Please read/view and compare these various accounts and depictions of the Boston Massacre. In your analysis of these documents, address the following three (3) questions:1. Which written account (Patr

A series of primary documents pertaining to the

Boston Massacre (March 5, 1770)

1. A Short Narrative of the Horrid Massacre in Boston…

In the days following the event, this pamphlet was written to provide the British Crown with the perspective

of Bostonian Patriots on the March 5, 1770 “Horrid Massacre.”

2. A Fair Account of the Late Unhappy Disturbance at Boston in New

England…

This document provides a Loyalist perspective on the events in Boston surrounding March 5, 1770.

3. Henry Pelham’s “The Frui ts of Arbitrary Power, or the Bloody

Massacre … ”

This is considered to be the first artistic rendering of the Boston Massacre which unfortunately would not be

the first to be printed and distributed. This resulted in not only considerable lost revenue for Henry Pelham,

but a lost opportunity to be recognized as one of the most important early works of propaganda in the ensuing

American Revolution.

4. Paul Revere’s “The Bloody Massacre … ”

While certainly not the first effort to provide an illustration of the B oston Massacre (see Documents 3 and

5), Paul Revere’s depiction has gone down in history as one of the great pieces of propaganda art pertaining

to the American Revolution. It garnered him

5. Letter f rom Henry Pelham to Paul Revere

This letter written on March 29, 1770 pertains to the feud between former friends Henry Pelham and Paul

Revere regarding their competing depictions of the Boston Massacre.

1. A Short NARRATIVE OF The horrid Massacre in BOSTON, PERPETRATED In

the Evening of the Fifth Day of March, 1770, BY Soldiers of the XXIXth Regiment;

WHICH WITH The XIVth Regiment Were then Quartered there WITH SOME

OBSERVATIONS ON THE STATE OF THINGS PRIOR TO THAT

CATASTROPHE

Printed by Order of the Town of BOSTON,

And Sold by EDES and GILL, in Queen -Street,

and T. & J. FLEET, in Cornhill, 1770.

For a digitized scan of the original publication (including all the depositions of

witnesses referred to in the doc ument) please go to the following link through the

Massachusetts Historical Society:

Digitized Original Copy with Appendix of Depositions

Boston, ss. At a Meeting of the Free -holders and the other Inhabitants of the Town of Boston, duly qualified and

legally warned, in public Town -Meeting assembled at Faneuil -Hall, on Monday the 12th day of March , Anno Domini,

1770.

THAT Article in the Warrant, for calling this Meeting, viz . "What Steps may be further necessary, for obtaining a

particular Account of all Proceedings relative to the Massacre in King -Street on Monday Night last, that a full and just

Representation may be made therefore," was read,

Whereupon, VOTED, That the Honorable James Bowdoin , Esq; Doctor Joseph Warren , and Samuel Pemberton , Esq;

be a Committee for this important Business ; and they are desired to report as soon as may be.

Attest. William Cooper, Town -Clerk .

THE following Report, containing a Narrative of the late Massacre, is submitted to the Town .

In the Name of the Committee, James Bowdoin

AT the Town Meeting held on the 19th of March, 1770, by Adjournment .

The aforementioned Report was Read a nd Considered, whereupon Voted Unanimously , That the same be accepted,

and that it be immediately Printed, and the Committee are desired to transmit Copies thereof, as soon as possible to

the following Gentlemen, viz. The Right Honorable Isaac Barré , Esq; one of his Majesty's most Honorable Privy

Council ; Thomas Pownall , Esq; late Governor of the Massachusetts ; William Bollan , Esq; Agent for his Majesty's Council ; Dennys DeBerdt , Esq; Agent for the House of Representatives ; Benjamin Franklin , Esq; L.L.D . and Barlow

Trecothick , Esq; a Member of Parliament for the City of London.

Attest .

William Cooper, Town -Clerk .

A short Narrative of the horrid Massacre in Boston , perpetrated in the Even ing of the Fifth Day of March, 1770, by

Soldiers of the XXIXth Re gimen t ; which with the XIVth Regi ment we re then quartered there: with some Observations

on the State of Things prior to that Catastrophe.

IT may be a p roper introduction to this nar rative, briefly to represent the state of things for some tim e previous to the

said massacre: And this s eems necessary in order to the forming a just idea of the causes of it.

At the end of the late war, in which this Province bore so distinguished a part, a happy union subsisted

between Great -Britain and the Colonies. This was unfortunately interrupted by the Stamp -Ac t : but it was in some

measure restored by the Rep eal of it. It was again in terrupted by other acts of parliament for taxing America ; and by

the appointment of a Board of Commissioners, in pursuance of an act, w hich by the face of it was made for the relief

and encouragement of commerce, but which in it's operation, it wa s apprehended, would have, and it has in fact had,

a contrary effect. By the said act the said Comissioners were “ to be resident in some convenient part of his Majesty's

dominions in America". -- This must be understood to be in some part convenient for the whole -- But it does not

appear, that in fixing the place of their residence, the convenience of the whole was at all consulted , for Boston being

very far from the centre of the colonies, could not be the place most convenient for the whole. -- Judging by the act,

it may seem this town was intended to be favoured, by the Commissioners being appointed to reside here; and that the

consequence of that residence would be the relief and encouragement of commerce : but the reverse has been the

constant and uniform effect of it : So that the commerce of the town, from the embarrassments in which it has been

lately involved, is greatly red uced. For the particulars on this head, see the state of the trade not long since drawn up

and transmitted to England by a committee of the merchants of Boston. The residence of the Commisssioners here, has been detrimental, not only to the commerce, but to the

political interests of the town and province; and not only so, but we can trace from it the causes of the late horrid

massacre. Soon after their arrival here in November 1767, instead of confining themselves to the proper business of

their office, t hey became partizans of Governor Bernard in his political schemes ; and had the weakness and temerity

to infringe upon one of the most essential rights of the house of commons of this province -- that of giving their votes

with freedom, and not being accou ntable therefor but to their constituents. One of the members of that house Capt.

Timothy Folgier, having voted in some affair contrary to the mind of the said Commissioners, was for so doing

dismissed from the office he held under them.

These proceedings of theirs, the difficulty of access to them on office -business, and a superci lious behavior,

rendered them disgustful to people in gener al, who in consequence thereof treated them w ith neglect. This probably

stimulated them to resent it: and to make their resentment felt, they and t heir coadjutor, Gover nor Bernard, ma de such

representations to his Majesty's ministers a s they thought best calculated to bring the disp leasure of the nation upon

the town and province: and in order that those re presentations mi ght have the more we ight, they are said to have

contrived, and executed plans for exciting d isturbances and tumults, which otherwise would probably never have

existed; and when excit ed, to have transmitted to the ministry the most exaggerated accounts of t hem.

These particulars of their conduct his Majesty's Council of this pr ovince have fully laid open in their

proceeding in council, and in their address to General Ga ge, in July and October 1768; and in their lett er to Lord

Hillsborough of the 15th of Apr il, 1769 . -- Unfortunately for us, they have been too successful in their said

repre sentations, which , in conjunction with Governor Bernard's, have occasioned his Majesty's faithful subjects of this

town and province to be treated as enemies and rebels, by an invasion of the town by sea and land: to which the

approaches were made with all the circumspection, usual where a vigorous opposition is expected. While the town

was surrounded by a considerable number of his Majesty's ships of war, two regiments land ed and took possession of

it; and to support these, two other regiments arrived some time after from Ireland: one of which landed at Castle Island,

and the other in the town.

Thus were we, in aggravation of our other embarrassments, embarrassed with troops, forced upon us contrary

to our inclination -- contrary to the spirit of Magna Charta, -- contrary to the very letter of the Bill of Rights, in which

it is declared, that the raising or keeping a standing army within the kingdom in time of peace, unless it be with the consent of parliament, is against law -- and without the desire of the civil magistrates, to aid whom was the pretence

for sending the troops hither: who were qu artered in the town in direct violation of an act of parliament for quartering

troops in America: and all this in consequence of the representations of the said Commissioners and the said Governor,

as appears by their memorials and letters lately published .

As they were the procuring cause of troops being sent hither, they must therefore be the remote and a

blameable cause of all the disturbances and bloodshed that have taken place in consequence of that Measure.

But we shall leave them to their own refle ctions, after ob serving, that as they had some months before th e

arrival of the troops, under pretence of safety to their persons, retired from town to the Castl e, so after the arrival of

the troops, and their being quart ered in the town, they thought prop er to return: having answered, as they doubtless

thought, the purpose of their voluntary flight.

We shall nex t attend to the conduct of the troops, and to some circumstances relative to them. -- Governor

Bernard wi thout consulting the Council, havi ng give n up the State -house to the troops at their landing, they took

possession of the chambers, wh ere the representatives of the province and the courts of law held their meetings; and

(except the council -chamber) of all other parts of that house: in which they continued a considerable time, to the great

annoyance of those courts while they sat, and of the merchants and gentlemen of the town, who had always made the

low er floor of it their exchange. They had a right so to do, as the property of it was in the tow n: but they were deprived

of that right by meer power. The said Governor soon after, by every stratagem and by every method, but a forcibly

entry, endeavored to get possession of the manufactory -house, to make a barrack of it for the troops: and for that

purpose caused it to be besieged by the troops, and the people in it to be used very cruelly; which extraordinary

proceedings created universal uneasiness, arising from the apprehension; that the troops under the influence of such a

man would be employed to effect the most dangerous purposes; but failing of that, other houses were procured, in

which, contrary to act of parliament, he caused the troops to be quartered. After their quarters were settled, the main

guard was posted at one of the said houses, dir ectly opposite to, and not twelve yards from, the State -house, (where

the General Court, and all the Law courts for the county were held), with two field pieces pointed to the State -house.

This situation of the main guard and field pieces seemed to indicat e an attack upon the constitution, and a defiance of

law; and to be intended to affront the legislative and executive authority of the province. The General Court, at the first Session after the arrival of the troops, viewed it in this light, and applied t o

Governor Bernard to cause such a nuisance to be removed; but to no purpose. Disgusted at such an indignity, and at

the appearance of being under duresse, they refused to do business in such circumstances; and in consequence thereof

were adjourned to Camb ridge, to the great inconvenience of the members.

Besides this, the challenging the inhabitants by centinels posted in all parts of the town before the lodgings

of officers, which (for about six months, while it lasted), occasioned many quarrels and uneasi ness. -- Capt. Wilson’s ,

of the 59th, exciting the ne groes of the t own to take away their masters lives and proper ty, and repair to the army for

protection, which was fully proved against him. -- The attack of a party of soldiers on some of the magistrates of the

town – the repeated res cues of soldiers fr om peace officers – the firing of a loaded musket in a public street, to the

endangering a g reat number of peaceable inhab itants -- the f requent wounding of persons by their bayonets and

cutlasses, and the n umerous instances of bad behavior in the soldiery, made us early sens ible, that the troops were not

sent here for any benefit to the town or pro vince, and that we had no good to expect from such conservators of the

peace. 1

It was not expected however, tha t such an outrage and mas sacre, as happened here on the evening of the fifth

instant, would have been perpetrated. Th ere were then killed and wound ed, by a dischar ge of musquetry, eleven of his

Majesty's subjects, viz.

Mr. Samuel Gray, killed on the spot by a ball entering his head.

Crispus Attucks, a mulatto, killed on the spot, two balls entering his breast.

Mr. James Ca ldwell, killed on the spot, by two balls entering his back.

Mr. Samuel Maverick, a youth of seventeen years of age, mortally wounded: he died the next morning.

Mr. Patrick Carr mortally wounded: he died the 14th instant.

1 The inhabitants, instead of maki ng application to the military officers on these occasions, chose rather to oppose

the civii [civil] au thority and the laws of the la nd to such offenders; and had not the soldiery found means to evade

legal punishments, it is more than probable their insolenc e would have received a check, and some of the most

melancholy effects of it been prevented. Christopher Monk and John Clark, youths about seventeen years of age, dangerously wounded. It is

apprehended they will die.

Mr. Edward Payne, merchant, standing at h is door: wounded.

Messi’rs. John Green, Robert Patterson, and David Parker: all dangerously wounded.

The actors in this dreadful tragedy were a party of soldiers commanded by Capt. Preston of the 29th regiment:

This party, including the Captain, consiste d of eight, who are all committed to goal.

There are depositions in this affair which mention, that several guns were fired at the same time from the

Custom -House; before which this shocking scene was exhibited. Into this matter inquisition is now making. -- In the

mean time it may be proper to insert here the substance of some of those depositions.

Benjamin Frizell, on the evening of the 5th of March, having taken his station near the west corner of the

Custom -house in Kingstreet , before and at the time of the soldiers firing their guns, declares (among other things) that

the first discharge was only of one gun, the next of two guns, upon which he the deponent thinks he saw a man stumble:

the third discharge was of three guns, upo n which he thinks he saw two men fall, and immediately after were

discharged five guns, two of which were by soldiers on his right hand, the other three, as appeared to the deponent,

were discharged from the balcony, or the chamber window of the CUSTOM -HOU SE, the flashes appearing on the

left hand, and higher than the right hand flashes appeared to be, and of which the deponent was very sensible , altho'

his eyes were much turned to the soldiers, who were all on his right hand.

Gillam Bass, being in King -street at the same time, declares that they (the party of soldiers from the main

guard) posted themselves between the custom -house door and the west corner of it; and in a few minutes began to fire

upon the people: Two or three of the flashes so high above t he rest, that he the deponent verily believes they must have

come from the CUSTOM -HOUSE windows .

Jeremiah Allen declares, that in the evening of the 5th day of March current, being at about nine o'clock in

the front chamber in the house occupied by Col. Ingersoll in King -street, he heard some guns fired, which occasioned

his going into the balcony of the said house. -- That when he was in the said balcony in company with Mr. William

Molineux jun’r. and John Simpson, he heard the discharge of four or five guns, the flashes of which appeared to be to

the westward of the centry box, and immediately after, he the deponent heard two or three more guns and saw the flashes thereof from out of the house, now cal led the CUSTOM -HOUSE, as they evidently ap peared to him , and which

he the said deponent at the same time declared to the aforesaid Moli neux and Simpson, being then near him, saying

to them , (at the same time pointing his hand to wards the custom -house), there they are out of the custom -house .

George Coster, be ing in King -street at the time above mentioned, d eclares that in five or six mi nutes after he

sto pp ed, he heard the word of command given to the soldiers fire ; upon which one gun was fir ed, which did no

execution, as the deponent obser ved, about half a minute after two guns, one o f which killed one Samuel Gray a

ropemaker, the other a molatto man, between which two men the deponent stood, after this the deponent heard the

discharge of four or five guns more, by th e soldiers ; immediately after which the depon ent heard the discharge of

two guns or pistols, fro m an open window of the middle story of t he CUSTOM -HOUSE, near to the place where the

sentry box is placed, and being but a small distance from the window, he heard the people from wi thin speak and

laugh, and soon after saw the casement lowered down; after which the deponent assisted others in ca rrying o ff one of

the corps [e] .

Cato, a Neg ro man, servant to Tuthill Hub bart, Esq; delcar es, that on Monday evening the fifth of March

current, on hearing the cry of fire, he ran into Kingstreet, where he saw a number of people assembled before the

Custo m-House, that he stood near the sentry -box and saw the soldiers fire on the people, who stood in the middle of

said street ; directly after which he saw two flashes of guns, one quick upon the other, from the chamber window of

the CUSTOM -HOUSE; and that after the firing was all over, while the people were carrying away the dead and

wounded, he saw the Custom -House door opened, and several soldiers (one of whom had a cutlass) go into the

Custom -House and shut the door after them.

Benjamin Andrews declares, that being desired by the committee of enquiry to take the ranges of the holes

made by musquet balls, in two houses nearly opposite to the Custom -House, he finds the bullet hole in the entry door

post of Mr. Payne's house (and whi ch graz’d the edge of the door, before it enter’d the post, where it lodged, two and

a half inches deep) ranges just under the stool of the westernmost lower chamber window of the CUSTOM -HOUSE.

Samuel Drowne, towards the end of his deposition (which conta ins a pretty full account of the proceedings

of the soldiers on the evening of the 5th instant) declares, that he saw the flashes of two guns fired from the CUSTOM -

HOUSE, one of which was out of a window of the chamber westward of the balcony, and the othe r from the balcony; the gun (which lie clearly discerned) being pointed through the ballisters, and the person who held the g un, in a

stooping posture with drew himself in to the house, having a handker chief or some kind of cloth over his face.

These deposi tions shew clearly that a number of guns were fired fro m the Custom -House. -- As this affair is

now enquiring into, all the no tice we shall take o f it is, that it distinguishes the actors in it into Street -Actors and

House -Actors; which is necessary to be observed.

What gave occasion to the melancholy e vent of that even ing seems to have been this. A difference h aving

happened near Mr. Gray's ropewalk, betw een a soldier and a man belong ing to it, the sol dier challenged the ropemakers

to a boxing mat ch. The challenge was accepted by one of them, and the soldier worsted. He ran to the ba rrack in the

neighborhood, and returned with several of his companions. The fray was renewed , and the soldiers were driven off.

They soon r eturned with recruits and wer e again worsted. This happened several times, till at length a con siderable

body of soldiers was collected, and they also were driven off, the ropemakers having been joined by their brethren of

the contiguous ropewalks. By this time Mr. Gray being alarmed interposed, and with the assistance of some gentlemen

prevented any further disturbance. To satisfy the soldiers and punish the man who had been the occasion of the first

difference, and as an example to the rest, he turned him out of his service; and wait ed on Col. Dalrymple, the

commanding officer of the troops, and with him concerted measures for preventing further mischief. Though t his

affair ended thus, it m ade a strong impression on the minds of the so ldiers in general, who thought the honor of the

regiment concerned to revenge those repeated r epulses. For this purpose they seem to have formed a combination to

commit some outrage up on the inhabitants of the town indiscriminatel y; and this was to be done on the evening of the

5th instant or soon after: as appears by the de positions of the following per sons, viz.

William Newh all declares, that on Thursday night the first of Ma rch instant, he met four soldi ers of the 29th

regiment, and that he heard them say, there were a g reat many that would eat their dinners on Monday next, that

should not eat any on Tuesday.

Daniel Calfe d eclares, that on Saturday even ing the 3d of March a camp -woman, wife to James McDeed a

grenadier of the 29th, came in to his father's shop , and the people talking about the affrays a t the rope -walks, and

blaming the soldiers for the part they had acted in it, the woman said, the soldiers were in the right; add ing, that before

Tuesday or Wednesday night they would wet thei r swords or bayonets in New En gland people's blood. Mary Brails ford declares, that on Sabbath evening the 4th of M arch instant a Soldier came to the house of

Mr. Amos Thayer where she then was. He des iring to speak with Mr. Thayer was told by Mrs. Mary Thayer, that her

brother was engaged, and could not be spoke with. He said, your brother as you call him, is a man I have a great regard

for, and I came on purpose to tell him to keep in his house, for before Tuesday night next at Twelve o'clock, there will

be a great deal of bloodshed, and a great many lives lost : and a dded, that he came out of a particular regard to her

brother to advise him to keep in his house, for then he would be out of harm's way. He said, your brother knows me

very well: my name is Charles Malone. He then went away. -- Of the same import, and in c onfirmation of this

declaration, are the depositions of Mary Thayer and Asa Copeland, who both live with the said Mr. Thayer, and heard

what the soldier said as abovementioned. It is also confirmed by the deposition of Nicholas Ferriter.

Jane Usher declar es, that about 9 o'clock on Monday morning the 5th of March current, from a window she

saw two persons in the habit of soldiers, one of whom being on horse back appeared to be an officer's servant. The

person on the horse first spoke to the other, but what he said, she is not able to say, though the window was open, and

she not more than twenty feet distant: the other replied, He hoped he should see blood enough spilt before morning .

Matthew Adams declares, that on monday evening the 5th of March instant b etween the hours of 7 and 8

o'clock, he went to the house of corporal Pershall of the 29th regiment, near Quaker -lane, where he saw the corporal

and his wife, with one of the fifers of said regiment. When he had got what he went for, and was coming away, t he

corporal called him back, and desired him with great earnestness to go home to his master's house as soon as business

was over, and not to be abroad on any account that night in particular, for the soldiers were determined to be revenged

on the ropewalk people ; and that much mischief would be done . Upon which the fifer (about 18 or 19 years of age)

said, he hoped in God they would burn the town down . On this he left the house, and the said corporal called after him

again, and begged he would mind what he said to him.

Caleb Swan declares, that on monday night the 5th of March instant, at the time of the bells ringing for fire,

he heard a woman's voic e whom he knew to be the supposed wife of one Montgomery, a grenadier of the 29th

regiment, standing at her door, and heard her say, it was not fire; the town was too haughty and too proud; and that

many of their arses would be laid low before the morning . Margaret Swansborough declares, that a free woman named Black Peg, who has kept much with the soldiers,

on hearing the disturbance on monday evening the 5th instant said, the soldiers were not to be trod upon by the

inhabitants, but would know before mor ning, whether they or the inhabitants were to be masters .

Joseph Hooton, junr. declares, that coming from the Sout h-end of Boston on Monday even ing the 5th of

March instant, against Dr. Sewall's meeting he heard a great noise and tumult, with the cry of m urder often repeated.

Proceeding towards the town -house he was passed by several soldiers running that way, with naked cutlasses and

bayonets in their hands. He asked one of them what was the matter, and was answered by him, by God you shall all

know what is the matter soon. Between 9 and 10 o'clock he went into King -street, and was present at the tragical scene

exhibited near the Custom -house; as particularly set forth in his deposition.

Mrs. Mary Russell declares, that John Brailsford a private soldier o f the fourteenth regiment, who had

frequently been employed by her (when he was ordered with his company to the Castle, in consequence of the murders

committed by the soldiers on the evening of the 5th of March) coming to the deponent's house declared, tha t THEIR

regiment were ORDERED to hold themselves in readiness, and accordingly was ready THAT EVENING, upon the

inhabitants firing on the soldiery, to come to the assistance of the soldiery . On which she asked him, if he would have

fired upon any of the in habitants of this town. To which he replied, yes, if he had orders: but that if he saw Mr. Russell,

he would have fired wide of him. He also said, it's well there was no gun fired by the Inhabitants, for had there been,

WE should have come to the soldiers assistance .

By the foregoing depositions it appears very clearly, there was a general combination among the soldiers of

the 29th regiment at least, to commit some extraordinary act of violence upon the town ; that if the inhabitants

attempted to repel it by firing even one gun upon those soldiers, the 14th regiment were ordered to be in readiness to

assist them ; and that on the late butchery in King -street they actually were ready for that purpose, had a single gun

been fired on the perpetrators of it.

It appears by a variety of depositions, that on the same evening between the hours of six and half after nine

(at which time the firing began) many persons, without the least provocation, were in various parts of the town, insulted

and abused by parties of armed soldiers patrolling the streets: particularly -- Mr. Robert Pierpont declares, that between the hours of 7 & 8 in the same evening, 3 armed soldiers passing

him, one of them who had a bayonet gave him a back -handed stroke with it, on complaint of th is treatment he said the

deponent should soon hear more of it, and threatened him very hard.

Mr. Henry Bass declares, that at 9 o'clock a party of soldiers came out of Draper's alley leading to and from

Murray's barracks, and they being armed with large n aked cutlasses, made at every body coming in their way, cutting

and slashing, and that he himself very narrowly escaped receiving a cut from the foremost of them, who pursued him.

Samuel Atwood, declares, that 10 or 12 soldiers armed with drawn cutlasses, bolted out of the alley leadi ng

from Murray's barracks into dock -square, a nd met the deponent, who asked them if they in tended to murder people?

they answere d, yes, by God, root and branch; saying here is one o f them; with that one of them struck the depo nent

with a club, which was re peated by anot her : the deponent being unarm ed turned to go o ff; and he received a wound

on the left shoulder, which reached the bone, dis abled him, and gave him much pain. Having gone a few steps the

deponent met two officers , and asked them , gentlemen, what is the matter? they answered, you will see by and by ; and

as he passed by Col. Jackson's he heard the cry , turn out the guards.

Capt. James Kirkwood, declares, that about nine of the clock i n the evening of the fifth day of March cur rent,

he was going by Murray's barracks : hearing a noise he stopt at Mr. Rhoads's Door, opposite the said barracks, where

said Rhoads was sta nding, and stood some time and saw the soldie rs coming out of the yard from the barracks, arme d

with cu tlasses and bayonets, and rushing thro’ Bo ylstone's alley into cornhill, two officers, vi z. Lieuts. Minchin and

Dickson came out of t he mess house, and said to the soldiers, my lads co me into the barracks and don't hurt the

inhabita nts, and then retir’d in to the mess house. So on after they came to the door again, and found the soldiers in the

yard; and directly upon it, Ensign Mall came to the gate of the barrack yard and said to the soldiers, turn out, and I

will stand by you; this he repeated frequently, adding, Kill them! stick them; knock them down; run your bayonets

thro’ them , with a great deal of language of like import. Upon which a great number of soldiers came out of the

barracks with naked cutlasses, headed by said Ma ll, and went thro' the aforesaid alley; that some officers came & got

the soldiers into their barracks, and that Mall, with his sword or cutlass drawn in his hand, as often had them out

again , but were at last drove into their barracks by the afore -said Mi nchin and Dickson.

Mr. Henry Rhoads's declaration agrees with Capt. Kirkwood's. Mr. Matthias King of Halifax in Nova Scotia, declares, that in the evening of the fifth day of March instant

about nine of the clock, he was at his lodgings at Mrs. Torrey's near the town pump, and heard the bells ring and the

cry of fire; upon which he went to the door and saw several soldiers come round the south side of the town house,

armed with bayonets, and something which he took to be broad swords; that one of those pe ople came up almost to

him and Mr. Bartholomew Kneeland; and that they had but just time to shut the door upon him; otherwise he is well

assured they must have fell victims to their boundless cruelty. He afterwards went into the upper chamber of the said

house, and was looking out of the window when the drum and the guard went to the barrack , and he saw one of the

guards kneel and present his piece, with a bayonet fixed, and heard him swear he would fire upon a parcel of boys

who were then in the street, bu t he did not : He further declares, that when the body of troops was drawn up before the

guard house (which was presently after the massacre), he heard an officer say to another, that this was fine work, and

just what hewanted ; but in the hurry he could n ot see him, so as to know him again.

Robert Polley declares, that on monday evening the 5th instant, as he was going home, he observed about ten

persons standing near Mr. Taylor's door; after standing there a small space of time he went with them towards

Boylston's alley opposite to Murray's barracks ; we met in the alley about eight or nine arm’d soldiers, they assaulted

us, and gave us a great deal of abusive language, we then drove them back to the barracks with sticks only; we looked

for stones or bric ks, but could find none, the ground being covered with snow; some of the lads dispersed, and he the

said Polley with a few others were returning peaceably home, when we met about nine or ten other soldiers armed:

one of them said," Where are the sons of bi tches": They struck at several persons in the street, and went towards the

head of the alley. Two officers came and endeavored to get them into their barracks; one of the lads proposed to ring

the bell; the soldiers went thro’ the alley, and the boys huzza ’d, and said they were gone thro’ royal exchange lane

into Kingstreet.

Samuel Drowne declares, that about nine of the clock of the evening of the fifth of March current, standing

at his own door in Cornhill, he saw about 14 or 15 soldiers of the 29th regi ment, who came from Murray's barracks

arm’d with naked cutlasses, swords, &c. and came upon the inhabitants of the town, then standing or walking in

Cornhill, and abused some, and violently assaulted others as they met them; most of whom were without so mu ch as

a stick in their hand to defend themselves, as he very clearly could discern, it being moon light, and himself being one

of the assaulted persons. All or most of the said soldiers he saw go into Kingstreet, (some of them through Royal Exchange lane) and there followed them, and soon discovered them to be quarrelling and fighting with the people

whom they saw there, which he thinks were not more than a dozen, when the soldiers came there first, armed as

aforesaid. Of those dozen people, the most of the m were gentlemen, standing together a little below the Town -House,

upon the exchange. At the appearance of those soldiers so arm’d, the most of the twelve persons went off, some of

them being first assaulted.

The violent proceedings of this party, and the ir going into King -street, "quarrelling and fighting with the

people whom they saw there" (mentioned in Mr. Drowne's deposition), was immediately introductory to the grand

catastrophe.

These assailants, who issued from Murray's barracks (so called) after attacking and wounding divers persons

in Cornhill, as above mentioned, being armed, proceeded (most of them) up the Royal Exchange lane, into King -

street; where, making a short stop, and after assaulting and driving away the few they met there, they brandished their

arms and cried out, where are the Boogers! where are the Cowards. At this time there were very few persons in the

street beside themselves. -- This party in proceeding from Ex change lane into King -street must pass the sentry posted

at the westerly corner of the Custom House, which butts on that lane and fronts on that street: This is needful to be

mentioned, as near that spot and in that street the bloody tragedy was acted, and the street -actors in it were stationed:

Their station being but a few feet from the front side of the said Custom House. -- The outrageous behavior and the

threats of the said party occasioned the ringing of the meeting house bell near the head of Kingstr eet: which bell

ringing quick as for fire, it presently brought out a number of the inhabitants, who being soon sensible of the occasion

of it, were naturally led to King -street, where the said party had made a stop but a little while before: and where the ir

stopping had drawn together a number of boys, round the sentry at the Custom -House. Whether the boys mistook the

sentry for one of the said party, and thence took occasion to differ with him, or whether he first affronted them, wh ich

is affirmed in seve ral depositions, -- however that may be, there was m uch foul language between them: and some of

them in consequence of his pushing at them with his bayonet, threw snowballs at him: 2 which occasioned him to knock

2 Since writing this narrative, se veral depositions have appeared which make it clear, that the sentry was first in

fault. —He overheard a barber's boy, saying that a captain of the 14th (who had just passed by) was so mean a

fellow as not to pay his barber for sh aving him ; upon th is the sentry left his post and followed the boy into the

midd le of the street, where he told him to shew [show] his face ; the boy pertly reply'd, I am not asham'd to shew

[show] my f ace to any man : Upon this the sentry gave him a sweepi ng stroke on the head with his musket, which

made him reel and stagger and cry much. A fellow apprentice asked the s entry what he meant by this abuse? He

reply'd, damn your blood, if you do not get out of the way I will give you something ; and then fixed h is bayonet hastily at the door of the Custom -House. Fro m hence two persons thereupon proceeded immediately to the main guard,

which was posted (opposite to the State -house) at a small distance, near the head of the said street. The officer on

guard was Capt. Preston, who with seven or eight soldiers with fire arms, and charged bayonets, issued from the guard

house, and in great haste posted himself and his soldiers in the front of the Custom House, near the corner aforesaid.

In passing to this station the soldiers pushed several persons with their bayonets, dri ving through the people in so

rough a manner that it appeared they intended to create a disturbance. This occasioned some snow balls to be thrown

at them: which seems to have been the only provocation that was given. Mr. Knox (between whom and Capt. Presto n

there was some conversation on the spot) declares, that while he was talking with Capt. Preston, the soldiers of his

detachment had attacked the people with their bayonets; and that there was not the least provocation given to Capt.

Preston, or his party : the backs of the people being towards them when the people were attacked. He also declares,

that Captain Preston seemed to be in great haste and much agitated; and that according to his opinion there were not

then present in Kingstreet above seventy or e ighty persons at the extent.

The said party was formed into a half circle, and, within a short time after they had been posted at the Custom -

House, began to fire upon the people.

Captain Preston is said to have ordered them to fire, and to have repeated that order. One gun was fired first:

then others in succession, and with deliberation, till ten or a dozen guns were fired; or till that number of discharges

were made from the guns that were fired. By which means eleven persons were killed, and wounded, as above

represented.

These facts with divers [diverse] circumstances attending them, are supported by the depositions of a

considerable number of persons: and among others, of the following, viz. Messir’s. Henry Bass, Samuel Atwood,

Samuel Dr owne, James Kirkwood, Robert Polley, Samuel Condon, Daniel Usher, Josiah Simpson, Henry Knox,

Gillam Bass, John Hickling, Richard Palmes, Benjamin Frizzel, and others; whose depositions are in t he appendix.

Soon after the firing, a drum with a party from the main guard went to Murray's and the other barracks,

beating an alarm as they went, which with the firing had the effect of a signal for action. Whereupon all the soldiers

and pushed at the lads, who both run out of his wa y. This dispute collected a few persons about the boy, near th e

custom -house. Presently after this, the party above -mentio ned came into kingstreet, which was a further occasion

of dr awing people thither, as above r elated. (See deposition of Benja. Broaders and others.) of the 29th regimen t, or the main body of them, appeared in Kingstreet under arms; and seemed bent on a further

massacre of the inhabitants, which was with great difficulty prevented. They were drawn up between the State House

and main guard: their lines extending across the street and facing down Kingstreet, where the town -people were

assembled. The first line kneeled; and the whole of the first plattoon [platoon] presented their guns ready to fire, as

soon as the word should be given. They continued in that posture a consid erable time. But by the good Providence of

God, they were restrained from firing.

That they then went into Kingstreet with such a disposition will appear probable by the two following

depositions.

Mrs. Mary Gardner, living in Atkinson street, declares, t hat on Monday evening the 5th of March current,

and before the guns fired in Kingstreet, there were a number of soldiers assembled from Green's barracks towards the

street, and opposite to her gate; that they stood very still until the guns were fired in K ingstreet, then they clapped their

hands and gave a cheer, saying, this is all that we want . They ran to their barrack, and came out again in a few minutes,

all with their arms, and ran towards Kingstreet.

William Fallass declares, that (after the murder in Kingstreet) on the evening of the 5th instant, upon his

return home, he had occasion to stop opposite to the lane leading to Green's barracks, and while he stood there, the

soldiers rushed by him with their arms, towards Kingstreet, saying, this is our time or chance : and that he never saw

men or dogs so greedy for their prey as those soldiers seemed to be, and the sergeants could hardly keep them in their

ranks.

These circumstances with those already mentioned, amount to a clear proof of a combination among them to

commit some outrage upon the town on that evening ; and that after the enormous one committed in Kingstreet, they

intended to add to the horrors of that night by making a further slaughter.

At the time Capt. Preston's party issued from the main guard, there were in Kingstreet about two hundred

persons, and those were collected there by the ringing of the bell in consequence of the violences of another party,

that had been there a very little while before. When Captain Preston had got to the Custom -house, so great a part of the people dispersed at sight of the soldiers, that not more than twenty or thirty then remained in King street, as

Mr. Drowne declares, 3 and at the time of the firing not s eventy, as Mr. Palmes thinks. 4

But after the firing, and when the slaughter was known, which occasioned the ringing of all the bells of the

town, a large body of the inhabitants soon assembled in Kingstreet, and continued there the whole time the 29th

regi ment was there under arms, and would not retire till that regiment and all the soldiers that appeared, were ordered,

and actually went, to their barracks: after which, having been assured by the Lieutenant Governor, and a number of

the civil magistrates pr esent, that every legal step should be taken to bring the criminals to justice, they gradually

dispersed. For some time the appearance of things was dismal. The soldiers outrageous on the one hand, and the

inhabitants justly incensed against them on the ot her: both parties seemed disposed to come to action. In this case the

consequences would have been terrible. But by the interposition of his Honor, some of his Majesty's council, a number

of civil magistrates, and other gentlemen of weight and influence, w ho all endeavored to calm and pacify the people,

and by the two principal officers interposing their authority with regard to the soldiers, there was happily no further

bloodshed ensued; and by two o'clock the town was restored to a tolerable state of quie t. About that time, Capt. Preston,

and a few hours after, the party that had fired, were committed to safe custody.

One happy effect has arisen from this melancholy affair, and it is the general voice of the town and province

it may be a lasting one -- All the troops are removed from the town. -- They are quartered for the present in the barracks

at Castle -Island; from whence it is hoped they will have a speedy order to remove intirely [entirely] out of the province,

together with those persons who were th e occasion of their coming hither.

In what manner this was effected, it is not foreign from the subject of this narrative to relate.

The morning after the massacre, a town -meeting was held ; at which attended a very great number of the

freeholders and ot her inhabitants of the town. They were deeply impressed and affected by the tragedy of the preceding

night, and were unanimously of opinion, it was incompatible with their safety that the troops should remain any longer

in the town. In consequence thereof they chose a committee of fifteen gentlemen to wait upon his Honor the

Lieutenant -Governor in Council, to request of him to issue his orders for the immediate removal of the troops.

3 See his Deposition. 4 See his Deposition. The message was in these words :

That it is the unanimous opinion of thi s meeting that the inhabitants and soldiery can no longer live together

in safety; that nothing can rationally be expected to restore the peace of the town and prevent further blood and

carnage, but the immediate removal of the troops; and that we therefor e most fervently pray his Honor, that his power

and influence may be exerted for their instant removal.

His Honor's reply, which was laid before the town then adjourned to the old south meeting -house, was as

follows:

Gentlemen,

I am extremely sorry for t he unhappy differences between the inhabitants and troops, and especially

for the action of the last evening, and I have exerted myself upon that occasion, that a due enquiry may be made, and

that the law may have its course. I have in council consulted w ith the commanding officers of the two regiments who

are in the town. They have their orders from the General at New York. It is not in my power to countermand those

orders. The Cou ncil have desired that the two regiments may be removed to the Castle. F rom the particular c oncern

which the 29th regiment has had in your di fferences, Col. Dalrymple, who is the commanding of ficer of the troops,

has signi fied that that regiment shall without delay be placed in the barracks at the castle, until he can send to the

General and receive his further orders concerning both the regiments, and that the main -guard shall be removed, and

the 14th regiment so disposed, and laid under such restraint, that all occasion of future disturbances may be prevented.

The foregoing rep ly having been read and fully considered -- the question was put, Whether the report be

satisfactory? Passed in the Negative (only one dissentient) out of upwards of 4000 voters.

A respectable committee was then appointed to wait on his Honor the Lieutenan t Governor, and inform him,

that it is the unanimous opinion of this meeting, that the reply made to a vote of the inhabitants presented his Honor

in the morning, is by no means satisfactory; and that nothing less will satisfy, than a total and immediate r emoval of

all the troops.

The committee having waited upon the Lieut. Governor, agreeable to the foregoing vote, laid before the

inhabitants the following vote of Council received from his Honor. His Honor the Lieutenant Governor laid before the Board a vote of the town of Boston, passed this afternoon,

and then addressed the Board as follows:

Gentlemen of the Council,

"I lay before you a vote of the town of Boston, which I have just now received from them, and I now ask your

advice what you judge necess ary to be done upon it."

The Council thereupon expressed themselves to be unanimously of opinion, "that it was absolutely necessary

for his Majesty's service, the good order of the town, and the peace of the province, that the troops should be

immediately removed out of the town of Boston, and thereupon advised his Honor to communicate this advice of the

Council to Col. Dalrymple, and to pray that he would order the troops down to Castle William." The committee also

informed the town, that Col. Dalrymple, after having seen the vote of Council, said to the committee,

"That he now gave his word of honor that he would begin his preparations in the morning, and that there

should be no unnecessary delay until the whole of the two regiments were removed to the C astle."

Upon the above report being read, the inhabitants could not avoid expressing the high satisfaction it afforded

them.

After measures were taken for the security of the town in the night by a strong military watch, the meeting

was dissolved.

In the concluding Paragraph of the foregoing Narrative it is said, that the Town -Meeting was dissolved

after the measures were taken for the security of the Town in the night, by a strong military watch.

Our implacable enemies, in pursuance of their plan of misrepresentation, have taken pains to misrepresent

this most necessary measure, by declaring it to have been contrary to the mind of the Commander in Chief, and

against law. This matter will be judged of, by stating the fact, and producing the Law.

When the Committee, who had waited on the Lieutenant Governor, had reported to the Town, that the

Troops would be removed to Castle -Island, (at which time it was near night) it was thought necessary for the safety

of the Town, and for preventing a rescue of the persons committed to goal [jail] for firing upon, and killing a number

of, his Majesty's subjects, that there should be a military watch : and divers [diverse] Gentlemen were desired to take

the needful steps for that purpose. It being then night, it was impossible a regular notification should issue from the

officers of the militia: a considerable number of respectable persons therefore offered themselves voluntiers

[volunteers] , and did the duty of a military watch under the direction of the Lieuten ant -Colonel, who attended that

service with the approbation of the chief Colonel of the Boston regiment. The next day, with two of the Select -men

of the Town, the chief Colonel went to the the Lieutenant -Governor, & they informed him it was apprehended

abs olutely necessary for the safety of the Town, there should be a military warch kept ; and that the Colonel then

waited upon him to receive his orders. The Lieutenant Governor declined giving any orders concerning it, but said

the Law was clear, that the Co lonel, as chief officer of the regiment, might order a military watch; and that he might

do about it as he thought fit. In conseqience [consequence] of this, and knowing the Law gave him such a power, the

Colonel issued his orders for that purpose, & a reg ular watch was kept the following night. The next day the

Lieutenant Gove rnor sent for the Colonel, and let him know, that he was in doubt about the legality of the

appointment of the mi litary watch: and recommended to the Colonel to take good advice, whet her he had a right by

Law to order such a watch.

This being quite unexpec ted, occasioned the Colonel to express himself with some fervor . He also said, he

had already taken advice, and had no do ubt of his own power; but had the preceding day waited upon h is Honor as

Commander in Chief to receive his orders : w hich as his Honor had declined giving, and left the matter w ith himself,

he had appointed a military watch : and judged i t a necessary measure to quiet the fears and apprehensi ons of the

town. The interview ended with the Lieut. Gover nor's recommending again, that the Colonel would take care to

proceed according to law; and without his forbidding a military watch.

This military watch was co ntinued every night, till Col. Dalrymp le had caused the t wo Regiments under his

command to be removed to the barracks at Castle -Island. During the continuance of the watch, the Justices of the

Peace in their turns attended ev ery night : and the utmost order and regula rity took place through the whole of it. This is the state of the fact, u pon which every one is left to make his own observations.

Now for the Law : with re spect to which nothing more is necessary than just to recite it. It runs thus, "That

there be military watches appointed a nd k ept in every town, at such times, in such places, and in such numbers, and

under such regulation, as the chief military officers of each town shall appoint, or as they may receive orders front

the chief officer of the regiment." 5 -- This needs no comment. It clearly authorizes the chief offi cer of the regiment

to appoint military watches. The late military wat ch in Boston being founded on such an appoi ntment was therefore

according to Law.

5 See a Law of the Province for r egulating the Militia, made in the 5th year of William and Mary, Chap. 7. Sec. 10. 2. A FAIR ACCOUNT OF THE LATE Unhappy Disturbance at Boston in New

England; EXTRACTED From the DEPOSITIONS that have been made concerning

it by Persons of all PARTIES. With an APPENDIX, CONTAINING Some

AFFIDAVITS and other EVIDENCES relating to this AFFAIR, not mentioned in

the NARRATIVE of it that has been published at Boston.

(London: Printed for B. WHITE, in Fleet -Street. 1770)

For a digitized scan of the original publication (including all the depositions of

witnesses referred to in the document) please go to the following link through the

Massachusetts Historical Society:

Digitized Original Copy with Appendix of Ds

A FAIR ACCOUNT OF THE LATE Unhappy Disturbance in BOST ON.

WHOEVER has conversed much with those who have been lately at Boston must know that the

arrival of the King's troops at that town in 1768 was exceedingly disgustful to all that part of the people who

call themselves the sons of liberty , and deny the authority of the British parliament to pass the late acts for

imposing duties upon certain articles of trade imported into America, and who certainly form a great majority

of the people in that town, though perhaps not of the persons of the best fortunes and most respectable

characters in the place. Whether they are right in this opinion, I shall not here inquire. But it ought to be clear

beyond the possibility of a doubt on the side of the Americans, in order to justify the violent measures that

have been taken at Boston to carry it into practice, which have amounted to little less than a forcible

opposition to the execution of those acts of parliament, or, in the language of the statute of treason, a levying

war against the King. And in the conduct of this opposition (even if we suppose for a moment that the

opposition itself could be justified upon the principles of the law of nature, which in some cases of extreme

necessity allows of a resistance against illegal exercises of power), they ha ve not behaved with that openness

and candour that would have been suitable to the dignity of their pretensions, but have persecuted both those

of their own countrymen who presumed to differ from them in opinion, and the King's troops who were sent

thither to preserve the public peace, with the utmost malice and in - justice. It has been deemed a crime to

affirm that the authority of the British parliament was supreme in all respects throughout all the dominions

of the crown of Great Britain, and that a forc ible resistance to the acts established by it was unlawful; and

those bold and honest men who have ventured to affirm this have been stigmatized by the name of tories , as

persons insensible of public liberty and devoted to the old exploded doctrines of pas sive obedience and non - resistance, And it has been made a crime of a still blacker die to continue a commercial intercourse with the

mother -country, or to refuse to enter into their non -importation agreements, or illegal combinations to distress

her trade. And those who have presumed to do so, in the pursuit of their usual and lawful callings, and in

compliance with what they took to be their duty to the public as obedient subjects of the crown, have been

marked out by advertisements in their public news -papers as traitors and enemies to their country and fit

victims to the fury of a licentious and deluded populace. And as to the King's troops, who were sent thither

in October 1768, they have been treated by these sons of liberty and well -disposed persons (a s they stile

themselves) with a degree of cruelty that could not have been justified, and probably would not have been

practiced by them, towards prisoners of war of the nation with which we are oftenest at enmity. For they not

only, upon the first arrival of these troops at Boston, did every thing in their power to prevent their having

quarters assigned them, and to oblige them to continue in camp, though the rigour of the winter -season was

beginning to be felt; but they have ever since been traducing them with the most scurrilous and abusive

language, and harrassing them with vexatious actions at law for trifling trespasses occasioned by provocations

designedly given by themselves in order to draw them into difficulties; and with malicious accusations,

oft entimes intirely false and always overcharged; and with every other low and spiteful device that rage and

disappointment at the check they received in their designs by the arrival of those regiments at Boston, could

suggest. I must add also the perversion of justice in the most flagrant manner in their courts of judicature, so

far as the juries were concerned in the administration of it, by finding verdicts upon almost any evidence

against a soldier, while, if the soldier was the complaining party, no proof was deemed to be sufficient to

produce one for him. These are facts of such notoriety, that it is presumed the sons of liberty themselves will

hardly think fit to deny them; but will rather endeavour to excuse and vindicate their conduct upon the

principl es of a jesuitical morality and the lawfulness of using any means to obtain so glorious an end as the

recovery of public liberty. But if they should deny them, I must refer the reader to the testimony of all the

Englishmen, of every rank and profession of life, that have been at Boston within the last two years, for the

proof of them. This ill disposition of the inhabitants of Boston towards the King's troops had gone on

increasing from the time of their arrival there till the late Unhappy Disturbance by wh ich some of them have

lost their lives, and had proceeded to such a length that, as two gentlemen of the 29th regiment, Lieutenant

Dickson and Ensign St. Clair, declare in their deposition (which is printed in the Appendix, No. 110.) it was become unsafe f or an officer or soldier to walk the streets, and that they had been desired to take care of

themselves by an inhabitant of the town, who had heard several of the people say that they would kill all the

officers in town, and that after that they should be able to manage the soldiers by giving them land and settling

them in the back parts of the province. Such was the temper of the people with respect to the King's troops

for some time before the late accident; and it seems to have occasioned a pretty strong degree of resentment

in the latter, and perhaps made them not unwilling to embrace any opportunity that chance might offer,

consistently with their duty and the law, to take some revenge on those who had so long ill -treated them. That

it should have such an effect, is probable in itself from the natural passions of mankind; and that it did produce

this natural resentment, may be collected from some of the depositions in the Boston Narrative, particularly

those of Mary Thayer and Bartholomew Broaders, Nos. 11 and 38 of the Appendix, supposing those

testimonies, which carry in them strong marks of a party bias, deserve in this particular to be believed: but I

do not think it can be inferred from their conduct on the 5th of March, or, as the Boston Narrative c alls it, the

horrid Massacre. The natural desire of defending themselves, and the sense of the duty incumbent upon them

in that unhappy moment to repel force by force in order to defend a s entinel's post which they were called

upon to guard, and which was then attacked by at least an hundred people, armed with bludgeons, sticks, and

cutlasses, will be sufficient to account for their firing on the assailants on that occasion without any mixture

of revenge. The circumstances of this unfortunate affair, and of the previous quarrel with the rope -makers,

which gave rise to it, so fa r as they can be collected from the Boston Narrati ve (to which I refer the reader

for them) and t hose printed at the end of this tract, seem to have been as follows:

On Friday the 2d of March last, between ten and eleven o'clock in the forenoon, as three soldiers of

the 29th regiment of foot were passing by Mr. John Gray's rope -walk in a peaceable and inoffensive manner,

one Green a rope -maker, who was at work there, a sked one of the soldiers whether he wanted work; to which

the soldier answered that he did; "Then," said Green "you shall go and clean my necessary -house." (See

Samuel Bostwick's evidence, No.23.) This insult provoked the soldier to use a good deal of ill language in

return, and to swear that he would have satisfaction for it. Upon this one of the rope -makers, named Nicholas

Ferriter, came up to him and tripped up his heels, and, after he was fallen, another of them, named John

Wilson, took his sword from h im, (which, Ferriter says, appeared naked under his coat,) and carried it into

the rope -walks. The soldier then went to Green's barrack, and in about twenty minutes returned with about eight or nine more soldiers, armed with clubs, who began with three or four men in Mr. Gray's warehouse by

asking them why they had insulted the soldier aforesaid? These men immediately called out for assistance,

upon which they were joined by a number of rope -makers, with whose help they beat off the soldiers. The

soldiers u pon this re -turned to thei r barrack, and in a few minutes appeared again in the rope -walk with a

stronger party, making now about thirty or forty, armed with clubs and cutlasses, and headed by a tall negroe

drummer. This party fell upon the rope -makers nea r the tar -kettle; but, nine or ten more of the rope -makers

coming up to the assistance of their companions, the soldiers were again beat off with considerable bruises,

and followed by the rope -makers as far as Green's -lane, when a corporal came and ordered the soldiers into

their barracks; and Mr. John Hill, an elderly gentlemen of the town, who seems to have been a magistrate,

persuaded the rope -makers to go back, and they readily obeyed him.

Hitherto we see no footsteps of a massacre, or intended massacre , of the inhabitants. Some soldiers,

having been affronted by the rope -makers, go out to take revenge on them without their military weapons,

armed only with clubs, in order to give them a beating. The occasion of the quarrel was sudden, and the

duration o f it short. No offic ers, not even the serg eants and corporals, appear to have been concerned in it;

and a single corporal had influence enough to put an end to it.

On the next day, Saturday the 3d of March, there happened another fray in Mr. MacNeil's rope -wall

between three grenadiers and six or seven rope -makers, in which the rope -makers had again the advantage.

These contentions heightened the animosities of both parties. The soldiers wished for another

engagement to revenge themselves on the ropemakers; and the towns -people seem to have resolved to make

use of their vast superiority of numbers, which had given them the advantage in the former encounters, either

to destroy the soldiers intirely, or to drive both them and the commissioners of the customs o ut of the town.

With this view they seem to have intended to draw the soldiers out of their barracks to a general engagement

of the same kind as the former, that is, with sticks and clubs, and to assemble a large mob for that purpose,

of which the rope -mak ers should be the leaders, that it might seem to be only a renewal of the quarrel that

had lately happened, and not a general design of the inhabitants to rise upon them. This at least appears to

me to have been the plan formed by the towns -people on this occasion, upon a careful perusal of all the

evidences relating to this unhappy business, which are submitted to the reader's consideration. These animosities were considerably heightened by the sudden ab sence of a serg eant of the 14 th

regiment on the eveni ng of Saturday the 3d of March, which continued likewise on the following day, Sunday

the 4th of March, and gave rise, in that time of jealousy, to a suspicion among the soldiers that he had been

murdered by the rope -makers. This suspicion proved to be ill -grounded: but, while it continued, it occasioned

Colonel Carr, the Lieutenant Colonel of the 14th regiment, and his officers, to go, on the Sunday, into Mr.

Gray's rope -walk, and search for him in every part of it with the greatest anxiety and diligence, to the surprize,

and, it seems, not much to the satisfaction, or Mr. Gray. Mr. Gray upon this went directly to Colonel

Dalrymple, (the Lieutenant Colonel of the 29th regiment, and commanding officer of the troops then at

Boston,) and related to him what he understood had passed at the rope -walk two days before; to which the

Colonel replied that it was much the same as he had heard from his people, and then said that Mr. Gray's man

was the aggressor by affronting one of the soldiers by asking him if he wante d work, and then telling him to

clean his little -house. Mr. Gray made answer that he would dismiss his journeyman the next morning for that

insolent expression, and would further do every thing in his power to prevent his people from giving the

soldiers an y affront for the future. And Colonel Dalrymple in like manner assured Mr. Gray that he had done,

and should do, every thing in his power to keep the soldiers in order and prevent their any more entering Mr.

Gray's i nclosure. Presently after Colonel Carr c ame in and asked Colonel Dalrymple what they should do;

for that they were daily losing their men; and that three of his grenadiers passing quietly by the rope -walks

had been greatly abused, and one of them so much beat that he was likely to die of his bru ises. He then said

that he had been searching for a serg eant who had been murdered. --Upon which Mr. Gray said, "Yes,

Colonel; "I hear you have been searching for him in my "rope -walks;" and asked him whether that serg eant

had been in the affray there on t he Friday? The Colonel replied, "No; for he was "seen on the Saturday." Mr.

Gray then asked him how he could think of looking for him in his walks, and said that, if he had applied to

him, he would have waited on him and have opened every apartment he had for his satisfaction. This is the

substance of Mr. John Gray's deposition (No.9.) and shews how greatly the suspicions of the officers and

soldiers were alarmed by the sudden and unaccountable absence of the serg eant.

On Monday, the 5th of March, the day o f the disturbance that proved fatal to some of the inhabitants,

about seven o'clock in the evening, numbers of the towns -people of Boston were seen walking in the streets,

in several different parties of from about three to six men each, armed with clubs. Mr. John Gillespie, in his deposition, (No.104.) declares that, as he was going to the south end of the town, to meet some friends at a

public house, he met several people in the streets in parties of this kind, to the number, as he thinks, of forty

or fif ty persons; and that while he was sitting with his friends there, several persons of his acquaintance came

in to them at different times, and took notice of the numbers of persons they had seen in the street armed in

the above manner; and that about eight o'clock one Mr. Fleming came in and told them that three hundred

people were assembled at Liberty -Tree armed with sticks and clubs to beat the soldiers. Mr. Gillespie goes

on and says, that about half an hour after eight the bells rung, which he and his co mpany took to be for fire;

but they were told by the landlord of the house that it was to collect the mob. Mr. Gillespie upon this resolved

to go home, and in his way met numbers of people who were running past him, of whom many were armed

with clubs and s ticks, and some with other weapons. At the same time a number of people passed by him

with two fire -engines, as if there had been a fire in the town. But they were soon told that there was no fire,

but that the people were going to fight the soldiers; upon which they immediately quitted the fire -engines,

and swore they would go to their assistance. All this happened before the soldiers near the custom -house

fired their muskets, which was not till half an hour after nine o'clock; and it shews that the inhabi tants had

formed, and were preparing to execute, a design of attacking the soldiers on that evening. This account is

confirmed by the deposition of William Davies, serg eant -major to the 14th regiment, who declares that, on

the same evening about eight o'cl ock, as he was going towards the north end on regimental business, he saw

in the streets a large body of the inhabitants, armed some with fire -arms, and others with cutlasses and

bludgeons, crying out, that "they would do for those rascals, the officers an d soldiers, that night." This was

more than an hour before the firing. He says further, that he returned home about nine o'clock, and as he

came near the market -place, he saw a greater number of people than before, tearing up the butchers stalls for

clubs, and swearing they would murder the first officer or soldier they should meet with. They then gave

three huzzas, and cried, "Now for the bloody -back rascals." And some of them said, "Let us attack the main -

guard." Others proposed to attack Smith's barracks ; and others said, "Away to the rope -walk." And instantly

the mob divided into three divisions, of some hundred men in each division: and the bells at the same time

were ringing. The sergeant -major then went to a friend's house and changed his dress: and i n repairing from

thence to his barrack through the several streets that led to it, he saw several armed towns -people crying out,

"Murder, kill all the dogs: for we will have no commissioners nor soldiers in Boston. And damn the scoundrel that first ordered them here. We will soon rid the town of them all:" or words to that effect. And all this he

saw and heard before the firing in King's -street. Nothing, as I conceive, can prove more clearly the design of

the towns -people to make an attack that evening on t he soldiers.

The custom -house and the sentry posted there to defend it seem to have been a principal object of

the people's fury. For they began to assemble about it in great numbers before it was dark, that is, before

seven o'clock, or more than two hours before the extremity of violence that obliged the soldiers to fire.

Thomas Lochead, in his deposition, (No.100.) declares, that as he was passing through King's -street, a little

before dark, he observed a number of towns -people standing almost close to th e sentry then on duty at the

custom -house, and presently after he saw several of them throwing snow -balls and pieces of ice at him, upon

which the sentry said, " Gentlemen, I beg you will let me alone and go away from my post: for, if you do not,

you must t ake the consequences." Upon this a gentleman dressed in a red cloak went to the people and spoke

to them, and advised them to let the sentry alone. They accordingly went to the other side of the street, and

there remained. In about an hour after, that is, about eight o'clock, Thomas Lochead had occasion to pass by

the same way again, and then observed a number of people standing in the same place as before, armed with

sticks and large clubs, who threw snowballs at him as he passed by, and called him a blood y-back rascal,

notwithstanding he said nothing to provoke them.

About nine o'clock Edward Hills, being among the mob near the town -house at Boston, when the

bells were set a ringing to bring the people together, heard some of them say, they would go down to the

custom -house, where there was a sentry placed, and would t ake him off his post. Upon this Mr. Hills went

immediately to the main -guard to acquaint the soldiers with what he had heard. In the mean time the mob

surrounded the sentry, and began to attack him by striking at him with clubs, swearing they would be

reve nged on the soldiers. The sentry defended himself, as well as he could, with his bayonet, and desired

them to keep off, saying, "He durst not quit his post; and that, if they did not desist, he must call the guard."

They did not however desist, but pelted him with sticks and large pieces of ice picked up from the streets.

This obliged him to retreat to the door of the custom -house, where, getting upon the steps of it, he loaded his

musket in the fight of the people, and, after he had loaded it, he struck th e butt -end of it against the steps

three or four times, hoping, as it should seem, that the sight of the danger they were running, if they pressed

upon him any further, would induce the people to keep off, (See Thomas Cain's deposition, No. 46.) But it had not this effect; for the people assembled in greater numbers, and set him at defiance, crying, " Fire, fire,

and be damned. " And some of them drew quite near to him; Mr. Knox says, within the distance of ten feet:

upon which he snapped his piece upon them, but did not fire it, endeavouring again to frighten them from

approaching any nearer to him. Mr. Knox upon this wen t up to him, and told him that, "if he fired, he died;"

to which he bravely answered, "that he did not care, and that, if they touched him, he would fire;" which it

is generally understood to be the duty of every sentinel to do that is attacked upon his post. The people

however continued to defy him, telling him to fire and be damned: upon which Mr. Knox, who seems to have

done every thing in his power to prevent mischief on this occasion, went to the people, and endeavoured to

keep them from going up; but without success. (See Mr. Knox's deposition, No.55.) The sentry, being thus

hard pressed, knocked at the customhouse door very hard for assi stance: and in a few minutes a party of

twelve soldiers, headed by Captain Preston, came to him from the mainguard, with their arms in a horizontal

posture, and their bayonets fixed. They drew up immediately before the door of the custom -house with their

faces towards the people, and held their guns breast high, in order to defend the sentinel; and Captain Preston

stood before them near the ends of their guns. Mr. Richard Palmes at this time went up to the captain, and

asked him if the soldiers guns were lo aded; to which the captain answered that they were loaded with powder

and ball. Mr. Palmes then said to him, "I hope you do not intend they shall fire upon the inhabitants;" to

which he answered, "by no means," which indeed might have been concluded from t he position he had chosen

to stand in, directly before the muzzles of their guns. (See Mr. Palmes's depositions, Nos. 53 and 112.) But

the people continued to insult and defy this party of soldiers in the same manner as they had done the single

sentinel, p elting them with sticks and balls of ice, and calling out to them, "Damn you, you rascals; fire. You

dare not fire. Fire, and be damned." These expressions were frequently repeated; during which time Captain

Preston spoke often to the mob, desiring them to be quiet and disperse; for that, if they continued their attack

upon him and his party, he should be obliged to fire upon them. But his humane endeavours were to no

purpose. The people continued their attack upon the soldiers, till they were provoked beyo nd all patience. A

large stick, or, as Mr. Palmes says, a piece of ice, that was thrown at the grenadier on the right of the party,

struck him with violence and made him stagger, upon which both he and the soldier next him fired their

pieces without any or der from Captain Preston for that purpose, (See John Hickling's deposition, No.73, and

Thomas Greenwood's depositions, Nos. 96 and 111, and Richard Palmes's depositions, Nos. 53 and 112.) and soon after the rest of the party did the same; by which three me n were killed on the spot, and eight wounded,

of whom two have since died of their wounds. Presently after the last gun was fired off, Captain Preston

sprung before the soldiers, and waving his sword or stick, said, "Damn ye, rascals, what did ye fire for? " and

struck up the gun of one of the soldiers who was loading again; whereupon they seemed confounded, and

fired no more. (See William Wyat's deposition, No.54.)

This is the whole of what the Boston Narrative calls the horrid Massacre . How far it deserves that

appellation, let the unprejudiced reader judge. For my part, I cannot but think it a very gross abuse of

language, and highly injurious to the unhappy officer and soldiers who were concerned in this affair, to call

it by the same name that has hereto fore been used to describe such wanton, unnecessary, and premeditated

acts of general destruction as the slaughter of the Protestants of France in the year 1572, and of the Protestants

of Ireland in 1641; to which a resistance made by twelve soldiers again st more than an hundred people armed

with sticks and bludgeons, in defence of a post which it was their duty to defend , seems to me to bear no

resemblance.

I shall mention but slightly what happened after the soldiers h ad fired, as it is not material to the

justification of their conduct in the act of firing, which is the ground for charging t hem with the perpet ration

of a horrid massacre. As soon as the firing was over, all the bells of the town were set a ringing, (whereas

before the firing only one of them had been rung,) and the inhabitants gathered together in vastly greater

numbers than be fore; and on the other hand the soldiers drew out from their barracks in proper order, and

stood under arms to defend themselves against any further assaults, which there was then great reason to

apprehend. And now in -deed dreadful evils might have ensued, and a slaughter, less improperly to be stiled

a massacre than the former, might in a few minutes have been committed, i f the principal persons of both

parties had not immediately interposed their authority and influence to prevent any further mischief. But by

the endeavours of the worthy Lieutenant -governor Hutchinson and the council of the province on the one

part, and of the commanding officers of the two regiment s on the other, the people were persuaded to disperse,

and the soldiers to retire to their barracks.

After this account of the foregoing unfortunate transaction, (which, when the reader shall have

compared it with the depositions from which it is extracted , I flatter myself, he will judge to be a fair one;) I

presume that no impartial person will be inclined to consider either the officer or soldiers who were concerned in it as guilty of wilful murder of malice afore -thought. Whether their conduct can be wh olly justified in point

of law upon the principles of self -defence and the obligations of military duty, I will not take upon me to

determine: I leave to others the discussion of those nice points of law. But if they cannot be intirely justified,

they ough t at least to be considered as persons who has been provoked by repeated insults and attacks to

commit a rash and hasty act of violence, and consequently as being intitled, in a legal view, to the benefit of

their clergy, and, in a moral view, to the compa ssion, rather than the indignation, of their countrymen. May

the people of Boston, in whose hands they now are, be inclined to think of them in this manner, and regain

the good opinion of their fellow subjects of Great Britain by so honourable an instance of their justice and

moderation!

In the Boston Narrative of this affair there is an attempt to make it believed that some guns were

fired upon the people from the windows of the custom -house. But this is so very improbable in itself, and so

ill supported b y proof, that I imagine few of the readers of that account will give any credit to it.

However, lest the confidence with which this charge is brought should mislead any person into a

believe that it is true, I will venture to subjoin a few observations on the weakness of the evidence by which

it is supported.

In the first place, some of the witnesses mentioned in the Boston Narrative say, they saw the flashes

of guns at the custom -house.

This deserves little or no regard: for in the hurry and confusion of that time it must have been almost

impossible to distinguish with exactness the places and heights from which the flashes came. The soldiers

stood just at the custom -house door, and the flashes of their guns might naturally enough seem to a hasty

observer to come from the custom -house itself.

In the next place, some stress is laid on the directions of three of the balls, as collected from the

holes made by them in the houses into which they entered. Now these directions, as they were taken by Mr.

Andrews, (see his deposition, No.93.) are just such as one would suppose they should be from guns fired by

men standing before the custom -house door; and the two latter of them are found to range breast -high, that

is, at much the same height as they would have rang ed if they had been fired from the ground -floor of the

custom -house itself, supposing that floor to be nearly upon the same level with the street. They consequently

could not be fired from the windows up one pair of stairs, as they are said to have been in the charge. Further, the second ball is found to range breast -high from the ground, and between two of the windows of the custom -

house; consequently it could not have been fired from either of them, but by some person without the custom -

house standing bet ween those two windows. And for a like reason the first ball could not be fired from a

window in the custom -house, because it ranges below the stool of the westermost lower chamber window:

for if it had been fired from that window, it must have ranged abov e the stool of it.

The last and strongest evidence that is brought in support of this charge is that of Charlotte Bourgate,

Mr. Edward Manwaring's indented servant. This indeed would be very material, if he were a person that

deserved any credit, and if hi s testimony was not invalidated by contrary evidence of the strongest kind. For

he has positively charged Mr. Manwaring with firing off a gun out of the window. But he has confessed in

this very deposition, (see No.58) that he had denied before a justice o f the peace every word of its contents

after he had first sworn that they were true, though he then (more than a fortnight after the affair, to wit,

March 23, when the soldiers were gone out of the town and the people were in possession of every thing)

tho ught fit to swear to them a second time. Such a witness destroys his own credit, if he ever had any; which,

it seems, this boy, from the sadness of his character, never had. But, to come to a more particular examination

of the contents of his deposition; h e says in the first place, that there were four or five men in the custom -

house, (whom he does not name, and therefore does not pretend to have known) at the time of the soldiers

firing, who went up stairs and pulled and haled [hualed] him after them --that one of them, a tall man, loaded

a gun twice, and gave it to him to fire, and forced him by threats of immediate violence to fire it off twice

out of the window --that he did not fire it against the people who were assembled near the custom -house, but

sidew ays up the street --and secondly, that Mr. Manwaring and Mr. Monroe were both in the custom -house

at the time of this firing, and that Mr. Manwaring fired off a gun himself out of the window.

This is the substance of that boy's evidence. Now, if the first part of it was true, of the tall man's

forcing him to fire the gun off twice, it would not be much worth inquiring into, as it would relate only to

persons unknown, and, we might well presume, not belonging to the custom -house. For, if they had belonged

to it, this boy, who is a servant of Mr. Manwaring, who has an employment in the customs, must in all

probability have known them. But it is a strange and incredible story. For if the tall man, as the story supposes,

meant to do the people mischief, why did he not fire off the gun himself rather than force the boy to do it,

especially when he observed that the boy had fired the first time sideways up the street instead of directly forwards upon the people? I know no way of accounting for this, if we admit the fact to be true, but by

supposing that some of the inhabitants themselves had thrust themselves into the custom -house, and had

forced the boy to fire a gun out of the window for the sake of charging the custom -house officers with having

had a hand in the destruction of the inhabitants that evening, but at the same time had taken care that he

should fire in such a direction as not to do them any real mischief. But 'tis more probable that the whole fact

is false, and therefore needs no explanation; for there were in the house at the same time Mr. Hammond

Green, who, as this boy says, let him in, and three women, Elizabeth Avery, Mary Rogers, and Ann Green.

Of these f our persons Hammond Green alone has been examined: and he says in his deposition,

(No.95.) that h e went up stairs into the lower west chamber , and saw the guns fired by the soldiers: but says

not a word about the four or five men a nd the boy, Charlotte Bourgate, whom they forced to fire off a gun

twice out of the window, wh ich he could not but h ave known if it had happene d. He says also, that the three

women before -mentioned, Elizabeth Avery, Mary Rogers , and Ann Green, were up stairs likewise at the ti me

of the soldiers firing. They therefore must likewise have seen these four of five men and the boy Charlotte

Bourgate, and have known of his firing the gun, if it was true that he had done so. But it has not been thought

fit to examine them, or at least publish their depositions.

As to the othe r part of this boy's charge, to wit, that Mr . Manwarin g and Mr. Monroe were both

present at the custom -house at the time of the soldiers firing, and that Mr. Manwaring did himself fire a gun

out of the window, this is proved to be utte rly false, and even impossible, by the deposi tion of Michael Angelo

Warwell , (No.122.) wh o declares that these gentlemen were at that time at a distance from the custom -house,

to wit, in Mr. Manwaring's lodgings in Back -street , and had been there from seven o'clock in the evening,

that is, more than two hours before the soldiers fired, and continued there till half an hour after ten o'clock,

when, the tumult occasioned by the firing being subsided, Mr. Monroe ventured to leave Mr. Manwaring's

lodgings and go home. Mr. Manwaring continued in his own lodgings the whole night.

This charge therefore against the people at the custom -house must be looked upon as an idle,

ill-grounded accusation, proceeding solely from the prejudices of the inhabitants of Boston against

the commissioners of the customs and every body that has any connect ion with them, which dispose them to

imagine and believe every thing that may tend to their disadvantage.

F I N I S

5. Henry Pelham’s Letter to Paul Revere ( March 29, 1770)

Thursday Morng. Boston, March 29, 1770.

Sir,

When I heard that you were cutting a plate of the late Murder, I thought it impossible, as I knew you was not capable of doin g it unless

you coppied it from mine and as I thought I had entrusted it in the hands of a person who had more regard to the dictat es of Honour

and Justice than to take the undue advantage you have done of the confiden ce and Trust I reposed in you.

But I find I was mistaken, and after being at the great Trouble and Expence of making a design paying for paper, printing &c, find

myself in the most ungenerous Manner deprived, not only of any proposed Advantage, but even of the expence I have been at, as truly

as if you ha d plundered me on the highway.

If you are insensible of the Dishonour you have brought on yourself by this Act, the Wor ld will not be so. However, I leave you to

reflect upon and consider of one of the most dishonorable Action s you could well be guilty of.

H. Pelham.

P.S. I send by the Bearer the prints I borrowed of you. My Mother desired you would send the hinges and pa rt of the press, that you

had from her.