According to Rolando et al. (2012), “alcohol socialization is the process by which a person approaches and familiarizes with alcohol learns about the values connected to its use and about how, when

Drugs: education, prevention and policy , June 2012; 19(3): 201–212 Copyright 2012 Informa UK Ltd. ISSN: 0968-7637 print/1465-3370 onlineDOI: 10.3109/09687637.2012.658105 First drink: What does it mean? The alcohol socialization process in different drinking cultures Sara Rolando 1, Franca Beccaria 1, Christoffer Tigerstedt 2, & Jukka To ¨ rro ¨ nen 3 1Eclectica – Research, Training and Comunication, Corso Francia no. 19, 10138 Torino, Italy, 2National Institute for Health and Welfare, P.O. Box 30, 00271 Helsinki, Finland, and 3Centre for Social Research on Alcohol and Drugs, Stockholm University, SE-10691 Stockholm, Sweden Aims: The aim of this qualitative research is to show how the alcohol socialization process – i.e. the ways children and young people get acquainted with alcohol – can generate very diverse experiences and meanings in different cultural contexts.

Method: A total of 16 focus groups were conducted in Italy and Finland, divided by age (4 groups), gender and socio-cultural level. A total of 190 participants took part in the study.

Findings: The findings support the hypothesis that the alcohol socialization process takes place in very different ways and assumes diverse meaning in the two countries involved in the study. In Italy the relationship with alcohol takes place as part of a gradual process and participants’ first memories of drinking alcohol are connected to positive values. In Finland, on the other hand, often the first experi- ences of drinking overlap with the first experiences of intoxication and alcohol images reflect an ambiguous relation with this substance, closely related to its intoxicating effects.

Conclusions: Results show that the alcohol sociali- zation process can take very different forms and meanings according to a specific drinking cultures.

Thus, further comparative research should take into more consideration the implication of these sub- stantial differences.

INTRODUCTION People normally acquire attitudes, expectations and intentions about alcohol from childhood, and this knowledge is strongly influenced by the alcohol and drinking culture of the society to which they belong.

Alcohol socialization is the process by which a person approaches and familiarizes with alcohol and learns about the values connected to its use and about how, when and where s/he can or cannot drink. These elements determine the first and most durable individ- ual representations of alcohol (Favretto, 1997). Many agents have an important role in the alcohol socialization process – parents, other family members, friends – along with other significant factors like school, community, the media, religion and culture more generally (Brody, Ge, Katz, & Arias, 2000; Casswell, Gilmore, Silva, & Brasch, 1988; Van der Vorst, Engels, Meeus, Dekovic ´ , & Van Leeuwe, 2005). According to his review on the influences on how children and young people learn about alcohol, Vellerman (2009, p. 23) states that ‘children learn about (and develop attitudes towards) alcohol and drinking behaviour from a number of distinct sources’.

Among these parental modelling seems to have a significant influence, as often children learn more from what parents do than from what parents say (Ary, Tildesley, Hops, & Andrews, 1993; Brody et al., 2000). Many studies focus specifically on age at drinking onset, as this has been highlighted as one of the relevant aspects in predicting adult drinking behaviour:

people who begin drinking at an early age seem to be more likely to subsequently develop problems with alcohol later in life, both in adulthood (Hingson, Heeren, & Winter, 2006; Pitka ¨ nen, Lyyra, & Pulkkinen, 2004; Warner & White, 2003) and in adolescence (Fergusson, Lynskey, & Horwood, 1994; Hawkins et al., 1997; Pitka ¨ nen et al., 2004; York, Welte, Hirsch, Hoffman, & Barnes, 2004). Despite the paucity of empirical investigations, however, some studies suggest that drinking experiences within the family environment, even at an early age, may introduce safe behaviours regarding its use (Bellis et al., 2007; Bonino, Cattelino, & Ciairano, 2005; Correspondence: Sara Rolando, Eclectica – Research, Training and Comunication, Corso Francia no. 19, 10138 Torino, Italy.

Tel: þ39 011 4361505. Fax: þ39 011 0200022. E-mail: [email protected] 201 Foley, Altman, Durant, & Wolfson, 2004; Strunin et al., 2010; Warner & White, 2003).

Whereas the influence of these alcohol-specific socialization aspects have been investigated by several surveys (see Vellerman, 2009 for a review), the overall process of alcohol and drinking socialization has not yet been thoroughly explored. In fact, not many studies are available describinghowalcohol socialization experiences take place, in what kind of contexts and what meanings and values are attributed to them in different cultures (Edgren-Henrichson, 1993).

Particularly, the need to focus on the subjective effects experienced by young people when they have their first drink has been identified as primary (Warner & White, 2003).

This study is an attempt to fill this gap in the literature by exploring the processes of socialization to alcohol in different drinking cultures and how it changes over time.

The overall objective of the study is to show how the ways children and young people in different cultural contexts get acquainted with alcohol generate very diverse experiences with completely different mean- ings. For this purpose we identified two countries that can be considered paradigmatic of the European differences in terms of alcohol consumption patterns:

Italy and Finland. Italy belongs to the that group of countries that has developed a so-called ‘Mediterranean drinking culture’, where moderate alcohol consumption is a normal and appreciated part of daily life, which occurs mainly during meals and with strong social and nutritional connotations.

Finland, on the other hand, is a typical example of a country with a Nordic dinking culture, where alcohol is separated from normal daily life and its prevalent use and value is connected to intoxication (Room & Ma¨ kela¨ , 2000).

Whereas in Mediterranean countries children are allowed (and sometimes encouraged) to taste alcoholic beverages – which consist mainly of wine – from a young age, in the Nordic tradition alcohol is considered a dangerous substance to be kept away from children and adolescents (Beccaria & Prina, 2010). Even if traditional distinctions between European drinking cultures may seem to be out-of-date as a result of the globalization process, some differences still persist, even among the younger generations, mainly connected to the experience of intoxication. For example, teen- agers who grew up in the wine-based culture of Southern Europe report a lower proportion of heavy drinking during drinking occasions (Ja¨ rvinen & Room, 2007; Room, 2010).

Italy and Finland constitute paradigmatic cases to understand how people learn about alcohol in different countries, not only because they traditionally belong to two radically different drinking cultures, the Mediterranean and the Nordic, but also because they seem to show opposite trends in the current changes that are affecting drinking patterns of Europeancountries (Norstro¨ m, 2002), as can be seen in Figure 1. In fact, in the last 40 years, total consump- tions per capita have steadily declined in Italy and risen in Finland, so that Finnish consumption levels have now reached and exceeded Italian ones.

In Italy the reduction in alcohol consumption was initially determined by the new organization of indus- trial labour and the massive urbanization phenomenon of the 1970s that introduced new life-styles that were no longer suitable or complementary with the tradi- tional drinking patterns (Allamani & Beccaria, 2007).

Later, in 1980s and 1990s, this trend consolidated through the individualization of lifestyles and a greater focus on health, which led to a revived interest for wine, but oriented more towards quality than quantity.

In this period, other changes played a role in the downturn of the consumption curve in Italy: the growth in educational levels, the change in the role of women in the family and in society, social mobility, changes in the institution of the family and the increase of consumption opportunities and choices (foodstuffs or otherwise) (Tusini, 2007).

By contrast, in Finland the massive urbanization phenomenon that took place between the 1950s and the 1970s had opposite effects: people moved from the traditionally alcohol-free countryside to urban areas, where alcohol was readily available. Furthermore, in the name of regional equality, alcohol policy was slackened in many respects through the Alcohol Act of 1969. One of the most important changes to be introduced by the Alcohol Act was allowing medium- strength beer to be sold in ordinary grocery stores throughout the country, thus bringing alcohol also to the previously dry countryside. Subsequently, the range of alcohol consumers has expanded remarkably in Finland, particularly among women and minors, who have been relatively rare alcohol users before the Figure 1. Italian and Finnish alcohol consumption trends (pure alcohol consumption per capita 1962–2004).

Sources: Cottino and Morgan (1985); Produktschap voor Gedistilleerde (2005); Information on the Nordic Alcohol Market (2009). 202 S. ROLANDO ET AL. 1960s. Since then, the Finnish alcohol consumption trend has seen a steady upward trend, curbed only by a few exceptions (Karlsson, 2009).

While in both countries alcohol consumption trends have been monitored by national surveys and pro- capita consumption trends, changes in the socialization process and in people’s first experiences of alcohol have yet to be investigated.

Through the comparison of the experiences of four generations in Italy and in Finland, this study has the aim to investigate:

– what ‘first drink’ means in these different cultures; – the different alcohol socialization process in Mediterranean and a Nordic drinking culture and possible changes in progress; – what types of representations and attitudes towards alcohol are connected with different types of social- ization processes.

METHOD AND SAMPLE The data was collected in Torino and Helsinki in 2007, using focus group interviews. The focus groups were conducted using a common outline structure for both countries. All focus groups were audiotaped, and the data are transcribed and analysed using Atlas.Ti.

Specifically, the data used for the present article is based on the following two questions:

(1) When and how were you first confronted with other people’s alcohol use? Could you describe that situation?

(What happened? Who was present? What were your feelings at the time?) (2) When did you yourself first try an alcoholic drink? Please describe the situation. (Where did it happen and who was present at the time? How did the event proceed?) For each country 16 focus groups, divided by age, gender 1and socio-cultural level were conducted. In Italy and Finland participants were recruited according to the snowball technique, where we used different channels and sources (schools, educational institutions, trade unions, acquaintances, etc.) to get in touch with people representing the age, gender and socio-cultural groups we were interested in.

The only criteria required for participation in the research was active alcohol consumption (i.e. teetotal- lers were excluded). No specific information concern- ing drinking habits was obtained from participants. In both countries the cohorts were defined on the basis of the socio-economical factors that have characterized the transformations in the whole society and in drinking culture since the 1950s.

In the Italian sample, the older cohort (born between 1937 and 1940) is made up of individuals who experienced the war during their teenage years and later became the primary actors of the industrialization process and the so-called economic ‘miracle’ – a period characterized by a significant growth in alcoholconsumption. Many of these people were migrants from the predominantly agricultural South to the prosperous and increasingly industrial North of Italy.

Participants born between 1952 and 1955, conversely, were adolescents during a period characterized by profound social, economic and cultural changes. They broke with traditional norms regarding alcohol con- sumption patterns: it was a time characterized by an increase in beer consumption and a decrease in wine consumption. The third cohort (1967–1970) grew up during a period of economic prosperity, characterized by a decrease in total alcohol consumption but also by the introduction of new beverages in the Italian market, such as beer and spirits. Finally, the youngest cohort (1987–1990) is composed of the present-day youth, who live in the so-called era of ‘globalization’, where the future hold more uncertainties than ever before.

Despite the fact that overall alcohol consumption currently continues to decrease, intoxication episodes have been increasing (Allamani & Beccaria, 2007; Allamani, Beccaria, & Voller, 2010; Tusini, 2007).

Because of different economic, social and cultural circumstances that characterize the two nations, the division of cohorts in Finland was constructed differ- ently. The oldest Finnish cohort was made up of people born between 1943 and 1950, representing the coming of the Finnish welfare state and experiencing the expansion of wage labour, urbanization, increasing education, as well as considerable changes in the relations between men and women. This cohort grew up in a predominantly ‘dry’ but strongly spirits- and male-dominated drinking culture. Significantly, this cohort also experienced the tremendous liberalization of attitudes towards drinking in the Finland of the 1960s. The second cohort, made up of participants born between 1959 and 1966 represent a cohort influenced by the economic boom in the 1980s and the related emergence of neo-liberal ideas. These people grew up in a significantly less ‘dry’ drinking culture which favoured the consumption of beer and, more gradually, of wine. Interviewees representing the third cohort, born in 1975–1982, are marked by the economic crisis in the first half of the 1990s, and later by an intensified reorganization and shrinkage of welfare services, increased competition in the labour market, as well as new mobile technologies. This cohort was probably affected by the rise of drinking among women and the increasing alcohol consumption among minors from the mid-1980s to the late 1990s. The youngest cohort, born in 1983–1990, share many experiences with members of the former cohort, but probably grow even more directly into a world characterized by intensified global labour and commodity markets and increasing (national) social cleavages. In terms of drinking this cohort is characterized by inconsistent tendencies, which include: a rise in abstinence among young people, coupled with an increasing prevalence of young ‘street-drinkers’ (Ma¨ kela¨ , Tigerstedt, & Mustonen, 2011). FIRST DRINK: WHAT DOES IT MEAN? 203 A total of 190 people were involved, of which 102 were from Italy and 88 from Finland. The final com- position of the groups is represented in Tables I and II.

The focus-group interviews were tape-recorded and transcribed. The data was coded by native researchers by using identical principles in coding. After that the relevant passages from the data were translated into English in order to facilitate the joint analysis that was based on jointly agreed analytical tools. FINDINGS First memories Italian interviewees found it difficult to remember the first time they noticed the presence of alcohol, mainlybecause, in their memories, wine was an every-day presence at the dining table, which did not represent anything special or that would to be remembered specifically. Regardless of age, gender or social class, Italians’ first memories of alcohol go back to early childhood and wine is at the centre of the scene. 17-20 M-H (IT) 2 There isn’t a single memory, an actual beginning, as it were, or a particular moment from which I remember [the presence of alcohol]...it’s just something that’s always been there.

Although it may be difficult to focus on a specific occasion, it is not hard to imagine that the first time they saw someone drinking it could have been their father or grandfather with a glass of wine during a meal. Table I. Italian sample.

Gender Age Number of participants Profession High socio-cultural level (H) M 17–20 8 Students M 37–40 8 Professionals M 52–55 4 Professionals M 67–70 7 Professionals F 17–20 9 Students F 37–40 7 Professionals Housewives (graduates) F 52–55 7 Teachers F 67–70 6 Teachers Housewives Low socio-cultural level (L) M 17–20 7 Students Manual workers M 37–40 4 Manual workers M 52–55 8 Manual workers M 67–70 7 Manual workers F 17–20 4 Students F 37–40 4 Manual workers Housewives F 52–55 6 Manual workers Housewives F 67–70 6 Manual workers Housewives Note: M¼male; F¼female.

Table II. Finnish sample.

Gender Age Number of participants Profession High socio-cultural level (H) M 17–24 5 Students (pedagogics) M 25–32 3 Teachers MþF 41–48 4 Teachers M 57–64 4 Teachers F 17–24 5 Students (pedagogics) F 25–32 6 Teachers F 41–48 5 Teachers F 57–64 9 Teachers Low socio-cultural level (L) M 17–24 5 Manual workers, students M 25–32 3 Odd-job men M roughly 41–48 6 Manual workers M 57–64 7 Manual workers F 17–24 8 Students (practical nursing) F 25–32 5 Practical nurses F 41–48 5 Practical nurses F 57–64 9 Practical nurses 204 S. ROLANDO ET AL. This type of memory provides a clear representation of the nutritional patterns that still persist today among many young people, regardless of gender or social class.

The accounts provided by interviewees who had grown up in rural areas – mostly adults and elders – also reflect the classic representation of alcohol as a source of ‘energetic properties’, which helped farm workers overcome the fatigue of labour. The country- side is also the setting for many memories associated with wine production. Very often, country-folk and their extended family would produce wine proudly, to show off their knowledge of how wine is made, and stress was placed on the quality and genuineness of home-made wine. These kinds of memories can still be found in 17–20-year olds, even though the cultivation of a family vineyard and the making of homemade wine is much less common than in the past.

17-20 M-H (IT) My grandad has a little vineyard and every year he makes wine, so I have this image of Sundays spent to drinking my grandad’s wine...which has a special taste, I mean...it’s different...it’s red wine, but you can see it’s actually made from grapes and not watered down, that it’s not made from powder.

Another recurrent scene in first memories is that of the tight-knit family, with friends or relatives, cele- brating a special occasion. In this case, the images provided by the interviewees refer to convivial and ceremonial-ritual styles. Also in this case, the images are connected to traditional cultural values, which are still relatively widespread and shared by all of the focus group participants. Interestingly, it is adult women, in particular, who associate their earliest memories of alcohol with get-togethers or convivial moments, which are remembered as rituals that celebrate the traditional value of the open, united and extended family.

67-70 F-H (IT) For example, I remember on Sundays or when there was a celebration: a bottle of ‘good wine’ was brought out, especially if there were others. We had an open house, always full of people.

In their first memories, elderly interviewees also spoke of the ‘sacred use’ of wine. Indeed, bread and wine are the symbols of the Catholic rite of Holy Communion, where, according to tradition, the priest breaks the bread and then drinks the consecrated wine, symbols of the body and blood of Christ, respectively.

Whereas for the vast majority of interviewees memories of alcohol were associated with images with very positive connotations, for a few participants in the older age groups (3 people aged between 52 and 55; 4 people aged between 67 and 70) memories of alcohol are connected with misuse. In these cases alcohol is no longer a symbol of family ties andcelebration but, on the contrary, becomes associated with family arguments, marital problems and celebra- tions turned bad.

Unlike Italian participants, Finnish interviewees have a vivid memory of the first time they saw someone drinking, because alcohol was not part of everyday life and children looked upon it as special and unusual substance. So, first memories associate drink- ing to special occasions characterized by a ritual or socializing use, which often leads to intoxication.

As in Italy, almost all participants’ first memories are connected with parents or relatives. In the domestic sphere, there are three main categories of memories which can be identified in all cohorts: special meals organized during the week-end, with friends; the weekly sauna rite, where alcohol has a refreshing use as well as a ritualistic value; the seasonal festive celebrations, where intoxication is a common experi- ence. Normally these kinds of situations are connected with positive feelings, even though adults’ tendency to drink to achieve intoxication can cause ambivalent feelings in children. This ambiguity emerges from interviewees’ narratives: they often feel the need to emphasize that in these situations ‘there was no reason to be afraid’ or that they ‘did not feel anxious’. This may depend on the fact that it is quite common for children to witness drunkenness and see adults engaged in strange alcohol-related behaviour. 25-32 F-L (FI) Well, I remember that my mum has always used alcohol and, sure, shewaskind of boozed, but she consumed such small amounts that I didn’t feel uneasy.

Other first memories are situated out of the domestic sphere and are connected with encounters with alco- holics in public places, like the woods or on public transport. These representations are widespread in all cohorts and are still current. Also, these first experi- ences arise mixed feelings in children: on the one hand, they felt frightened by these ‘meth drinkers’, but, on the other, they also elicited a mix of excitement and curiosity.

17-24 M-H (FI) When I was a small child I was really scared of drunkards.

You were warned about them and we frightened them away.

And all children knew the names of all those drunkards, and we had given them nicknames [...]. But [in the beginning] I never realized there mighy be a connection between [the drunkards’ drinking] and my dad drinking beer on our sofa.

The main differences between first memories in the two countries are summarized in the Table III. First tastes, first drinks and first experience of drunkenness Almost all participants in the Italian sample had their first taste of alcohol at home, confirming the results of previous qualitative studies (Beccaria, 2010). In this FIRST DRINK: WHAT DOES IT MEAN? 205 kind of environment it is possible to identify two main types of memories.

The first type of memory is more frequent among older interviewees, although it was not entirely absent in younger participants’ accounts, and consists of having one’s first taste of an alcoholic beverage at home, during a family meal. These experiences usually concern red wine, either watered down or used to flavour other food. The average age is 7–8 years, although for the eldest age group, first tastes sometimes came later, at up to 15–16 years of age.

For the majority of Italians this first taste does not seem to have provoked any particular reaction, such as the association of this moment with a specific occasion; rather, it is generally associated with pleasant feelings and positive images. The most recurrent symbols were those connected with family tradition and family ties.

The main actors in the socialization process were generally parents or, especially for the younger age groups, grandparents, who gradually introduced them, as teenagers, to drinking wine, in moderation.

17-20 F-H (IT) I was quite young and we went to dinner with my grandparents once a week. They always drank wine and, by the time I was eight years old, my grandad would give me a ‘finger’ 3of wine in my water, it was coloured water really. It wasn’t a direct approach even like that. Many of the older cohorts, especially women, have memories that refer to alcohol’s ‘pharmaceutical’ use, where alcoholic beverages were prescribed by various family members as remedies for all sorts of health problems, from iron deficiency to the flu.

52-55 F-H (IT) My mum was in bed with my sister and my brother and I remember my father saying in the evening: ‘Now I’m going to let you try this liqueur and you’ll see that it’ll kill all the microbes for you!’ and he gave me two ‘fingers’ ofPersico– which is a very sweet liqueur that I’ve always been looking for but haven’t encountered since – because they’re old memories [...]; that has stayed with me, I was six or seven I think, but it ended there once the flu had gone away.

The second type of memory, widespread mostly among the teenagers interviewed, though also fre- quently mentioned by the other age groups, associates the first taste with sips of sweet wine, such as muscatel,sparkling wines, and Champagne, at traditional festiv- ities such as New Year’s Eve celebrations. These first tastes are connected with celebratory toasts, and hence have a ceremonial-ritual value and represent a yearly festive custom. The first taste of alcohol is often recognized by participants as having a social value and the images most commonly associated with these memories are connected with the family and its traditions. This second type of memories are also largely positive, which recall pleasant situations from the past. 17-20 M-H (IT) My first memory was at New Year’s Eve, perhaps. The bottom of the glass of champagne. I must have been maybe seven or eight.

Rather different feelings and memories were described by people whose first taste of alcohol took place in secrecy, i.e. in family contexts but without the supervision of adults (which was the case for only four of the interviewees). First tastes in these circumstances were tinged with the excitement of something pro- hibited, and it is not surprising that such experiences often involved not wine but spirits. As a result, the consequences were often rather unpleasant, both in terms of the after-effects of drinking and of parental reaction. Moreover, first tastes of alcohol that take place only with friends or peer groups are rare – only five out of the entire sample recount such an experi- ence. In these cases, first tastes took place at a slightly later age – between 12 and 16 – compared to those whose first taste of alcohol was in the family, and drinks other than wine were involved. These experi- ences are recounted by teenagers whose families did not drink at mealtimes on a daily basis, and hence they did not have the chance to taste alcohol with their parents. In some cases, given the lack of adult supervision, these first taste experiences led to intoxication.

After a latency period that can last several years, during which adolescents are sometimes allowed by parents to taste wine, they gradually move on to their first ‘real’ consumption. Here we find major genera- tional differences: 17–20 years olds and 37–40 years olds started drinking outside the home with friends and tend to prefer beverages such as beer, cocktails and Table III. Prevalent first memories: Italy versus Finland (all cohorts).

Italy Finland Context Home Home/public places Characters Parents, relatives, friend Parents, relatives, friends/alcoholics Drink Wine Beer, spirits, wine Occasion Daily Special Use values Nourishing, socializing, ritual Ritual, refreshing, socializing, intoxicant Feelings Positive Ambivalent 206 S. ROLANDO ET AL. alcopops (i.e. not wine). In most cases drinking also becomes an activity which is dissociated from eating.

On the other hand, the majority of older adult and elderly interviewees tended to increase the amount drunk during family meals with their parents on a progressive basis, until they acquired their own adult drinking style. For some participants in the elderly cohort who belonged to low social class the start of ‘real’ consumption actually came later and only took place with entry in the labour market or with military service, for males, and with marriage, for women.

The first drink with the peer group, both in the past and in the present day, is more likely to lead to drunkenness than alcohol consumed in the family but, in most cases, this is the consequence of group behaviour and is not intentionally sought. In fact, for many, it becomes a sort of benchmark, a threshold that must not be exceeded. Intoxication, however, is more common among the younger generations and we find an increased of social tolerance for it, especially among females. Unlike the older cohorts, where many women manifest a strong level of self-control in relation to alcohol consumption, all the younger female partici- pants report having had this experience. Nevertheless, this ‘experimental phase’ does not seem to last very long: even in the younger cohort, in particular among 20 years old females, most accounts refer to the period of drunkenness as a stage that has already been completed. Moreover, there are also teens who con- sume alcohol in a more traditional style, like adults, at mealtimes.

17-20 F-H (IT) Now I’ve learned to drink a bit less or, if I have a drink, to control myself, whereas some time ago I didn’t care if I drank and then went over the top and ended up sleeping in the car.

Now I’m also able to help those who are end up a bit the worse for wear after drinking, remembering the old times when I was got sick myself and someone would take me home.

17-20 F-L (IT) If I go out to dinner with my boyfriend, I always have wine.

The only member of the youngest cohort who has never gotten drunk is a boy who used to drink a glass of wine everyday during family meals, with his parents.

All the other cohorts look at drunkenness as typical youth behaviour: even though it can occur also in adulthood, which is more of a rare event.

Unlike Italian participants, only a limited number of Finnish interviewees claimed to have tasted alcohol for the first time at home, either in connection with the weekly sauna bathing ritual or with meal. Tradition beer and other malt liquors are served as thirst quenchers for adults during saunas. No surprise then that for many Finns the sauna represents the first place where children are confronted with adult drinking and, for some, it also becomes the context where first tastes of alcohol take place.In Finland, the vast majority of descriptions regard- ing the first tasting of alcoholic beverages take place outside the home, in the absence of parents and within a peer group context. This is because the first drink is considered an event to share with friends. However, considering the age of first tasting, there are big differences between older and younger female cohorts.

For the older female generations, the first taste occurred in adult life and often coincided with the moment they left their family home temporarily or definitively. For the younger female generations, the first taste usually occurred already in early teenage years. It may have happened on a particular occasion or a celebration, such as the graduation ceremony, or during a normal weekend, when students meet downtown or at a friend’s house, but only if there are no adults around. Sometimes it is connected with hobbies and sports, for example drinking with football teammates or one’s music band. In any case the first drink is considered an important and memorable event, which nowadays occurs, on average, between the ages of 14 and 16. 40-47 F-H (FI) I remember that I first tasted only about two bottles of beer, and then we were supposed to be completely pissed.

It is significant that many of the Finnish respondents answered the question regarding their first taste of alcohol by recounting their first experiences of intox- ication. This was especially true of the younger cohort:

indeed, in many cases the first taste, the first drink and the first experience of drunkenness all coincided. Such cases are numerous and widespread across both genders and all the age cohorts. Despite the fact that these experiences usually ended in participants feeling sick most of the memories are presented in positive terms.

In some cases, mainly in the younger cohort, participants talk about parents’ effort to be permissive and let their children drink some alcoholic beverages at home, in order to limit overall consumption. However, the result is not what parents would have hoped: the drink at home becomes the first of many and drinking just continues outside, with friends.

25-32 F-H (FI) [...] I remember when my parents agreed to buy my friend and me a bottle of cider each. [Those bottles] were drunk under my parents’ eyes and only then were we allowed to go out. To us, we had just supplied ourselves with some extra [alcohol], but my parents imagined that our drinking stopped after those two bottles [...].

However, the majority of our interviewees felt that drinking under parental supervision or with them would be uncomfortable. Many even stated that when they were young it was difficult for them to discuss drinking issues with adults (Jaatinen, 2000).

Findings about first experiences with alcohol are summarized in Table IV. FIRST DRINK: WHAT DOES IT MEAN? 207 DISCUSSION The first thing to be emphasized on the basis of our results is that quite surprisingly, in Italy and Finland, respectively, the alcohol socialization process seems to be fairly persistent over several decades. A very stable aspect over time consists of the first images of alcohol imprinted in the people’s memory, which are quite similar between cohorts and this is a sign of how drinking cultures are quite ‘conservative’.

Research shows that young people develop alcohol expectancies before having any direct experience with alcohol. At the same time, we know that these beliefs about the effects of alcohol are strong predictors of later alcohol consumption (Vellerman, 2009).

Interviewees’ narratives show that early images of alcohol take shape in people’s minds long before their personal experiences take place and are associated with perceptions and values that are very stable over time because they reflect the different representations that this substance takes on in a given society. For this reason, it is so difficult for the Finnish respondents to avoid a certain degree of ambiguity when referring to their first alcohol-related memories, to the extent that many participants felt obliged to frequently point out that there was no danger in the situations described.

Intoxicant use value is already embodied in these early memories, when children perceived adults doingstrange things, both intrigued and frightened by the peculiarity of the substance. This clarification could also be attributable to the focus group situation.

Because in Finland the feeling of being intoxicated is a primary value of alcohol consumption and, second, drinking carries ambivalent meanings (including con- flicts, violence, family abuse etc.), people need to protect their reputation in the interview situation by explaining when alcohol use was ‘normal’ and when it was ‘abnormal’, even when talking about the past.

On the other hand, Italian participants’ accounts of their first memories of alcohol, which almost always revolved about wine, are recounted without hesitation and generally associated to strong positive values, such as tradition and family relations. In this case justifica- tions or specifications are not necessary because the relationship with alcohol is not ambiguous: moderate drinking is not only accepted but also a socially desirable behaviour, only drunkenness is condemned.

This early imprinted images can explain, at least in part, the persistent different relationship with intoxica- tion between young drinking cultures in the South and in the North of Europe (Room, 2010) which is rooted in the culture of belonging and precedes individual experiences.

Furthermore, the results show very well how, when dealing with the ‘first drink’ or the moment of ‘drinking onset’ in different contexts, we have to Table IV. First tastes, drink and drunkenness: Italy versus Finland.

Italy Finland First tastes (All cohorts) (All cohorts) g At home g Outside home g With parents and with their consent g With friends (hidden from parents) g Not easy to remember g Memorable event g Very small quantities g Significant quantities g Occasions: daily meal, family get-together g Occasions: graduation ceremony, weekend, public meeting places, home adolescents’ parties g From 7 to 16 years g 14–16 years g Use values: nourishing, ritual, g Use values: socializing/intoxication socializing, pharmaceutical (A minority): (A minority):

Out of home At home With peer With parents First drinks Older cohorts Younger cohorts g At home g Outside (pub, restaurant, disco) g During meals g With parents/husband (F)/workmates (M) g With friends g Beer g Wine g Overlap between first tastes, first drink and first drunkenness First drunkenness g By accident g At earlier age among younger cohorts g At parties g Wine, spirits, cocktails g Most widespread in the younger cohorts g Not present in the older female experiences 208 S. ROLANDO ET AL. consider that we are referring to different practices and a plurality of meanings affected by cultural influence, in other words, the alcohol socialization process. For Italians, for example, the socialization to alcohol takes place in a very gradual way for decades: even if today it is more likely that first real drink happens with peers compared to the past, when it did with parents, before this experience there is a long period of tastes ‘under control’ that introduce children to alcohol as a quite ordinary substance. So, from the first small sip of wine granted or even encouraged by parents during a family toast, until the first real episode of intoxication, there may be a lapse of many years, during which children and adolescents sometimes are allowed to enjoy a taster or a glass of wine. These kinds of experiences do not assume particular importance in the eyes of children so that, in adulthood, they are hardly able to recall the specific situations. The repeated ‘wine-sipping’ in the family context makes the situation ‘normal’ and indicates that is inscribed as part of a family tradition rather than being constructed as an opportunistic behaviour (Donovan & Molina, 2008). Parental consent in this instance, which is common across all age cohorts in the Italian sample, seems to eliminate any transgressive elements, which might otherwise be attributed to the alcohol experience. In this way, drinking takes on the connotations of accepted behav- iour, recognized and regulated by the traditional rules of the Mediterranean drinking culture. It is an approach that has ancient roots, and which has been passed on to the present day.

On the contrary, in Finland, it is often difficult to distinguish the first taste of alcohol from the first actual drink and even from the first episode of drunkenness.

Indeed, here, for the majority of participants, the first experimentations with alcohol happen far from parental supervision and in secrecy, thus taking on a transgres- sive and experimental meaning. Furthermore, due to a reduction in parents’ power as norm-setting authorities in youngsters’ socialization into drinking, the role of peer groups as a source of values has been strength- ened. Finnish youth, in general, is shaped in a more independent position among the younger cohorts compared to the older ones. These younger cohorts have become initiated into (binge) drinking outside the domestic sphere within their hobby-, school- or resi- dentially based peer groups. Within this uncompelled and independent cultural sphere, young people have the opportunity already at an early age to test and learn certain forms of drinking-related abilities and compe- tences. The emergence of this sphere has increased the social capital of the young, thus improving their possibilities to keep their parents at arms length from their leisure time. From the point of view of drinking culture, parents are considered more and more to be ‘others’ (Beccaria, Prina, Rolando, Tigerstedt, & To¨ rro¨ nen, 2010, p. 249).

In addition, the analysis shows that there is consid- erable variation particularly in how the female cohortshave been socialized into the drinking culture in Finland. The two oldest female cohorts have only a few personal experiences of tasting alcohol, and drinking appeared to them mostly as a negative activity when they were young. By contrast, in the represen- tations of first tastes, articulated by the youngest female cohort, drinking is a most commonplace, ‘normal’ phenomenon. This remarkable change in female socialization in drinking culture proves that drinking has become a normal part of the everyday life of both genders (Beccaria et al., 2010, p. 248).

So, unlike in Italy, in Finland we do not see a distinction between ‘childhood drinking styles’, in which all aspects of the occasions where drinking takes place are under parental control and ‘adolescent drinking styles’, in which drinking is organized by and exclusively practiced with peers (Harnett, Thom, Herring, & Kelly, 2000; cf. Ja¨ rvinen, Demant, & Østergaard, 2010). In Italy, the two drinking styles represent different stages of the alcohol socialization process that are separate and can be quite distant in time.

These profound differences between Italy and Finland should help us cast a different gaze on the interpretation of results on drinking onset from quan- titative research. In the quantitative literature the meaningof sipping or tasting alcohol has generally been ignored. Frequently, there is not a distinction between those who have only sipped or tasted certain drinks and those who are already consuming their own alcoholic beverages, while other studies explicitly exclude sipping and tasting in the formulation of the questionnaire, treating sippers and tasters as abstainers who have never been exposed to alcohol (Donovan & Molina, 2008).

Taking into account that information on the first drink is strongly influenced by cultural drinking patterns, as Italian and Finnish interviewees have clearly showed, it is more understandable why some- times results of European quantitative studies might appear inconsistent. For instance, comparing the age of first alcohol consumption, according to the HBSC survey (Currie et al., 2008), 27% of Italian 15-year olds claim that they had their first alcoholic drink at 13 or younger, as opposed to 32% of Finns. Equally, according to ESPAD data (Hibell et al., 2009), it seems that a larger proportion of Italian youths, compared to their Finnish counterparts, had tried different alcoholic beverages at the age of 13 (from a maximum of respectively 44% versus 34% for beer, to a minimum of 20% versus 15% for spirits). In contrast, if we look at data on the first episode of intoxication, the picture for the two countries is reversed: only 7% of Italians have been drunk at the age of 13 or younger versus the 19% of Finns. In light of the present results, it is relevant to ask whether this data refers to the same set of experiences and how the respondents might have interpreted the question on first consumption (taking first tastes into account or not). FIRST DRINK: WHAT DOES IT MEAN? 209 Even if the memories of respondents from different cohorts are largely overlapping, however, it can be noticed some changes taking place over time that should be monitored both in terms of evolution and impact on drinking comportments.

Indeed, according to our findings, it seems that, following tradition, most parents still prefer for chil- dren to taste wine under their supervision, rather than with the peer group. However, habits are changing and, since drinking wine at mealtimes is less common in contemporary Italian families than in the past (indeed, for the new generations the agents of socialization are often grandparents rather than parents), it is possible that the first taste during childhood and early adoles- cence will become a more exceptional experience also for young Italians. Nevertheless, in recent years the media – under the pressure of different stakeholders – have been sounding alarm bells regarding the early onset of alcohol consumption among young Italians, ingenuously taking for granted the general assumptions coming from foreign studies that strongly recommend against traditional forms of early alcohol socialization in the family (Beccaria & Prina, 2010). The debate this matter sparked in public opinion could influence parenting practices in the future, as some of the Italian respondents have already perceived.

67-70 F-H (IT) I have one thing in mind from when I was a little girl. It (that children tasted wine) was quite common when there was a big table for a celebration. Where people would eat and drink more, they used to say ‘Go on, let the child taste it too’. I’ve not heard anything like that since. These days, no one would think of letting a child taste wine or other things.

On the contrary, in Finland a more liberal approach is developing among younger parents, who in some cases allow teens to drink at home with the hope to introduce their offspring to a less risky drinking culture. As we have seen, however, because the peer groups have such a powerful influence on drinking, good intentions do not always yield expected results (Ja¨ rvinen et al., 2010). Cultural differences have deep roots and it is not sufficient to import some habits other cultures to achieve the desired results. The influence of the whole context seems to be more important than the single rule or practice (Plant & Miller, 2007), and the first images that we acquire as children provide us with the most important and durable representations of alcohol, that have the potential to affect our relation- ship with drinking also in youth and adulthood.

Even though it was not the intent nor the design of this study to demonstrate the effects of alcohol socialization, in light of the results collected it seems that the debate on whether sipping and tasting in childhood increases alcohol risk later on or whether it serves as a protective factor makes little sense unless consideredwithina specific cultural context. For this reason it is worth undertaking further cross-cultural and longitudinal investigations, as indicated also byprevious studies (Donovan & Molina, 2008; Heath, 2000; Strunin et al., 2010). CONCLUSIONS Results highlight at least two important implications regarding alcohol research and interventions. The first is that profound differences still persist between Mediterranean and Nordic European drinking coun- tries, despite the general tendency to act as if there were a convergence of drinking styles (Room, 2010).

Given that the socialization process is the primary means by which a particular drinking culture is reproduced and transmitted to the next generation, one of the main findings of the present study is that alcohol still occupies very different positions in Italy and Finland. The main difference is in the values attributed to drinking: in the Italian case alcohol is primarily to positive, family-oriented values, whereas in the Finnish case it has acquired a predominantly transgressive meaning. The second implication is methodological: what our study highlighted is that, the use of the term ‘first drink’ can mean very different things (and be connected to different experiences) in different countries, and thus quantitative data on drinking onset should be interpreted very carefully. It could be useful, moreover, in order to achieve a better understanding of the meaning of the socialization process and its consequences, to move the attention fromwhensomething happened tohowit happens, analysing the feelings and representations related to alcohol and the drinking context.

Results from the current study led us to ponder if, in order to be effective, alcohol policies should to be tailored according to specific traits in the respective drinking cultures. For instance, on the basis of data collected in English-speaking countries, it is commonly taken for granted that prevention strategies should focus on delaying the age of drinking onset (Hawkins et al., 1997; Hingson & Kenkel, 2004; Moore, Rothwell, & Segrott, 2010; Picherot et al., 2010) independently of a country’s specific drinking culture.

Even if such recommendation is evidence based, too frequently it does not take into consideration cultural- specific evidence, certainly due to the lack of research on this topic.

As the drinking onset does not indicate a precise experience with a general shared meaning, prevention strategies should be adapted to the different cultural drinking contexts. First of all, it should be clarify what has to be delayed: the age of first drink or the age of the first taste? No research is available on the role of first taste so that it should be implemented. Second, other aspects of socialization must be taken into account in addition to the age of onset that may be even more important as predictor of future risky behaviours, such as the drinking context, actors and meanings and emotions is related to these first experiences.

Furthermore, it is necessary to explore the different 210 S. ROLANDO ET AL. role of first drink and first drunkenness since, as recently Kuntsche et al. (2011) have pointed out, not an early age of first drink but an early age of first drunkenness is the main risk factor for various problems behaviours in adolescence.

Declaration of interest:The Italian research has been granted by Osservatorio Permanente sui Giovani e l’Alcool di Roma, an institute supported by ASSOBIRRA (Italian Breweries Association), University of Perugia and Unione Italiana Vini (Wine producers Association). The Finnish research has been supported by the Finnish national research council (the Academy of Finland), project number 137685.

NOTES 1. Only one Finnish focus group included both men and women.

2. Quotes are introduced by codes indicating age group, sex (Male/ Female), socio-cultural level (High/Low) and country (IT/FIN).

3. A ‘finger’ is a typical, informal and absolutely variable unit of measurement for alcoholic beverages in Italy, equal to about a ½ inch of liquid in any given glass.

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