesbian women and lobotomies (a surgical procedure that severs nerve fibers in the frontal lobe of the brain) on gay men. They also administered hormone treatments for women and men.

In the 1940s, previously isolated homosexual individuals moved from rural communities to cities and began to meet others like themselves and to form social networks. In 1948, the now-famous Kinsey report uncovered a high incidence of men who reported having sex with men. In the 1950s, homo- sexuality was viewed as an individual problem, not as reflecting characteristics of a minority group. The medical community proclaimed homosexuality to be a mental disease, and religious groups called it a sin. Hundreds of gay men or men suspected to be gay were fired from government jobs or ousted from the armed services. To counter systematized oppression of gays, a homophile move- ment arose to celebrate homosexuality. In the 1950s, middle-class homosexuals formed groups such as the Mattachine Society (a national support network for gay men) and the Daughters of Bilitis (which supported lesbians).

In 1952, the first printing of the Diagnostic and Statistic Manual of Men- tal Disorders (DSM; the most recent version is DMS-IV-TR) of the American Psychiatric Association (APA) classified homosexuality as a “sociopathic personality disorder.” As I noted in chapter 2, defining homosexuality as a mental disorder based on anecdotal evidence and cultural stereotypes and assumptions rather than clinical research represents a classic example of the power–knowledge relationship. Medical experts used their power to make an unsubstantiated claim that most of the public accepted as truth. Combined with societal stereotypes, the APA’s “diagnosis” facilitated and legitimated oppressing homosexuals.

In the 1960s, with other groups clamoring for civil rights, groups of gays and lesbians began to challenge the stigma of homosexuality. During that time, police routinely harassed patrons in gay bars, especially in working- class neighborhoods. On June 27, 1969, gay, lesbian, and drag queen patrons, most of them people of color, of the Stonewall Inn in Greenwich Village in New York decided to fight back when the police raided the bar. The ensuing five days and nights of disturbances have been recorded as the first gay riot, known simply as “Stonewall.” By the end of July, a large group of women and men in New York had formed the Gay Liberation Front. The following June, the Christopher Street Liberation Day March not only commemorated the first anniversary of the riot, but it also initiated the tradition of annual Gay Pride Day parades during the month of June in many U.S. cities. 36 Thus, the Stonewall conflict helped to construct a social identity group for homo- sexuals. The gay liberation movement sought to radically alter society’s view of sexuality. One of their primary goals was to convince mental health profes- sionals to reverse their stance on homosexuality.

In June 1968, Charles Socarides published his book The Overt Homosexual and became one of the most widely quoted authorities on the subject. He Allen 06.fm Page 123 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 4:09 PM 124Chapter Six described homosexuality as “a dread dysfunction, malignant in character, which has risen to epidemic proportions.” 37 To counter these claims, gays and lesbians and their allies mobilized to defuse antigay hostility. In a book entitled Society and the Healthy Homosexual, George Weinberg coined the term “homophobia” in 1972. In 1974, yielding to mounting pressure from gay activists and their allies, the American Psychiatric Association removed homosexuality from its designation as a mental disorder. Also in the 1970s, the term “sexual preference” was replaced with “sexual orientation,” because “preference” implies choice. This distinction between preference and orienta- tion leads us to an ongoing, controversial debate about sexuality. Sexual Orientation Theoretical debates about sexual orientation reveal the contested nature of the topic of sexuality. I can only begin to convey the basics of these complex and controversial discussions. Similar to other aspects of identity we are studying, the two primary perspectives on the origin of an individual’s sexuality are essential- ism and social constructionism. The essentialist viewpoint contends that one’s sexual orientation is a historical, natural, and unchanging aspect of identity based on physiological sources (e.g., hormones, the brain, and genetics). In con- trast, the social constructionist perspective classifies sexual identity as a product of sociohistorical conditions. According to this viewpoint, people become gay or lesbian due to family environment (specifically, their relationship with mother and father), seduction (a gay person “converts” them), or conscious choice.

Whereas members of other traditionally disenfranchised groups (e.g., women or people of color) tend to dispute essentialist rationale for their social identity, many members of the gay movement and their allies accept and advo- cate the idea that sexuality is innate. They want to be understood in essential- ist terms. 38 This position against social constructionism matters because “if homosexuality is purely a social construction, then laws against it or laws pro- tecting the rights of homosexuals might be absurd.” 39 Moreover, the idea that sexuality is “real” may justify a struggle to achieve gay identity. Research in medicine, psychiatry, and psychology has contributed to this stance. Current scientific interest in the origins of sexuality tends to focus on homosexuality rather than heterosexuality. Some contemporary scientists hope to support gay and lesbian rights by proving that sexual orientation is biological and genetic.

A poll found that 49 percent of the general population and 75 percent of gay persons think that homosexuality is something people are born with. Those who believe that homosexuality is innate tend to have more positive, accepting attitudes toward issues that involve equal rights in employment. 40 Alternatively, some members of the GLBTQ community prefer the social construction perspective because “it suggests that people can change the boundaries of the construction and thereby change—or escape entirely—the social consequences of what it means to be gay.” 41 They reason that although the essentialist position might encourage society to become more accepting, it also might tempt them to develop genetic engineering, or otherwise try to Allen 06.fm Page 124 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 4:09 PM Sexuality Matters125 “cure” homosexuality. They might even abort embryos that have “the gay gene.” And, society may view homosexuals negatively, as they often perceive persons with disabilities. Thus, some GLBTQ persons fear that the essential- ist viewpoint may equate homosexuality to a biological defect.

In recent years, the queer movement has emerged to challenge essentialist or universalist notions of gay identity as either gay, lesbian, or bisexual.

Members of this movement contend “that queers are different from the main- stream and that these differences should be celebrated, not silenced.” 42 They intentionally refer to themselves as “queer” to connote varieties and complex- ities of sexuality, and they reject the notion that “queers should try to fit in with the mainstream by attempting to appear ‘normal.’ ” 43 According to contemporary research, sexual orientation may arise from multiple developmental pathways. For instance, sexual orientation seems to be at least partially determined through genetics. 44 Psychologists J. Michael Bailey and Richard Pillard conclude that since physical cues, such as those that are visual or olfactory, attract humans to one another, aspects of sexual orientation must be “more or less wired in.” 45 Moreover, the social matrix in which an individual lives will influence how an individual experiences and enacts sexuality. Medical researcher William Byne concludes that research about genetic bases of sexuality is inconclusive. He asserts that “we should ask why we as a society are so emotionally invested” in the outcome of bio- logical research on sexual orientation. He also asks, “Will it—or should it— make any difference in the way we perceive ourselves and others or in the way we live our lives and allow others to live theirs?” 46 The origins of sexual orientation remain uncertain. However, members of society have constructed categories and roles of sexuality. Legal, religious, and medical-scientific discourses have moved from an emphasis on sexual behavior to sexual personhood, thereby classifying various forms of sexual identity. Although what we now label as “heterosexual” and “homosexual” feelings and behaviors seem always to have existed, consciousness about homosexual and heterosexual identity is a postmodern development. More- over, attitudes toward sexuality correspond with changes in society, such as the influx of women into the workplace or the advent of HIV/AIDS.

Society has constructed heterosexuality as the normal and superior cate- gory of sexuality. Consequently, heterosexuals enjoy advantages that persons of other sexual orientations do not. To explore dynamics of heterosexual priv- ilege, a group of straight-identified students at Earlham College developed a questionnaire similar to the one that Peggy McIntosh created about white privilege. Here are some statements that they ask straight persons to consider:

• If I pick up a magazine, watch TV, or play music, I can be certain my sexual orientation will be represented.

• I can be sure that my classes will require curricular materials that tes- tify to the existence of people with my sexual orientation.

• People don’t ask why I made my choice of sexual orientation. Allen 06.fm Page 125 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 4:09 PM 126Chapter Six • I do not have to fear revealing my sexual orientation to friends or fam- ily. It’s assumed.

• I can easily find a religious community that will not exclude me for being heterosexual.

• I can count on finding a therapist or doctor willing and able to talk about my sexuality.

• I am guaranteed to find sex education literature for couples with my sexual orientation.

• I am not identified by my sexual orientation.

• I can be open about my sexual orientation without worrying about my job.

• If my day, week, or year is going badly, I need not ask of each negative episode or situation whether it has sexual orientation overtones.

• I can go for months without being called straight.

These statements imply dynamics of heterosexual privilege and indicate some of the challenges that confront lesbian, gay, bisexual, and queer-identified persons.

The preceding overview reveals that “like gender, sexuality is political. It is organized into systems of power, which reward and encourage some indi- viduals and activities, while punishing and suppressing others. . . . The mod- ern sexual system has been the object of political struggle since it emerged and as it has evolved.” 47 Federal and state governments, the mass media, edu- cational systems, and the church have exerted powerful influence on our per- ceptions and beliefs about various aspects of sexuality.

This brief history of the social construction of sexuality does not begin to illustrate complex varieties of sexual identities and their implications. Indi- viduals confront and negotiate numerous issues related to their sexuality, depending on intersections of race, class, religiosity, age, ability, and sexual orientation. For instance, homosexuals comprise countless co-cultures, each of which enacts (or not) sexuality in distinct ways and encounters distinct challenges. Among rare research about sexuality that considers intersections of identity, findings show that GLBTQ persons of color may experience mul- tiple external and internalized oppressions. A study about Asian American sexual minorities reported that they simultaneously deal with racism in white heterosexual and GLBTQ communities, heterosexism within their cultural communities, plus internalized racism and heterosexism. 48 Some GLBTQ baby boomers will face unique challenges as they age.

Although they have witnessed progress in gay rights, they also were in their late 30s during the Gay Pride movement. Therefore, they grew up in an era when society vilified gay people. Many of them have experienced blatant and subtle discrimination, and internalized negative attitudes about their sexuality. They may experience discrimination in various services designated for older persons, such as senior centers, nursing homes, and retirement communities. They also may face economic obstacles; for example, Social Security does not allow survi- vor benefits for same-sex couples. Given the history of activism among boomers Allen 06.fm Page 126 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 4:09 PM Sexuality Matters127 in general, GLBTQ boomers are likely to “advocate for more responsive pro- grams, services, organizations, and policies over the next 20 years.” 49 In addition to implying complexity of issues related to sexuality, this overview of how we have constructed sexuality presents sexuality as a significant aspect of identity. Communicating Sexuality on Television In the early days of television, married couples were portrayed as hav- ing separate beds, and you would never have heard them mentioning a sex- ual act, let alone engaging in one. Today, sex dominates most mainstream entertainment television. “The number of sexual scenes on standard net- work programs has nearly doubled since 1998 . . . Among the 20 most- watched shows by teens, 70 percent include sexual content (talking about sex, sexual innuendo), and 45 percent include sexual behavior.” 50 Moreover, rates of sexual content have risen significantly over time. Soap opera char- acters engage in an average of six to ten sex acts per hour. And let’s not forget daytime talk shows, which cover topics like “who’s my baby’s daddy,” to incest, to “is it a woman, or is it a man?” contests. Almost every day you can witness the spectacle of people bringing relatives, friends, or acquaintances on national television to confess or confront each other about all sorts of sexual behaviors. Sexuality is even more explicit on cable and pay-per-view networks, with some dedicated to pornography. Since 1981, music videos have displayed progressively extreme views of females and their sexuality. We constantly view the rampant use of sex to sell any- thing from cars to cable TV, as well as drugs for erectile dysfunction.

Researchers assessed the sexual content of 25 prime-time television shows popular among adolescents in 2001–2002. 51 They sought to analyze relationships between how adolescents process television content and how they develop sexually. They found that television enacted a Heterosexual Script, which serves as a blueprint for societal norms for romantic and sex- ual relationships. This script reproduces heteronormative and patriarchal ideologies about gender roles and sexuality. For example, the shows tended to depict sexuality as a defining component of masculinity by showing males as preoccupied with female bodies, and consumed by sexual thoughts, fantasies, and urges. The centrality of sexuality in males’ lives was consistent across characters’ age, race, and family roles. In contrast, the shows portrayed females as denying or devaluing their own sexual desire, seeking to please males, and trading their sexuality as a commodity.

The shows also showed differences between how women and men view romance and sex: women want/need relationships (especially boyfriends or husbands); men want/need independence (they prefer sexual fulfillment over relational intimacy). The researchers concluded that “television offers mutu- ally impoverished constructs of male and female sexuality, which may ulti- mately preclude boys’ ability to say no to sex and girls’ ability to say yes.” 52 Spotlight on Media •••• Spotlight on Media •••• Allen 06.fm Page 127 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 4:09 PM 128Chapter Six Acquiring Information about Sexuality Throughout our lives, numerous sources socialize us about sexuality.

Adolescents receive most information about sex from informal sources, mainly their peers (especially same-sex friends). They also learn from dating partners, different-sex friends, the media, and reading on their own. Accord- ing to a large-scale study, teens acquire the least amount of sex information from their mothers and teachers, and even less from their fathers. 53 The mass media that adolescents favor rarely include accurate information about sex- ual health. An analysis of the rare sexual health content in four media (televi- sion, magazines, music, and movies) popular among adolescents revealed ambiguous and/or inaccurate content. These media reinforced traditional gender stereotypes of males as obsessed with sex and sexual performance, and females being responsible for protection against pregnancy.

54 Basically, the media are not providing much sexual health content for their adolescent audiences. In terms of formal sex education, in 1996 the federal government provided funding to states whose schools taught abstinence-only in their sex education programs. In 1996, 49 out of 50 states adopted the program and took the funds; today, only 33 states receive this funding. Many schools have found the abstinence-only approach to be ineffective and have chosen instead to teach students about protection from pregnancy and disease, should they decide to engage in sexual relations. 55 While heterosexual teens tend to turn to their peers, young people who realize that their sexuality may not fit societal norms often consult the Inter- net. The Internet provides a level of security and anonymity that allows them to explore their sexuality. They can construct and interact with a virtual com- munity of similar adolescents, and they can come out safely online before they disclose their sexuality to anyone in person. 56 Communicating Sexuality in Organizations Sexuality infuses organizations, as members engage in a variety of sexual relationships, ranging from flirtations to short-term affairs, to committed partnerships. 57 The organization is a logical and relatively safe place to meet a prospective romantic and/or sexual partner. Employees meet prospective mates or spouses, have affairs with one another, and sometimes break up at work. In most organizational settings, employees routinely engage in such behaviors as sexual banter, jokes, teasing, gossip, and flirting. Basically, the workplace is a fertile site for performing sexuality.

How people express or repress sexuality depends on the type of organiza- tion. For instance, sociologists Jeff Hearn and Wendy Parkin differentiate sexploitation organizations from those that do not foreground sexuality. 58 The former include any type of organization that trades on sexuality, includ- ing the pornography industry, “escort” services, strip clubs, and sexual aids manufacturers and retailers. The latter encompass most other workplaces. Allen 06.fm Page 128 Tuesday, June 19, 2012 4:09 PM Sexuality Matters129 Hearn and Parkin also discuss distinct sexuality matters that confront mem- bers of total (or closed) organizations—institutions such as prisons, asylums, the m