Discussion 1Prevalence rates for ADHD in children and adolescents have increased exponentially in the recent two decades. In parallel, prescriptions for stimulant medications have become commonplace.

A Developmental Perspective on Executive Function

John R. Best and Patricia H. Miller

Department of Psychology, University of Georgia.

Abstract This review paper examines theoretical and methodological issues in the construction of a

developmental perspective on executive function (EF) in childhood and adolescence. Unlike most

reviews of EF, which focus on preschoolers, this review focuses on studies that include large age

ranges. It outlines the development of the foundational components of EF—inhibition, working

memory, and shifting. Cognitive and neurophysiological assessments show that although EF

emerges during the first few years of life, it continues to strengthen significantly throughout

childhood and adolescence. The components vary somewhat in their developmental trajectories.

The paper relates the findings to longstanding issues of development (e.g., developmental

sequences, trajectories, and processes) and suggests research needed for constructing a

developmental framework encompassing early childhood through adolescence.

Keywords executive function; development; childhood; adolescence

Broadly defined, executive functions (EF) encompass those cognitive processes that underlie

goal-directed behavior and are orchestrated by activity within the prefrontal cortex (PFC)

(e.g., Shimamura, 2000; Olson & Luciana, 2008). Children’s EF has been of great interest to

developmental psychologists in recent years. However, this research has three limitations

that pose difficulties for constructing a truly developmental account of EF. First, most

research on the development of EF has examined narrow age ranges, for example, ages 2 to

5 (Isquith, Gioia, & Espy, 2004). Second and relatedly, most has focused on preschoolers

(e.g., Carlson, 2005; Garon, Bryson, & Smith, 2008), perhaps because rapid improvements

occur during the preschool and early school years on EF tasks (e.g., Carlson & Moses, 2001;

Zelazo, Müller, Frye, & Marcovitch, 2003). However, performance on other, more complex

tasks does not mature until adolescence or even early adulthood (e.g., Anderson, 2002;

Davidson, Amso, Anderson, & Diamond, 2006; Conklin, Luciana, Hooper, & Yarger, 2007;

Luciana, Conklin, Hooper, & Yarger, 2005; Romine & Reynolds, 2005). Moreover, the

rudiments of EF emerge before early childhood, likely within the first year of life (e.g.,

Diamond, 1990a,b). Third, we have little information about the processes by which children

move from one level to another, especially processes operating after age 5.

Consequently, despite the large literature on EF in children, we have no truly developmental

account of EF across childhood and adolescence. The purpose of this paper is to begin to

construct such an account, which distinguishes it from previously published reviews of EF

(but see Best, Miller, & Jones, 2009). We focus on the few studies that include a large age

range in an attempt to outline the broad developmental trajectories of EF and look at the

development of EF within the framework of developmental theoretical issues.

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Patricia H. Miller, Department of Psychology, University of Georgi\

a,

Athens, GA 30602. [email protected]. NIH Public Access

Author Manuscript

Child Dev . Author manuscript; available in PMC 2011 November 1.

Published in final edited form as:

Child Dev . 2010 ; 81(6): 1641±1660. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8624.2010.01499.x.

NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript After a brief presentation of theoretical and methodological challenges to a developmental

account of EF, the main part of the review examines changes in three components of EF

across multiple ages. Then we address developmental trajectories, sequences of the

components, and mechanisms of development, and suggest future research to examine basic

issues of development.

Theoretical and Methodological Challenges Beyond the limitations of narrow age ranges and few studies examining developmental

sequences and mechanisms, it is very difficult for other reasons to extract a general

trajectory of EF development from the literature. A main challenge is the lack of agreement

concerning whether EF is a unitary construct or a set of independent components (e.g.,

Barkley, Edwards, Laneri, Fletcher, & Metevia, 2001; Brocki & Bohlin, 2004; Isquith et al.,

2004; Miyake et al., 2000). One prominent theoretical framework integrates these opposing

perspectives by suggesting that the EF construct consists of interrelated, but distinct,

components—described as the “unity and diversity of EF” by Miyake et al. (2000). In their

seminal study with young adults, Miyake et al. used confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) to

test this framework. The CFA extracted three correlated latent variables from several

commonly used EF tasks. These latent variables represented three EF components—

inhibition, working memory (WM), and shifting—that contributed differentially to

performance on complex EF tasks (Miyake et al., 2000; though Miyake recently—2009—

has questioned whether inhibition can be considered a distinct component). Thus, although

bound by some common underlying processes, in young adults EFs are distinguishable and

are employed differentially based on the task at hand.

Some research with children has investigated the EF construct and has found at least partial

support for an integrative framework. Hughes (1998) sought to expand a previous finding

that EF consists of dissociable components in older children (Welsh, Pennington, &

Groisser, 1991). She extracted three distinct factors—attentional flexibility, inhibitory-

control, and working memory—from preschoolers’ performance on several EF tasks,

suggesting that EF components are differentiated even at a young age. Both Hughes and

Welsh et al. emphasize the independence of these factors, leaving little discussion of

whether these factors may be interrelated. Senn, Espy, and Kaufmann (2004), also with

preschoolers, used path analysis, which forms each latent variable by drawing on only one

task rather than multiple tasks (which makes it more susceptible to extraneous influences

such as test order and task reliability that may affect relations among the measures).

Although performance on the WM and inhibition tasks was correlated and predicted

complex task performance, shifting performance was unrelated to the other measures. This

provided evidence that the EF components are dissociable in early childhood but also that

those components are interrelated to some degree.

Confirmatory factor analysis with older children seems to provide stronger support for

Miyake’s “unity and diversity view.” First, Lehto et al. (2003) found that Miyake’s three-

factor model provided the best fit of data from children ages 8 to 13. Second, Huizinga,

Dolan, and van der Molen (2006) employed CFA in a more developmental fashion by

comparing the models of 7-, 11-, 15-, and 21-year-olds. They found partial support for the

Miyake model as only the WM and shifting measures loaded onto latent variables, whereas

the inhibition measures did not load onto a common latent variable (see also Miyake, 2009

for similar results with adults). Importantly, this model was consistent across the age groups,

suggesting the stability of the EF construct across middle childhood, adolescence, and early

adulthood. Together, these studies provide considerable evidence that Miyake’s integrative

model of interrelated, yet dissociable, EF components may be a suitable theoretical

framework from which to examine EF development. However, these studies also suggest Best and Miller Page 2

Child Dev. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2011 November 1.

NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript that the degree of unity and independence of the three components may change

developmentally. This more complete picture of development and more nuanced version of

the Miyake et al. model would be missed by focusing on only adults or a narrow age range

on children, during the preschool years.

When a sample does include older school-age children and adolescents, methodological

challenges can arise. First, to avoid ceiling effects researchers often use complex EF tasks

that likely tap into multiple executive functions, a problem of task impurity (Miyake et al.,

2000). For complex tasks like the Wisconsin Card Sorting Test (WCST), the Tower of

London (TOL), or Tower of Hanoi (TOH), task completion likely requires the coordination

of multiple processes (e.g., Asato, Sweeney, & Luna, 2006; Huizinga et al., 2006; Miyake et

al., 2000). However, for simplicity researchers often classify tasks by a single cognitive

construct. For example, the WCST and its child-appropriate version (DCCS) have been

described as inhibition tasks by some and shifting tasks by others (Garon et al., 2008); the

TOL and TOH have been described as either inhibition, WM, or planning tasks in various

publications (e.g., Berg & Byrd, 2002; Huizinga et al., 2006; Welsh, Satterlee-Cartmell, &

Stine, 1999).

Second, and very much relatedly, the tasks used across an age range often are not uniform.

Tasks too difficult for the younger participants sometimes are only administered to the older

ones, which makes comparisons across age groups difficult (e.g., Klenberg, Korkman, &

Lahti-Nuuttila, 2001). Or very different tasks are used to assess a particular dimension for

preschoolers and older children (e.g., Hughes, 1998; Welsh et al., 1991).

Keeping these issues in mind, we utilize Miyake’s “unity and diversity” theoretical

framework to focus on the “foundational” EFs—inhibition, information updating and

monitoring (WM), and shifting (Hughes, 1998; Huizinga et al., 2006; Lehto et al., 2003;

Miyake et al., 2000) —in part because several frequently used cognitive tasks ostensibly tap

into each dimension (Miyake et al., 2000). In using this framework to address EF

development from early childhood through adolescence, we keep in mind current

developmental theories of EF. In general, most of these theories depict EF development as

involving an increasing ability to resolve conflict. They differ in whether this conflict is

between rules that eventually become hierarchically organized (Zelazo et al., 2003), latent

and active representations (e.g., habits vs. attention/working memory, Munakata, 2001), or

the current representation versus prepotent mental sets or behaviors (Diamond, 2006). Most

also emphasize the role of changes in underlying neural networks. In particular, Posner and

Rothbart (2007; see also Garon et al., 2008) propose that the development of the anterior

attention system plays the major role in the resolution of conflict by regulating other brain

networks. Posited developmental change is both qualitative (e.g., changing from simpler to

more complex rule systems, Zelazo) and quantitative (e.g., strengthening active

representations so that they override latent representations, Munakata).

We focus on those studies that most clearly address developmental issues—those that

examine both preschoolers and school-age children, or school-age children and adolescents,

address the order of acquisition of different aspects of EF, or examine possible

developmental processes. This approach permits us to detect developmental trajectories,

sequences, and processes. Given a recent extensive review (Garon et al., 2008) of the large

literature on the preschool age, only representative studies of this age are included.

Converging evidence and multiple levels of analysis are provided by studies using

neuroscience techniques (e.g., fMRI, ERP) that assess the neural response underlying EF. It

has been known for years that patients with PFC damage can have EF deficits, yet normal

IQ (e.g., Stuss & Benson, 1984). More recent thinking about this is that the PFC coordinates Best and Miller Page 3

Child Dev. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2011 November 1.

NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript posterior cortical and subcortical brain activity via excitatory and inhibitory pathways

(Casey, Amso, & Davidson, 2006; Shimamura, 2000). Moreover, PFC activity holds

relevant information in WM (e.g., “the cracker is hidden under the left cup”) and prevents

distracting information from entering WM (Goldman-Rakic, 1987; Olson & Luciana, 2008;

Shimamura, 2000).

We also know from structural imaging studies (e.g., using MRI) that PFC development, like

brain development more generally, consists of both progressive (e.g., myelination, neuron

proliferation, synaptogenesis,) and regressive changes (e.g., cell death, synaptic pruning)

(Casey et al., 2006; O’Hare & Sowell, 2008). The PFC matures later in adolescence as

evidenced by further loss of gray matter (Gogtay et al., 2004; O’Hare & Sowell, 2008),

unlike many other brain regions that mature earlier (e.g., regions involved in attention,

motor and sensory processing, and speech and language development). During this time,

progressive and regressive changes (largely myelination and synaptic pruning, respectively)

occur concomitantly and are driven in part by the child’s experiences—the result being

“efficient networks of neuronal connections” (O’Hare & Sowell, 2008, p. 24).

Developmental neuroscience studies can enrich our understanding of EF development by

determining how the neural correlates of behavior change over time. Changes in neural

correlates (i.e., the neural response underlying task execution), in turn, can be interpreted in

light of the known structural development of the brain and of the PFC in particular.

Alternatively, changes in brain structure can be correlated with changes in task performance

to determine the relevance of structural changes to EF maturation. In either case, we must

remember that both progressive and regressive structural changes may influence how the

neural response changes over time.

Foundational Executive Functions

Inhibition Inhibition is considered foundational for EF (e.g., Miyake et al, 2000); however, most

inhibition tasks are not pure measures of inhibition (Simpson & Riggs, 2005) nor do they tap

into a single inhibitory process (Nigg, 2000). Garon et al. (2008) distinguished simple from

complex response inhibition tasks based on whether WM also is needed. Simple response

inhibition requires a minimal amount of WM, making it one of the purest forms of inhibition

(Cragg & Nation, 2008). It shows its rudiments during infancy (see Garon et al., 2008), as

when a child can delay eating a treat. Complex response inhibition also requires substantial

WM by requiring that an arbitrary rule be held in mind and/or by requiring that the child

inhibit one response (prepotent or not) and produce an alternative response. The Day/Night

task assesses complex response inhibition by requiring the child to inhibit a prepotent verbal

response (i.e., saying “day” upon viewing a picture of a sun) and activate an alternative

verbal response (i.e., saying “night” upon viewing a sun) (Gerstadt, Hong, & Diamond,

1994). Similarly, Carlson and Moses (2001), using factor analysis, distinguished delay tasks,

which require withholding a propotent response, from conflict tasks, which require the child

to make a response that conflicts with a prepotent response. Thus, the Day/Night task and

Luria’s hand game are considered conflict tasks (as well as complex response inhibition

tasks) because they require the child to respond in a way conflicting with the natural

response (i.e., associating a picture of the sun with night time and making a fist when shown

fingers, respectively). Finally, Nigg (2000) distinguished several forms of inhibition that

cover cognitive, behavioral, and emotional regulation.

Age differences— Garon et al. (2008) described rapid improvements in early childhood

on a variety of complex response inhibition tasks (i.e., conflict tasks), such as the Day/Night

task and Luria’s hand game (see also Carlson & Moses, 2001; Hughes, 1998; Lehto & Best and Miller Page 4

Child Dev. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2011 November 1.

NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript Uusitalo, 2006; Sabbagh, Xu, Carlson, Moses, & Lee, 2006). Despite their apparent

similarities, different conflict tasks show different ages of mastery, perhaps indicating

different cognitive demands. For Luria’s hand game, which requires children to make a fist

when shown a finger and vice versa, the most improvement typically occurs between age 3

and 4 (Hughes, 1998); however, for the Day/Night task, 3- and 4-year-olds find it equally

difficult (Carlson, 2005) and improvements may continue into middle childhood (Gerstadt et

al., 1994). Furthermore, preschool children perform better on Luria’s tapping task than the

Day/Night task (Diamond & Taylor, 1996). Like Luria’s hand game, the tapping task

requires the inhibition and activation of hand motor responses, whereas the Day/Night task

requires the inhibition and activation of verbal responses. In addition to different response

modalities, Diamond and Taylor argue that the two tasks differ in the degree of response

prepotency: There is a stronger tendency to say “Day” when shown a sun than to mimic the

motor movement of another person. However, evidence of a mirror neuron system that

facilitates the imitation of hand gestures (e.g., Iacoboni & Dapretto, 2006) calls into question

whether inhibiting the mimicking of hand movements is necessarily easier. In any case,

preschoolers have some ability, though still immature and sensitive to task demands, to

override a naturally prepotent response in favor of an alternative.

The Dimensional Change Card Sort (DCCS) is another complex response inhibition task

used frequently with preschool children. Rather than requiring the inhibition of a naturally

prepotent response, the DCCS creates a prepotent response during the pre-switch phase that

must later be inhibited. The child is shown a deck of cards that vary on two dimensions—

shape (e.g., rabbit versus battleship) and color (e.g., red versus blue). During the pre-switch

phase, the child must sort the cards according to one dimension (e.g., color; “If it’s red, it

goes here; if it’s blue, it goes here”). In the post-switch phase, the child is asked to sort the

cards by the other dimension (e.g., shape). Similar to other conflict tasks, reductions in

perseveration occur from age 3 through age 4 (Carlson, 2005; Zelazo et al., 2003).

Manipulations of the standard DCCS provide insight into the developmental sequence of

inhibition (e.g., Zelazo, 2006; Zelazo et al., 2003). In a No Conflict DCCS, the inhibitory

demands are minimized but the WM demands are maintained by presenting four non-

overlapping rules by which to sort the cards (e.g., sort by 2 colors at pre-switch and by 2

shapes at post-switch). Here, 3- and 4-year-olds perform equally well, suggesting that the

WM demands by themselves are not the cause of difficulty for the younger children in the

standard DCCS (Zelazo et al., 2003). In an Advanced DCCS, a third sorting dimension is

added; if there is a star on the card, the child should sort by color, but if there is not a star,

the child should sort by shape. Five-and six-year-olds find this task difficult, showing a less

than 50% chance of passing (Carlson, 2005). Thus, as predicted by Zelazo’s cognitive

complexity and control (CCC) theory (Zelazo et al., 2003), the complexity of a task, defined

in terms of the hierarchical structure of the child’s rule system, is critical to task

performance. The complexity of the child’s rule system increases as the child integrates and

embeds seemingly incompatible rules based on color and shape: “If sorting by color, the

blue one goes here; if sorting by shape, the rabbit goes here.” An inability to integrate the

rule systems causes perseverative errors; that is, the child will continue to sort the cards

based on the initial dimension—color or shape. The Advanced DCCS requires the

integration of another rule based on the presence of a star, whereas the No Conflict version

does not require the integration of any rules—supporting the notion that the integration of

rules is critical for inhibition development.

Findings of further improvement in inhibition after age 5 are mixed. In a rare study

examining a wide age range, Klenberg et al. (2001) found improvement from age 3 to 6 on

the Statue task (maintaining a body position while the experimenter attempts to distract the

child) and the Knock and Tap game (e.g., tap when the experimenter knocks and vice versa) Best and Miller Page 5

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NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript but no further significant improvement through age 12. However, these tasks may have been

too easy for the older children—perhaps because of the low prepotency of the response to be

inhibited. A similar problem of finding appropriate tasks when using a wide age range is that

the cognitive battery used in this study, the NEPSY, contains subtests not suitable for the

youngest children. Thus, the 3- and 4-year-olds only completed 3 of the possible 12 subtests,

making comparisons across the entire age range difficult. Still, in support of the conclusion

that inhibition stabilizes by the early school years, Lehto et al. (2003) found no significant

changes in inhibition between ages 8 and 13 on the Tower of London (TOL) and Matching

Familiar Figures tasks (though the inhibitory aspects of these tasks are not clearly identified,

and see Steinberg, Albert, Cauffman, Banich, Graham, & Woolard, 2008, for continued

improvements in an impulsivity measure of TOL performance through adolescence and

early adulthood).

Other studies find further development after age 8. Interestingly, many of these studies have

utilized computerized tasks such as the Go/no-go task or the continuous performance task

(CPT), both of which require a response to certain stimuli and inhibition of response to other

stimuli (Brocki & Bohlin, 2004; Casey et al., 1997; Cragg & Nation, 2008; Johnstone et al.,

2007; Jonkman, 2006; Jonkman, Lansbergen, & Stauder, 2003; Lamm, Zelazo, & Lewis,

2006). In the Go/no-go computer task, the child must respond (by pressing a designated

keyboard button) only to “go” stimuli (e.g., all letters except X) and inhibit response to the

“no-go” stimulus (e.g., the letter X). The CPT adds a cue prior to go and no-go stimuli. For

example, the child may be asked to respond to the letter X, but only when preceded by the

letter A. Thus, responding to a no-go stimulus is considered a failure of inhibition

(“commission errors”). Unlike conflict tasks, these tasks do not require the execution of an

alternative response.

In one of these studies (Brocki & Bohlin, 2004), significant improvements occurred from

age 7 to 9 to 11 on behavioral measures that loaded onto a factor that the authors labeled a

“disinhibition” factor (CPT disinhibition, CPT impulsivity, CPT inattentive impulsivity, and

Go/no-go commissions). Likewise, both Jonkman et al. (2003) and Casey et al. (1997) found

significant decreases in commission errors on these tasks between age 9 and young

adulthood (see also Klimkeit, Mattingley, Sheppard, Farrow, and Bradshaw, 2004; Jonkman,

2006). Cragg and Nation (2008) used a modified Go/no-go task in which children had to

depress a home key prior to pressing a target key. This modification allowed for partial

commission errors (depressing of home key but not pressing target key in response to the

no-go stimulus) in addition to traditional commission errors. In comparing 5–7 year olds to

9–11 year olds, only the partial commission measure was sensitive to developmental change,

revealing that older children were able to inhibit a motor plan (releasing the home key and

pressing the target key) at an earlier stage of execution than younger children. Johnstone et

al. (2007) also found that the traditional no-go commission error was insensitive to change

from ages 7 to 12. In contrast, they did find that performance on a Stop-signal task, during

which the child must inhibit a currently activated response, was sensitive to change across

this age span. Thus, these two studies suggest that the stage of execution is a factor in

inhibition difficulty: Terminating an already executed response appears to be more difficult

than inhibiting a response that has yet to be executed or is in an earlier stage of execution.

In a computerized anti-saccade task (Fischer, Biscaldi, & Gezeck, 1997; Munoz, Broughton,

Goldring, & Armstrong, 1998), children fixate on a central target. The target is turned off

and a peripheral cue is turned on. Children are told not to look at the target, but instead to

look to the opposite side. Thus, any initial glance towards the cue is an inhibitory failure.

Dramatic improvement in both reaction time and accuracy during the grade-school years is

followed by slower improvement during early adolescence. Similarly, Williams, Ponesse,

Schachar, Logan, and Tannock (1999) found improvement up through age 12 on a “stop- Best and Miller Page 6

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NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript signal reaction time” task, involving inhibition of a response (key press) to stimuli when a

tone sounds. Moreover, Huizinga et al. (2006) found continued improvement in both

reaction time and accuracy measures on the Stop-signal task and Eriksen Flankers task until

age 15 and on a Stroop-like task (inhibiting saying a color word in order to state its

conflicting font color) until age 21. Finally, adults, more than adolescents, appeared aware

of making an inhibition error as they momentarily slowed their response for the next trial in

order to prevent further error (Hogan, Vargha-Khadem, Kirkham, & Baldeweg, 2005),

which suggests the contributions of metacognitive development even after adolescence.

The fact that several studies have found improved performance beyond early childhood on

ostensibly simple response inhibition tasks (e.g., anti-saccade task)—or at least on tasks

(e.g., Go/No-go task) simpler than conflict tasks—challenges the notion that performance on

these tasks matures early on. For example, the computerized Go/No-go task should be easier

than Luria’s hand game because it requires only response inhibition of a prepotent response

rather than response inhibition followed by the execution of an alternative response. One

explanation for this involves how task performance is measured. Computerized tasks contain

multiple trials and measure reaction time very precisely (to the millisecond)—thus,

increasing sensitivity to subtle changes. Alternatively, since many of these studies with older

children have utilized computer-based tasks, perhaps some of the age-related improvements

are related to computer-specific abilities (e.g., more efficient use of keyboard or mouse).

In summary, the first leap in attaining inhibition appears in the preschool years. By age 4

children show signs of successful performance on both simple (i.e., pure response inhibition)

and complex inhibition tasks (i.e., response inhibition plus alternative response). By the

same age children can operate on a bi-dimensional card by one dimension and then inhibit

that to use the second dimension (i.e., successfully perform DCCS). Inhibition continues to

improve, particularly from age 5 to 8 (Romine & Reynolds, 2005) and particularly for tasks

that combine inhibition and WM (Carlson, 2005; Gerstadt et al., 1994), but also at later ages,

especially on computerized tasks. Unlike the early improvements, these are unlikely to be

fundamental changes in cognition (e.g., like preschoolers’ acquisition of the rule-formation

ability needed to perform the DCCS). Instead, refinements seem to involve quantitative

improvements in accuracy, perhaps due to an increasing efficiency to override prepotent

responses. Thus, it may be that inhibition tasks have varying sensitivities, with some being

sensitive to the conceptual gains in early childhood and others being sensitive to the

refinements in strength of the relevant cognitive skills or the generality of application in

later childhood and even adolescence. These sensitivities seem to be determined by a

number of factors including how performance is measured, the response modality, the

strength of the response bias, the stage of response execution, and the degree of

simultaneous WM demands imposed by the task.

Evidence from neuroscience— One method to examine the neural response underlying

response inhibition is to measure the brain’s electrical activity via EEG. Measuring during

infancy, early childhood, and middle childhood, one longitudinal EEG study (Bell, Wolfe, &

Adkins, 2007) reported qualitative change in brain activity underlying complex response

inhibition—measured by working memory/inhibitory control tasks. At 8 months of age,

correct performance on the A-not-B task was associated with increased global cortical

activity, whereas at age 4½, Day/Night performance was associated only with increased

medial-frontal activity. By age 8 this activity became even more focused in the right frontal

scalp regions during completion of the WCST. This shift from global to localized activity

during task completion may signal the growing efficiency of the brain and the growing

functionality of the PFC for complex response inhibition. Best and Miller Page 7

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NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript EEG studies with older children indicate continued localization of brain activity from

middle childhood to adulthood. Looking closely at frontal activity, Jonkman (2006) found a

linear increase in no-go P3 amplitude (a positive wave 300 – 500 ms after stimulus

presentation) across development: Children ages 6–7 showed no P3 activity, children ages

9–10 showed limited P3 activity in frontal-central electrodes, and young adults showed

broad P3 activity across frontal and frontal-central electrodes (see also Jonkman el al.,

2003). P3 activity has been interpreted to index the allocation of attentional resources during

stimulus engagement, with greater activity representing greater resource allocation (Polich,

1987). In contrast, the no-go N2 response (a negative wave 150 – 400 ms after stimulus

presentation) decreased across the same age span, with the largest decrease in amplitude

occurring between ages 6 and 10. The N2 response is thought to indicate conflict

monitoring, needed when the prepotent response conflicts with the task-required response.

The decrease in the N2 response may indicate that compensatory mechanisms are present in

younger children and that the task induces less conflict with increasing age (Jonkman,

2006).

Similar findings come from Lamm et al. (2006) who reported decreases in frontal N2

amplitudes from age 7 to 17 on no-go trials, which they attributed to increasing neural

efficiency that may result from the regressive neural changes described above (e.g., synaptic

pruning). As evidence that frontal N2 activity reflects conflict monitoring and inhibition,

performance on tasks requiring conflict monitoring and inhibition (the Stroop task and Iowa

Gambling Task) predicted decreases in frontal N2 amplitudes beyond that predicted by age.

As further support, Johnstone et al. (2007) observed stronger frontal N2 activity in response

to no-go stimuli than go stimuli. However, they found no change in the ability to inhibit no-

go responses across the ages of 7 to 12. Moreover, what age-related changes in brain activity

the authors did observe were found in non-frontal brain regions—including decreases in

central and parietal N2 amplitude—suggestive more of refinements in stimulus processing

than in the inhibition response per se. All together, these EEG studies provide evidence that

inhibition development is paralleled both by increases and decreases in neural activity,

perhaps indicative of progressive and regressive neural change.

Researchers also have used neuroimaging assessments, such as functional magnetic

resonance imaging (fMRI), to document the increasing efficiency of the neural response

underlying response inhibition. On the Go/no-go task, Casey et al. (1997) observed no

difference in the location of activation in the PFC between children ( M

age = 9.92) and young

adults but did measure greater volume of activation in children during the no-go condition,

particularly within the dorsal and lateral PFC. Moreover, a longitudinal imaging study

(Durston et al., 2006) reported that activation within the PFC only increased from age 9 to

11 for specific prefrontal regions (ventral PFC) correlated with task performance. In

contrast, activity within prefrontal regions uncorrelated with task performance (dorsolateral

PFC) decreased with age. Similar to the explanation offered by Lamm et al. (2006), Casey et

al. and Durston et al. suggested that the greater activation in children may correspond to

inefficiency in the inhibition mechanism and that neural development is characterized by

increased localization of activity to brain regions directly linked to the behavioral response

and decreases in activity in supplementary brain regions.

One structural imaging technique, Diffusion Tensor Imaging (DTI), measures the

myelination of axons. Myelinated axons transmit signals more efficiently and rapidly than

unmyelinated axons. Liston et al. (2006) measured myelination in participants aged 7 to 31,

who also performed a Go/No-go task and found that myelination of projections from the

PFC to the striatum increased with age and correlated with no-go task performance.

Importantly, myelination of corticospinal axons also increased with age but did not correlate

with task performance. Thus, the increasing myelination of frontostriatal connections, in Best and Miller Page 8

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NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript particular, across childhood and adolescence seems to underlie the maturation of response

inhibition.

A synthesis of these neuroscience studies does not suggest a one-to-one correspondence

between changes in brain activity and changes in task performance. Instead, task

performance often changes subtly, if at all (e.g., Johnstone et al., 2007), whereas the pattern

of neural activity may change dramatically. It seems that school-age children can

successfully complete response inhibition tasks (with concurrent WM requirements or not),

but in doing so, enlist a more global pattern of activation than they will later on. With

development comes localized and efficient activation in specific PFC regions (e.g., ventral

PFC) pertinent to task completion. These dramatic changes in neural activity may translate

into only subtle improvements in response inhibition, such as greater efficiency and less

effort.

Developmental issues— Several developmental issues about inhibition need to be

examined further. First, by what process does a child move from one level (e.g., simple

inhibition of a response) to another level (e.g., the development of a more complex rule that

controls two responses)? Does the former contribute to the development of the latter? Would

examining the transition period yield clues to the qualitative and quantitative aspects of this

change? Second, what is the form of the developmental trajectory from age 3 to

adolescence? Is development linear? This question is difficult to answer because of the

difficulty of finding appropriate tasks for a large age span. The dramatic improvement from

age 3 to 5 appears to be followed by less dramatic change from 5 to 8 and even less change

after age 8 (though brain maturation continues). However, the tasks used with younger

children likely have different inhibitory requirements than those used with older children. In

a meta-analysis of EF studies from age 5 to adulthood, Romine and Reynolds (2005) found

the greatest advancements in inhibition of prepotent responses from age 5 to 8. A meta-

analysis that includes younger children is greatly needed to clarify the rate of change from

the preschool to grade school years.

Relevant to this apparent developmental trajectory is the problem of task impurity.

Inhibition appears not to be a uniform construct. For example, interference control, cognitive

inhibition and motor inhibition may be distinct processes tapped by different tasks and

develop at different rates across childhood (Nigg, 2000). Furthermore, classic tasks of

inhibition utilize cognitive components in addition to inhibition. As already mentioned,

many tasks also have significant WM requirements. For another example, performance on

the Stroop task may depend not only on the ability to inhibit reading a color word in order to

read its actual color, but also on the child’s level of reading automaticity (Leon-Carrion,

García-Orza, & Pérez-Santamaría, 2004). As a result, performance, measured in terms of

reading errors, does not improve in a linear fashion, but rather forms a quadratic relation:

There is an initial increase in reading errors from age 6 to age 10, followed by a dramatic

decrease in errors through age 17. This suggests that as word reading becomes more and

more automatic from age 6 to 10, inhibition of that process in order to say the color becomes

more difficult, which negatively affects reading accuracy. Afterwards, the inhibition

mechanism needed may be mature enough to compensate for this reading automaticity.

Thus, this developmental trajectory may have as much to do with developing reading

automaticity as with developing inhibition. A similar careful analysis of other inhibition

tasks might reveal similar complexities regarding the question “What develops?”

Adding further complexity, social factors likely influence inhibition performance. For

example, there is evidence for a developmental regression in self-regulation in early

adolescence (Anderson, 2002), particularly as evidenced by increased risky behavior during

this time (Steinberg, 2007). One perspective suggests that the interaction of a mature Best and Miller Page 9

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NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript socioemotional network (involving mainly limbic structures) and an immature EF-related

control network within a context of increased peer pressure leads to adolescents’ increased

risk-taking (Steinberg, 2007). This perspective suggests that outward regressions may occur

not so much because there are actual regressions in inhibition per se but because exposure to

emotionally-laden and risky situations increases at this point in development when inhibition

is still immature.

Summary— Regarding the first component in the Miyake et al. model, cognitive,

behavioral, and brain assessments generally show rapid early improvements in inhibition

followed by slower improvements through adolescence, along with greater brain localization

throughout childhood and adolescence. Mechanisms of development may include brain

maturation, increased ability to handle task complexity, increased ability to use rules, and

emerging metacognition.

Working Memory Like inhibition, WM research has been complicated by various definitions of the construct,

as well as (and perhaps resulting in) the use of differing assessment tasks. In general, WM

involves the ability to maintain and manipulate information over brief periods of time

without reliance on external aids or cues (Alloway, Gathercole, & Pickering, 2006;

Goldman-Rakic, 1987; Huizinga et al., 2006). Neuroimaging research suggests that WM

tasks vary by how much the task elicits PFC activity; consequently, researchers suggest that

WM tasks vary in the degree to which they require “executive control” (Luciana et al.,

2005). That is, more complicated WM tasks that require the maintenance and manipulation

of information in order to direct behavior toward future goals (e.g., backward digit span,

delayed-response tasks, self-ordered searches) ostensibly rely on more executive

involvement (and consequently more PFC activity; D’Esposito & Postle, 1999) than simpler

WM tasks that require only the maintenance of information (e.g., forward digit span).

Accordingly, the rate and form of WM development will hinge upon the degree to which a

task requires executive processes.

Gathercole, Pickering, Ambridge, and Wearing (2004) invoked the classic WM model of

Baddeley and Hitch (1974) to distinguish between executive WM tasks and online storage

tasks. According to Gathercole et al., executive WM requires that either the verbal storage

system (i.e., the phonological loop) or the visuo-spatial storage system (i.e., visuo-spatial

sketchpad) work in concert with a coordinating central executive. Simple WM tasks require

little input from the central executive but rely solely on either the phonological loop (e.g.,

forward digit recall) or visuo-spatial sketchpad (e.g., visual pattern recall). Complex tasks

(e.g., backwards digit recall), on the other hand, may require that multiple WM tasks be

performed concurrently, and therefore the central executive must coordinate those processes.

This tripartite model was supported by a CFA of children ages 6 to15 on a battery of verbal

WM, visuo-spatial WM, and executive WM tasks, which suggests the differentiation of the

WM subsystems by early grade-school.

Age differences— A variety of tasks document improvement in WM during the preschool

years (see Garon et al., 2008). Gathercole et al. (2004) reported that by age 6 the executive

component of WM is sufficiently developed to be used during complex tasks that require

coordination of WM subcomponents. In addition, the same researchers found that simple

and complex WM tasks had similar developmental trajectories—a linear increase from age 4

to 14 and a leveling off between ages 14 and 15 across nearly all tasks examined. Luciana et

al. (2005), drawing on a battery of nonverbal tasks, found that the developmental course of

WM depends on the complexity and, thus, the executive demands, of the task, with less

demanding tasks being mastered earlier in development. Their battery of nonverbal tasks Best and Miller Page 10

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NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript ranged from a nonverbal face recognition task (lowest executive demand) to a spatial self-

ordered search (highest executive demand). The former simply required the child to

maintain a facial representation over a delay in order to discriminate a previously viewed

face from a novel one, and performance was unchanged between age 9 and 20. The latter

task required the child to search varying locations on a computer screen for hidden tokens,

to remember locations where a token was found, and to strategically explore other locations,

and performance continued to improve until age 16.

Extending the work of Luciana et al. (2005), Conklin et al. (2007) used a battery of verbal

and spatial WM tasks across the ages of 9 – 17. Across age, children tended to perform

better on the spatial versus verbal WM tasks, even though the tasks were thought to tap

similar cognitive processes (e.g., strategic self-organization). Still, the developmental

trajectories were similar for verbal and visuo-spatial WM tasks, and instead, differed based

on task complexity. In agreement with the conclusions of Luciana et al., Conklin et al.

suggest that the age of mastery depends more on the degree of processing (with more

complex tasks requiring a greater degree of processing) rather than the content to be

processed (e.g., verbal versus visual-spatial material).

One problem, though, with this use of different tasks to manipulate the executive demands

on WM is that it is difficult to ensure that non-EF processes are equivalent across tasks and

that they do not influence age differences in performance. Luciana and Nelson (1998)

addressed this important issue by employing only a self-ordered search task, which varied

over trials in the executive demands, based on the number of locations (2 to 8) the child may

search for tokens. By increasing the number of search locations, greater demands are placed

on the executive components of WM to search strategically and to avoid previously searched

locations by continually updating WM. Similar to the findings of Luciana et al. (2005), for

the least demanding condition, performance was equivalent among children ages 4 to 8,

adolescents, and young adults. However, as the number of search locations increased, age

differences emerged. For three locations, performance maturity was reached at age 6, for 4

locations, maturity was not reached until adolescence, and for 6 and 8 locations,

improvements continued until adulthood. Thus, the development of executive WM occurs

gradually with continued refinement through adolescence, especially for tasks that require

the maintenance and manipulation of multiple items.

Evidence from neuroscience— In accord with the behavioral results, fMRI evidence

points to a protracted developmental course leading to localized activity within the PFC

during WM functioning. Kwon, Reiss, and Menon (2002) reported a quantitative linear

increase in activity within a fronto-parietal network, including ventral and dorsal regions of

the PFC, from ages 7 to 22 while performing a visuo-spatial WM task ( n-back task). The

authors note that the increased activity within right-lateralized dorsal PFC likely subserves

the maturation of visuo-spatial attention and executive processes, whereas the increased

activity within a left-lateralized fronto-parietal network subserves the maturation of a

phonological rehearsal system. Increases in this neural activity were related more to age than

to task performance (accuracy and RT). Thus, with a dramatic and prolonged increase in

specialization of the WM neural circuitry through childhood and adolescence comes only

limited overt task improvement, especially during adolescence.

Scherf, Sweeney, and Luna (2006) reported both qualitative changes (location of activation)

and quantitative changes (amount of activation) in the neural response underlying

visuospatial working memory from childhood ( M

age = 11.2) through adulthood (

M

age =

29.5). During childhood, activation occurred in qualitatively different premotor regions and

also in the lateral cerebellum, which was absent in later development. Also during

childhood, there was quantitatively greater activity in ventromedial regions, including the Best and Miller Page 11

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NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript thalamus and basal ganglia. Adolescence (M

age = 15.7) brought a shift in activity to frontal

regions, including the right dorsolateral PFC. Finally, from adolescence to adulthood

activity became more localized and lateralized as left dorsolateral PFC activation increased

and right dorsolateral PFC activation decreased. Moreover, activity increased substantially

in the as anterior cingulated (described as qualitative change by the authors). The end result

of these changes (quantitative and qualitative, progressive and regressive) from childhood to

adulthood is a functionally-specialized visuospatial WM neural network (see Klingberg,

Forssberg, and Westerberg, 2002, for similar changes from age 9 to18 on a visuo-spatial

WM task).

Increased WM also correlates with structural neural indices, such as the maturation of white

matter (i.e., the myelination of neuronal axons), measured by DTI. Nagy, Westerberg, and

Klingberg (2004) reported that the development of visuo-spatial WM from age 8 to 18

correlated with myelination in regions primarily of the frontal lobe close to the parietal lobe

(superior and inferior left frontal lobe), whereas the development of reading ability

correlated with myelination in the left temporal lobe. Thus, during late childhood and

adolescence, the maturation of specific cognitive functions is linked to the maturation of

specific neural circuits, rather than to global brain maturation.

Developmental issues— One developmental issue concerns the developmental

relationship between WM and inhibition. It seems that many inhibitory tasks, particularly

complex ones, also place demands on WM (Bell et al., 2007; Garon et al., 2008; Simpson &

Riggs, 2005), and the combination of the two within a single task poses significant difficulty

for young children (e.g., Carlson, 2005). For example, in the Day/Night task the child must

maintain the rule in WM. However, research also suggests their independence. If the

inhibitory component is eliminated on this task, the difference between 3.5- and 5-year-olds

nearly disappears (Simpson & Riggs, 2005), which suggests that it is inhibition, not WM,

that causes the age difference. (It is also possible that eliminating the WM component also

would reduce the age differences, which would suggest that the interaction of the two

components is important). Similar outcomes were found with a Stroop-like task, a CPT task,

and a start/stop task (Beveridge, Jarrold, & Pettit, 2002), as well as the DCCS (Zelazo et al.,

2003). Thus, relevant to the Miyake et al. (2000) model, it appears that WM and inhibition

are largely separate constructs (for a counterargument, see Bell et al., 2007, and Davidson et

al., 2006). That said, many tasks described as either WM or inhibition tasks likely place

demands on both types of processes (e.g., the Day/Night task), and therefore, it is difficult to

obtain a pure measure of one or the other.

Summary— Performance on complex WM tasks (i.e., those tasks requiring a greater degree

of processing such as the maintenance and manipulation of information) improves at least

through adolescence. Like the development of the neural circuitry subserving response

inhibition, the development of the WM circuitry involves progressive and regressive

changes, resulting in a localized pattern of activity within a fronto-parietal network,

including the DL-PFC. Unlike the trajectory of inhibition development that shows large

improvements during the preschool years followed by more modest, linear improvements

through adolescence, most of the evidence suggests that the trajectory of WM development

is linear from preschool through adolescence.

Shifting The third core EF is the ability to shift between mental states, rule sets, or tasks (Miyake et

al., 2000). There appears to be substantial need for inhibition and WM processes for

shifting. Reminiscent of the cognitive processes associated with inhibition tasks (e.g.,

DCCS), Miyake et al. suggest that shifting may “involve the ability to perform a new Best and Miller Page 12

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NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript operation in the face of proactive interference or negative priming” (p. 56). It would seem,

then, that the ability to inhibit previously activated mental sets would be important for

successful shifting and that perseverative errors (i.e., continued responding based on the

previous mental set) would indicate shifting failures (Anderson, 2002). The typical

distinction between tasks deemed “inhibition tasks” and those deemed “shifting tasks” is

that the latter typically rely on switching between two or more mental sets—with each set

possibly containing several task rules—rather than the inhibition of a single response

(Crone, Somsen, Zanolie, & Van der Molen, 2006). Moreover, in tasks of inhibition, the

rules are usually explicitly expressed rather than implied through either negative or positive

feedback. Thus, the DCCS with its explicit indication of set change is often categorized as

an inhibition task (but see Garon et al., 2008, who classify the DCCS as a shifting task).

Shifting tasks also place demands on WM by requiring the maintenance and updating of that

mental set based on feedback.

Age differences— The ability to shift improves with age (Anderson, 2002; Cepeda,

Kramer, & Gonzales de Sather, 2001; Crone, 2007; Crone et al., 2006; Garon et al., 2008;

Somsen, 2007). Preschoolers, ages 3 to 4, can successfully shift between two simple

response sets in which the rules are placed in a story context (Hughes, 1998) or when

demands on inhibition are reduced (Rennie, Bull, & Diamond, 2004). For example, in a

simplified version of the WCST (Hughes, 1998), preschoolers can determine what a teddy-

bear’s favorite shape is, based on feedback, and then after a set shift they can decide what a

second teddy-bear’s favorite color is, based on differing feedback.

As previously mentioned, Senn et al. (2004) reported that whereas inhibition and WM were

interrelated and predicted complex task performance (i.e., TOH), shifting was unrelated to

inhibition, WM, or TOH performance in preschoolers. Accordingly, the authors suggest that

shifting may not be differentiated from WM and inhibition—and therefore, is less developed

—at this age. This is sensible given that inhibition and WM processes seem to be

prerequisite processes for successful shifting. As Garon et al. (2008) noted, before children

can successfully shift between response sets, they must be able to maintain a response set in

WM and then be able to inhibit the activation of a response set in order to activate an

alternative one.

More complex tasks show further development in older children and adolescents. Luciana

and Nelson (1998) utilized a set-shifting task that progressed through nine stages of

increasing difficulty and complexity (the intradimensional/extradimensional self-shifting

task from the CANTAB). This is a fruitful strategy as it shows exactly how complex a set

children can handle at each age, thus permitting comparisons across a wide age range. This

task required children to respond correctly, based on previous feedback, to either lines or

shapes presented on a computer. Children had to attend to feedback, infer the correct rule at

that moment, and respond accordingly. At set points, reinforcement switched such that the

correct response (e.g., shapes) switched to the opposite of what was previously correct (e.g.,

lines). The main improvement occurred from age 5 to 6, at stage 7, in which the rule did not

switch (i.e., between lines and shapes), but the examples of lines and shapes did change. For

successful completion of this stage, children needed to utilize feedback from previous stages

to shift their response to new examples of either lines or shapes. With increasing age up

through young adulthood, there was a steady increase in the proportion of subjects who

completed all nine stages of the task, indicating that shifting ability continues to improve

over many years.

Huizinga et al. (2006) investigated set-shifting on three computerized tasks in which a cue

signaled to which dimension the child should respond. Sporadically, the cue would switch,

indicating a set shift. “Shift cost” was the difference in response time between shift trials Best and Miller Page 13

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NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript and non-shift trials. The shift cost for the 7- and 11-year-olds was significantly greater than

for the 15-year-olds, who did not differ from the young adults ( M

age = 20.8). Thus, shifting

reached adult-like levels around age 15. Similarly, Davidson et al. (2006) found

improvement from age 4 through adolescence. Interestingly, they found different

developmental trajectories for the switch cost for accuracy versus reaction time. Whereas the

shift cost to accuracy diminished through early adolescence, the switch cost to reaction time

increased until adulthood. This speed-accuracy trade-off indicates that with increasing age,

participants were more likely to slow down their responses on shift trials to ensure that they

were responding accurately. Thus, improved metacognition—knowing that slowing helps

performance and being able to detect when it is advantageous to do so—may be one

mechanism of developing accurate set-shifting. This design, examining developmental

curves on two or more measures, is a model for how future research could tease apart

aspects of an EF component and tell a more nuanced developmental story.

Evidence from neuroscience— In further support of the role of metacognition,

especially monitoring and changing one’s own performance, Crone et al. (2006) measured

heart rate changes during a task shifting paradigm, in which the child “opened” doors on a

computer screen in order to help a computerized donkey find its way home. Heart rate

slowing following negative feedback (indicated by a negative sign after opening an incorrect

door) would indicate a realization of an error and the evaluation of the current set rules. For

ages 8 to 18, heart rate slowed to a similar degree following the unexpected feedback that

occurs immediately after a task shift. The difference between the age groups occurred only

in errors that continued after receiving feedback for a task shift. Following such an error, the

8- to 10-year-olds did not show heart rate slowing as much as the 12- to 14-year-olds or the

16- to 18-year-olds. Thus, although younger children could detect a task shift as well as

older ones, they did not detect performance errors after the shift as well. Somsen (2007)

reported that on a computerized WCST an increase in attention to feedback about errors

predicted performance in adolescents, but not younger children, which again supports the

role of metacognition, particularly being able to use feedback to change one’s behavior.

fMRI analyses implicate neural activity within multiple regions of the PFC and elsewhere as

shifting develops. Rubia and her colleagues (Rubia et al., 2006) reported increased

activation in inferior frontal, parietal, and anterior cingulate regions, but decreased DL-PFC

activation across adolescence during shifting. They proposed that the increased activity in

the anterior cingulate cortex (ACC) reflects the maturation of conflict monitoring processes,

whereas the increased DL-PFC activation in younger participants reflects compensatory

neural activity—quite similar to the explanation offered by Casey et al. (1997) regarding

Go/no-go performance.

Also focusing on conflict monitoring, Crone (2007) suggested that other regions may

underlie the growing ability to monitor and change one’s performance. During development,

adult levels of processing feedback about performance on a shift task are reached first for

the medial PFC (important for violations of processing expectations), and then for the left

dorsal PFC (important for hypothesis testing and seeing the need for adjustment of

behavior). The first development occurs between ages 8–10 and adolescence and the second

between adolescence and adulthood. Thus, because cognitive shifting requires the child to

switch between multiple response sets based on feedback, neural networks involving the

ACC and regions of the PFC that are responsible for monitoring and detecting conflict (e.g.,

performing a response and receiving negative feedback) seem to be critical to successful

shifting.

Developmental issues— A useful approach for pinpointing exactly what changes with

age on a shifting task is to break such a task down into component processes and examine Best and Miller Page 14

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NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript neural correlates of age changes in these processes. A recent interesting study (Morton,

Bosma, & Ansair, 2009) examined separately two processes in the DCCS task: 1) rule

switching (e.g., switching from color- or shape-based sorting) and 2) detection and

resolution of conflict when stimuli can legitimately be sorted in two ways (color or shape).

Rule switching showed fMRI activity in the lateral PFC and posterior parietal cortex in both

children and adults. Most interesting, however, was an interaction of rule switching and age

in these regions. Rule switching modulated activity in the left posterior parietal cortex and

right middle frontal gyrus in adults but not children. Thus, the networks involved in

switching presented a qualitative developmental change from childhood to adulthood.

Although the age-related results were less clear for conflict processing, they showed that

conflict processing and rule switching are separable processes that, when considered

separately, can give a more fine-grained analysis of age-related neural and behavioral

changes on the DCCS task.

Age-related improvements in shifting also occur through the development of processes other

than shifting per se. For example, the ability to generalize a rule set to a novel set of stimuli

facilitates shifting performance (Luciana & Nelson, 1998). The abilities to maintain the new

rule set and to detect performance errors after a successful shift also are important (Crone et

al., 2006). Finally, the development of metacognitive strategies, such as slowing down

responses to preserve a high level of accuracy, enhances accurate shifting (Crone et al.,

2006; Davidson et al., 2006).

Summary— The ability to successfully shift between task sets follows a protracted

development through adolescence. It appears that preschool-aged children can handle shifts

between simple task sets and later can handle unexpected shifts between increasingly

complex task sets. Both behavioral and physiological measures indicate that during

adolescence, monitoring of one’s errors is evident, and by middle adolescence, task

switching on these complex shift paradigms typically reaches adult-like levels. Because of

greater need for multiple cognitive processes, mature shifting likely involves a network of

activity in many PFC regions.

Conclusions about Development and Directions for Future Research

Developmental Trajectories It is clear that previous reviews of EF in children, mainly focused on preschoolers, leave out

much of the story of the development of EF and limit the search for sequences and

mechanisms of development. There is substantial further development in all components

after age 5, and even through adolescence (see Best et al., 2009). Including broader age

ranges provides information about developmental trajectories. Results are inconsistent, but

inhibition appears to show particularly striking improvement during the preschool years and

less change later on. WM shows more gradual linear improvement throughout development,

as does shifting. These different trajectories provide support for the Miyake et al. (2000)

position that the three components are somewhat diverse. However, the differing trajectories

extend the Miyake et al. model by suggesting that the degree of unity or diversity of EF

varies from age to age.

The evidence suggests both quantitative and qualitative EF development. Much of the

change appears to be quantitative and gradual, though the change may be more rapid in the

early years. In many relevant brain regions, activity decreases with age, perhaps reflecting

the growing efficiency of the neural response. Some change appears to be qualitative,

suggesting changes in brain organization as the site of brain activity shifts during

development (e.g., Scherf et al., 2006). In other regions, activity seems to increase—for

example, in the ventral PFC during response inhibition and in the DL-PFC during WM. As Best and Miller Page 15

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NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript Olson and Luciana (2008) note, the discrepant behavioral trajectories along with this

segregation of activity tentatively suggest that different regions of the PFC support different

EFs. Thus, regional differences in the course of neural development may be responsible for

different developmental trajectories of response inhibition, WM, and shifting. The

emergence of metacognition may also bring qualitative change when children learn to use

feedback about errors to change their approach to the task.

It is important to note that despite evidence for the functional differentiation of the PFC,

there also seems to be activation of common regions during the completion of distinct EF

tasks. This may in part be due to EF task impurity—notably the fact that it is difficult to

tease apart working memory and inhibitory processes (Roberts & Pennington, 1996) and that

shifting likely builds on working memory and inhibitory processes (Garon et al., 2008).

Additionally, it may indicate the common processes that underlie the various EF

components, that is, the “unity” aspect of the “unity and diversity” of EF (Miyake et al.,

2000). Exactly how EF is instantiated in the brain, including to what degree the PFC is

functionally differentiated, continues to be a debated issue (Olson & Luciana, 2008).

Several task-related factors also influence the observed developmental trajectory of a latent

EF component. One is the degree of task complexity, with better success expected on

simpler tasks. Task complexity can be manipulated in several ways, but notably by

increasing the degree of response prepotency in inhibition tasks (Diamond & Taylor, 1996)

or by increasing the degree of “working” with information in WM tasks (Luciana et al.,

2005). Thus, a simple response inhibition task should be easier than the Stroop task, and a

WM task that requires online storage should be easier than one that requires information

manipulation. A second is how performance is measured (e.g., partial versus full

commission error on the Go/no-go task; Cragg & Nation, 2008). A third is the response

modality (e.g., bodily versus verbal response; Diamond & Taylor, 1996). Thus, researchers

need to consider carefully how these task factors may shape the developmental trajectory of

constructs ostensibly measured by such tasks. Moreover, the influence of these task factors

suggests caution in drawing strong conclusions about the development of EF.

Mechanisms of Development Research needs to move beyond a focus on description—the ages at which the EF

components emerge, show rapid development, and reach maturity—and address

mechanisms of development. How do children move from early to later levels of

competence within an EF component, for example, inhibition? Does the early phase of

development of one component facilitate the development of other components? The

developmental relationships between components of EF could be examined by research

designs that include assessments of several components of EF together in the same study, at

different ages. The comparison of trajectories of several EF components can suggest

mechanisms of development. For example, the early rapid improvement in inhibition may

contribute to the later developments of shifting and planning.

Promising designs— Several designs used by studies reviewed here seem particularly

promising for examining mechanisms of development within or between components: 1)

Use meta-analyses (Romine & Reynolds, 2005) to examine effects of moderating variables

at different ages by including a larger age range. 2) Compare the developmental trajectories

for two or more aspects of performance (e.g., speed and accuracy, Davidson et al., 2006,

Baker, Segalowitz, & Ferlisi, 2001; number of moves, amount of planning time prior to

making the first move, and the proportion of perfect solutions on the TOL task, Huizinga et

al., 2006) for clues as to whether one aspect influences another. 3) Look for correlations

between a measure of neural activity and EF performance (e.g., Morton et al., 2009). Brain Best and Miller Page 16

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NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript maturation could permit, and thus serve as a developmental mechanism for, more advanced

EF behavior, or the latter behaviors could cause changes in neural networks.

Another promising, yet rarely used, approach is to focus on the transition phase from one

developmental level to the next. An example is the change from the simple rule necessary

for inhibition on simple conflict tasks to the more complex rules necessary for inhibition on

the DCCS task. The microgenetic method is particularly useful in this regard. In this

method, children have multiple trials on the same task or similar tasks, typically in several

sessions over several weeks, and trial-to-trial changes are examined. Using this method,

McNamara, DeLucca, and Berg (2007) tracked detailed change in the type of strategy used

with increased experience on the TOL task. Potentially a microgenetic design could show

that rapid change in one component is subsequently followed by rapid change in another

component, suggesting a possible causal relation.

Microgenetic studies could be particularly useful for examining what happens at the point of

shifting on shift tasks, given that several studies have observed changes that suggest

metacognitive processes at work on the trials after the shift (e.g., Crone, 2007; Crone et al.,

2006). In a task similar to shift tasks (De Marie-Dreblow & Miller, 1988) when young

children have to shift from one category (e.g., animals) to another category (household

items) on a selective memory task, their previously effective strategy of attending to only

relevant items transferred successfully to the new category but temporarily became

ineffective at facilitating recall of the relevant items in this newly relevant category. Such

fine-grained assessments of microgenetic changes in behavior would be particularly

powerful if combined with neuroimaging assessments that track changes in brain activity at

the point of behavior change.

Training studies also are useful for examining possible mechanisms of development. These

can look at short term change by a) training one EF component and then assessing any

immediate changes in other components, or b) providing particular experiences, such as

metacognitive instruction, and observing any facilitation of EF.

Training studies also can examine mechanisms over longer periods of time. The most

powerful assessments of developmental mechanisms would track changes in both cognitive

performance and brain organization, thus providing a multi-level assessment of influences.

Such studies are rare. One such line of investigation showed both improved EFs and change

in fMRI patterns of brain activity associated with EF after a 3-month after-school high-

intensity exercise program for ages 7–11 (Davis et al., 2007, in press). In comparison to a

control group, the exercise group had increased bilateral prefrontal cortex activity and

reduced bilateral posterior parietal cortex activity during an inhibition task. Another study

(Rueda, Rothbart, McCandliss, Saccomanno, & Posner, 2005) reported evidence that one

week of training on a computerized program centered on executive attention led to a more

mature EEG response to an inhibition task (modified flanker task) and to small, though often

insignificant, behavioral improvements on the inhibition task and on a generalized

intelligence test.

Finally, a powerful approach to identifying developmental mechanisms underlying changes

in EF would be to study whether the cognitive, biological, and social correlates of EF

change from one age to another (see Best et al., 2009 for a discussion of the social correlates

of EF). This is particularly important because different processes may contribute to the

development of EF at different ages.

Developmental sequences— Another good starting point to search for possible

mechanisms of development is to examine developmental sequences underlying the Best and Miller Page 17

Child Dev. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2011 November 1.

NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript emergence of each EF component (for a description of types of developmental sequences,

see Flavell, 1972). Observed developmental sequences can suggest how early cognitive

skills might be related to later ones. For example, does the development of a more advanced

inhibitory ability supplement earlier inhibitory ability (i.e., an “addition” sequence), for

example, by strengthening it, adding the ability to select an alternative response to the ability

to inhibit the prepotent response, or adding metacognitive skills? Or does a more advanced,

integrated inhibition skill replace earlier forms of inhibition, as suggested by the evidence of

brain reorganization (e.g., the loss of compensatory activation with development) correlated

with more advanced inhibition? In this qualitative change, the old brain organization

associated with simple inhibition may no longer exist. The microgenetic design mentioned

above could address supplementing versus replacing by showing whether Skill A continues

to be used even after Skill B emerges.

A similar analysis of sequences and possible mechanisms could also address how the

various EF components are related developmentally. That is, some EF components may

facilitate the development of other EF components. For example, since WM and inhibition

seem to develop ahead of switching (Davidson et al., 2006), perhaps a certain level of WM

and inhibition has to be developed before children can use them towards the development of

shifting behaviors (Garon et al., 2008). Two EF components may even be mutually

facilitative, as each bootstraps the development of the other in a back-and-forth fashion.

Garon et al. (2008) suggested that the emergence of the three components in the first three

years of life may be followed by an integrative period in which they become coordinated. In

short, a greater emphasis on detecting possible developmental sequences will allow for a

clearer and more detailed understanding of the developmental trajectories of EF components

as well as the developmental relations between those components. Finally, attention to

sequences can clarify some of the differences among theories of EF development in how

conflicting representations are resolved. For example, in Zelazo’s CCC theory, two rules are

integrated to produce a new overarching rule system. In contrast, in Munakata’s theory,

latent representations are maintained, even after active representations strengthen and

override latent ones.

Two papers have attempted to extract developmental sequences. Anderson (2002) inferred

the following sequence of EF components from an integrative review: attentional control

(e.g., inhibition), information processing (e.g., processing speed), cognitive flexibility (e.g.,

switching), and goal setting. Romine and Reynolds (2005) inferred sequences from the age

at which performance leveled off, based on a meta-analysis of ages 5–22 and average effect

sizes of age-related change in performance. They found the following sequence: inhibition

of perseveration, set maintenance, design fluency, planning, and verbal fluency.

One design for detecting sequences, rarely used in this research area, is to give children

slightly different versions of the same task (to try to equate task demands, such as verbal

demands and content area), with each task assessing a different component of EF (see

Wellman & Liu, 2004, for the successful use of this design for assessing the acquisition

sequence for theory-of-mind tasks). If task demands, other than the EF component of

interest, are in fact equated, the mean performance on each version or the percent of children

who pass each version suggests the order in which the components of EF are acquired. Also,

a scalogram analysis could examine how many children pass all of the hypothesized easier

versions of the task before a hypothesized more difficult task. That is, if the hypothesized

ordering of component tasks from easiest to hardest is A, B, C, D, then the outcome of

interest is how many children passed A, B, and C, but not D; A and B but not C and D; and

A but not B, C, and D. Best and Miller Page 18

Child Dev. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2011 November 1.

NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript Carlson (2005) applied this method in a large sample aged 2 – 5 to determine the probability

of passing common EF tasks at each age. Although the ordering of specific tasks varied

from age to age, inhibition tasks routinely were passed earlier than WM tasks and the very

hardest tasks consistently involved both inhibition and WM demands (e.g., reverse

categorization at age 2; DCCS at age 3; backward digit span at ages 3 and 4; Advanced

DCCS at age 5 to 6).

Finally, longitudinal studies obviously are ideal to detect sequences, but few exist. Several

longitudinal studies have examined the TOH or TOL task, with a focus on developmental

sequences in strategy use (McNamara et al., 2007), and family, cognitive, school

achievement, and social adjustment correlates (Friedman et al., 2007; Jacobson & Pianta,

2007). On inhibitory tasks, one striking sequence identified is that performance on a delay of

gratification task at age 4 predicts, and thus may be a developmental precursor for,

performance on inhibitory tasks such as the go/no-go task at age 18 (Eigsti et al., 2006). In a

longitudinal study from ages 2 to 4 (Hughes & Ensor, 2007), EF (an aggregate of inhibition,

WM, and shifting tasks) improved with age and showed stable individual differences,

indicating the predictive ability of early EF for later EF.

This review suggests several influences on children’s level of performance on EF

assessments that should be considered when examining sequences. One complication in

identifying sequences is that estimates of performance, and thus developmental trajectories,

may vary, depending on what aspect of performance is scored and how it is scored (e.g.,

Baker et al., 2001; Huizinga et al., 2006). Moreover, the apparent developmental order of

two aspects (A then B) of EF actually could be due to the greater performance demands of

B. Reducing the demands of B would reverse the sequence. For this reason the design

suggested above, with different versions of the same task, ideally would use similar levels of

task difficulty. These measurement issues obviously become even more challenging when

assessing the sequence of a task requiring one EF component and a task requiring two

components.

Mechanisms identified— The studies reviewed here suggest several likely developmental

mechanisms (biological and environmental) of EF development for the focus of future

research. Consistent with most developmental EF theories, the assessment of brain activity

is important because it provides clues about how developing EFs become organized, as seen

in changes in neural networks and increased localization. Such research is well underway,

though this research focuses on inhibition and WM, and rarely shifting. One influential

developmental model (Posner & Rothbart, 2007) proposes that the development of the

anterior attention system—the executive attention network—during preschool is important

for regulating other brain networks.

Large neural and behavioral changes in the components during the preschool years are

followed by more gradual, fine-grained improvements later. However, establishing specific

links between brain changes and changes in behavior has proven to be more difficult. Also,

distinguishing individual performance differences in brain activity from maturational

differences continues to challenge neuroimaging researchers (Thomas & Tseng, 2008). One

promising approach is to include several brain and behavioral measures and examine which

ones change from one age to another and which do not. For example, LaVallee, Muenke,

Robertson, and Watamure (2007) compared EEG responses, reaction time, number of gaze

shifts, and accuracy on a modified Stroop task (e.g., see a boy, hear the word “girl”) in 3-

versus 4-year-olds. Another promising approach is one (Morton et al., 2009) in which age

differences in neural correlates of component processes (shifting versus processing of

conflict) were examined separately. Best and Miller Page 19

Child Dev. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2011 November 1.

NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript Two points should be made about brain-based changes as possible mechanisms. First, any

change in brain function could be either a cause (i.e., neural maturation provides a

mechanism of development) or an effect (i.e., EF behaviors lead to brain changes) or both.

Second, cognitive neuroscience work would contribute more to the existing behavioral

literature if it were tied to theoretical developmental issues such as quantitative versus

qualitative change, degree of generalization of new EF skills, and domain-specific versus

domain-general EF skills.

As for experiential-based mechanisms of EF development, several studies reviewed (e.g.,

Crone, 2007; Crone et al., 2006; Davidson et al., 2006; Hogan et al., 2005; Somsen, 2007)

suggest that metacognition may play an important role during the school-age years and

adolescence. Examples are an awareness of inhibition failures and the subsequent

adjustments in response to avoid future errors, as well as slowing one’s response in order to

ensure high accuracy on a switching task. Current developmental EF theories, because they

are based mainly on development in the first five years of life, are limited in this respect.

Post-preschool detection of success or failure of one’s current rule (Zelazo), latent

representation (Munakata), mental set or prepotent behavior (Diamond), or focus of

attention (Posner and Rothbart) may be important metacognitive developments that would

extend these theories based on preschoolers to older children. The relevant aspects of

metacognition may vary from one component to another. For example, it seems likely that

knowing to slow down is particularly important in theories that emphasize inhibition,

whereas detecting errors and considering alternative responses may be particularly important

in theories emphasizing shifting.

Several other suspected contributors to EF include practice (e.g., McNamara et al., 2007),

intense motor activity (Bell et al., 2007; Campbell, Eaton, & McKeen, 2002; Davis et al.,

2007), language (Bell et al., 2007, for preschoolers only; Kray, Eber, & Lindenberger, 2004;

Wolfe & Bell, 2004), bilingualism (Carlson & Meltzoff, 2008), maternal education and

parenting (Friedman et al., 2007), and theory of mind (Hughes & Ensor, 2007; Perner &

Lang, 2000)—understanding that mental states exist and affect behavior. Moreover, cultural

differences, such as the earlier acquisition of EF in Chinese than U. S. children (e.g.,

Sabbagh et al., 2006), suggest that cultural values, perhaps as expressed in practices at

school, may affect the development of EF.

Conclusions Unlike previous reviews focused on preschoolers’ EF, this review focused on EF across a

much larger age span. This perspective permitted an examination of EF in light of central

developmental issues such as the form of developmental trajectories, sequences of

acquisition within EF development, qualitative and quantitative change, and developmental

mechanisms at both behavioral and neural levels. Based on this framework of developmental

issues, the key components of needed future research include: a) use of a wide age range and

comparable tasks to reveal the form of developmental trajectories of each EF component, b)

examination of several EF components so that relations among components can be

examined, and c) assessment of possible mechanisms of development. Such designs would

move EF research from its current state—strong theoretical and empirical work on

preschoolers, scattered non-integrated work on older children, and emphasis on description

of age differences—to a truly developmental account. This account would provide a

developmental theoretical focus to cognitive neuroscience studies of children’s EF. In turn, a

more theoretically-based developmental cognitive neuroscience would provide greater

constraints on developmental issues and theories of EF than we have now. Best and Miller Page 20

Child Dev. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2011 November 1.

NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript AcknowledgmentsSupport for this work was provided in part by a grant from the National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive And

Kidney Diseases (#RO1 DK70922-01). We thank Lara Jones, Katherine Davis, Philip Tomporowski, and Jack

Naglieri for reading and offering comments on an earlier draft.

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