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T. G. Horgan et al.: Gender Differences in Memory Journal of Individual Differences2012; Vol. 33( 3):169–17 4 © 2012 Hogrefe Publishing Original Article Gender Differences in Memory for What Others Say About Themselves and Their Family Members Terrence G. Horgan, Jeannette M. Stein, Jeremy Southworth, and Michelle Swarbrick University of Michigan-Flint, Flint, MI, USA Abstract.Do women have a recall advantage for what others say? And does it matter what type of information another person shares with them? Women’s greater interdependence in self-construal was predicted to give them an advantage over men in their memory for information shared about close others. In an experimental study, 124 undergraduate students (64 women and 60 men) from a Midwestern university in the United States watched either a videotaped male or femaletarget discussing his or her lifestyle habits, health goals, and family. Participants then completed a surprise recognition test of their memory for what the target had said. Results show men were as accurate as women at remembering personal information shared by the targets, but women more accurately recalled what was said about the targets’ family members. The implications of thesefindings for various professional relationships are discussed.

Keywords:gender, memory, verbal information, self-construal Two people enter a party. One says to the other, “There’s Derrick. Remember our neighbor told us that Derrick is her nephew and a fireman in town?” The other replies, “Oh, Derrick, the fireman. He’s what to our neighbor?” In ste- reotype, the one who remembers that Derrick is the neigh- bor’s nephew is a woman; the one who does not is a man.

However, when it comes to remembering what people say about their family members, it is not known whether wom- en actually outperform men. The present study addressed this question by having participants watch a videotaped male or female talking about lifestyle habits, health goals, and family. Women’s greater interdependence in self-con- strual was predicted to give them an advantage over men in memory for what the targets had shared about close oth- ers, namely, their family members (Cross & Madson, 1997).

Research has shown that women outperform men on tests of memory for nonverbal information. For example, Hall, Murphy, and Schmid Mast (2006b) found that, rela- tive to men, women have superior memory for their inter- action partner’s gazing, gesturing, and smiling. However, the literature is strangely silent as to whether there are gen- der differences in memory for verbal information shared within an interpersonal context.

A female advantage over males in memory for what oth- er people say might be expected given that women have been shown to outperform men on most verbal learningtasks, including remembering lists of words (Herlitz & Rehnman, 2008; Yonker, Eriksson, Nilsson, & Herlitz, 2003). Yet studies that have tested participants’ memory for what others have said to them did not find any gender differences (Hall, Murphy, & Schmid Mast, 2006a). Per- haps men and women are equally accustomed to remem- bering what others tell them in day-to-day life, negating any advantage women might have over men on verbal- learning tasks.

Consequently, the nature of the to-be-recalled verbal in- formation might be crucial to revealing gender differences in this memory domain as it has been in others. Horgan, McGrath, and Long (2009) found that, compared to men, women show superior memory for the people, but not the objects, in their surroundings. This female advantage in memory for people is consistent with women’s overall greater interpersonal orientation. Tests of semantic memo- ry also suggest that gender differences are dependent on the type of material to be learned. For instance, Herrmann, Crawford, and Holdsworth (1992, Study 1) found that women did better than men at remembering a list of grocery items but worse than men at remembering a set of travel directions. Such findings may be related to gender-relevant experiences.

Within an interpersonal context, personal information about others (hereafter referred to astargets) and informa- tion about targets’ family members might act as two dis- DOI: 10.1027/1614-0001/a000087 © 2012 Hogrefe PublishingJournal of Individual Differences2012; Vol. 33(3):169–174 This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. tinctive types of information, with gender differences in memory for each type also being linked to gender-relevant experiences. For the purpose of this study, personal infor- mation refers to details about the person but not his or her relationships with others. When memory for personal in- formation about targets is tested, men and women may per- form similarly because both are used to processing such information about targets, such as where they are from and what school they attend. But women might have more ex- perience than men processing targets’ family information (e.g., sibling’s age), given that women’s “self” tends to be more interdependent (Cross & Madson, 1997).

Cross and Madson (1997) argued that gender differences exist in self-construal (i.e., how men and women tend to define their “self”). Women’s sense of self tends to be more interdependent or relationship-oriented, whereas men’s tends to be more independent or separate from others. Ev- idence of a gender difference in self-construal includes women thinking more about the people in their lives and, in dyadic interactions, reporting more thoughts and feelings about their partners as well as adopting the perspective of their partners more often than men (Ickes, Robertson, Tooke, & Teng, 1986).

When reflecting on the “self,” a person is likely to think about his or her own personal qualities (e.g., height, inter- ests, etc.) as well as who he or she is in relation to others (e.g., daughter, girlfriend, etc.). Both sources of descriptive information (personal, relational) can also be taken into consideration when trying to understand others (e.g., she is a vegetarian and the mother of two). To the extent that women’s sense of self is more interdependent than men’s, information about the people they have close relations with should be more self-relevant to women than men (Cross & Madson, 1997). By extension, we suggest that information about those who are close to a target, such as his or her family members, might also be more relevant to how wom- en come to understand who the target is (i.e., the target’s “self”) than is the case with men. Consequently, when a target shares details about his or her family members, wom- en might more elaboratively process – and thus have a bet- ter memory for – this type of information than men (Fiske & Taylor, 1991; Singh & Mishra, 2006).

There is suggestive evidence that women’s memory for information pertaining to relationships is superior to men’s.

Women and men recalled newly acquired personal facts about famous people equally well (Yonker et al., 2003). Yet women reported more accurate memories (compared to men) for whatother peopledid in their relationships (Ga- briel & Gardner, 1999, Study 4) as well as for what hap- pened in their own relationships (Ross & Holmberg, 1992).

However, at present, there is no evidence to suggest that women have an advantage over men in remembering what a target has said about close others.

In the present study, participants listened to a videotaped male or female target sharing information about lifestyle, health goals, and family. Participants’ memory for what the target had said was tested. Questions focused on personalinformation shared by the target as well as what was said about his or her family members. It was hypothesized that, although men’s and women’s memory for target informa- tion should be comparable, women should have better memory for target family information than men, given that such information might be more relevant to women’s great- er interdependence in self-construal (Cross & Madson, 1997). Finding that women have a memory advantage (viz., a greater ability to recognize what had previously been said about others) over men in this social domain would be im- portant for three reasons:

1. It could have practical implications for some profession- al relationships in which the quality of help provided by one person (e.g., psychologist) might depend upon the details that can be remembered about the other person (e.g., client).

2. Previous research has not examined how gender differ- ences in self-construal might theoretically impact men’s and women’s memory for different types of information that other people verbally share (viz., personal, family).

3. It would add to a growing body of research showing that women have enhanced interpersonal sensitivity relative to men, which includes demonstrating better memory for others’ nonverbal cues and appearance (Hall & Ber- nieri, 2001; Hall et al., 2006b; Horgan, Schmid Mast, Hall, & Carter, 2004). Method Participants A total of 124 undergraduates (64 women, 60 men) from a Midwestern university in the United States participated in the study. Participants were primarily first-year students from a wide variety of majors within the university, which has a student population that is approximately 75% White, 12.5% Black, 8% multi-racial, 2.5% Hispanic, and 2% Asian. Data from three participants were discarded because they knew the target shown in the video. Analyses were performed on the remaining 121 participants. Participants were tested in small groups of 1–7, and all were treated in accordance with APA ethical guidelines.

Materials Target Stimulus Videos There were two videos: one of a White male and one of a White female, both in their early 20s. By using a target from each sex, we could increase the generalizability of our findings and rule out the possibility that any recall advan- tage for personal or family information or both was linked to gender-congruent pairings (i.e., women recalling rela- tively more information about the female target than the 170 T. G. Horgan et al.: Gender Differences in Memory Journal of Individual Differences2012; Vol. 33(3):169–174 © 2012 Hogrefe Publishing This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. male target, whereas the reverse being true for men). Each target was shown sitting on an exercise mat in workout clothes. Targets were instructed to talk about their health goals and basic lifestyle habits, and to share general back- ground information about themselves. The topics of health and basic lifestyle habits were chosen because they are gen- der neutral in nature and (usually) do not require listeners to possess any specialized knowledge of the subject, as might be the case with more gender-typical hobbies (e.g., woodworking).

Memory Tests Participants’ memory for what the male and female target had said was assessed with a 26-item and 29-item multi- ple-choice test, respectively. Items on each test dealt with personal and family information that the targets had shared.

Care was taken in the selection and wording of test items to ensure that participants would not need to possess any specialized knowledge of health or exercise in order to an- swer them. Personal information included the name, age, favorite food, and exercise routine of each target. Family information included what the targets had stated about their family members, such as their illnesses, exercise habits, business ventures, and cooking. For instance, “What school is she currently attending?” was considered a question about the personal information that the female target had shared, whereas “Why does her mom walk as a means to stay fit?” was considered a question about family informa- tion. On the male [female] target test, there were 19 [20] questions relating to personal information and 7 [9] about his [her] family. Participants were required to select only one answer alternative for each test question. There was always only one objectively correct answer for each ques- tion.

Procedure Participants were given the informed consent to read and sign. It stated that they would be asked to fill out a ques- tionnaire about a video clip and aspects of their personality for the purpose of exploring first impressions. Keeping the purpose of the study ambiguous helped to ensure that wom- en would not be more motivated than men to do well on the task at hand in order to fulfill gender-role expectations, as might have been the case had participants learned that the study concerned their social skills (Eagly, 1987; Ickes, Gesn, & Graham, 2000).

Participants were randomly assigned to view the male or female target video. The experimenter explained that partic- ipants would watch a video. The experimenter exited the room after the video began playing to reduce the possibility of distractions. When the video ended, participants were im- mediately given the memory test. Upon completion of the tests, participants were debriefed, thanked, and dismissed. Results Test Scoring Participants answers were coded as correct (1 point) or in- correct (0 points). Two total scores were then calculated for each participant: the sum of all the correct answers about the male or female target’s personal information; and the sum of all the correct answers pertaining to the male or female target’s family information. In order to account for the different number of items on the male and female tests and the different number of questions pertaining to person- al and family information, each total score was divided by the total number of relevant questions on the test, resulting in proportion correct scores.

Analysis Plan Participants’ arcsin-transformed proportion correct memo- ry scores for target personal information and family infor- mation were the dependent variables in the study.

Gender differences in memory for target personal and family information were tested using a 2 (Participant gender: men vs. women) × 2 (Target gender: male vs.

female) × 2 (Type of information recalled: personal vs.

family) mixed-model analysis of variance (ANOVA), with participant gender and target gender as the between- participants factors and type of information recalled as the within-participants variable. Table 1 presents the means for personal and family information by target gen- der and participant gender.

Main Effect of Participant Gender No predictions were made concerning a gender difference in overall memory for what the targets had said. However, results revealed a main effect of gender,F(1, 117) = 6.25, p= .01,η p2= .05, with women showing better overall mem- ory (M= .85) for what the targets had said than men (M= .80). Ta b l e 1 .Men’s and women’s mean proportion correct memory scores for the male and female target’s personal and family information Target information Personal Family Participant sex Male Female Male Female Male .83 (0.10) .84 (0.02) .75 (0.03) .79 (0.03) Female .85 (0.02) .87 (0.02) .84 (0.03) .85 (0.03) Notes.Values represent participants’ backtransformed proportion cor- rect memory scores. Scale ranges from 0 to 1.0. Standard deviations are in parentheses. T. G. Horgan et al.: Gender Differences in Memory 171 © 2012 Hogrefe PublishingJournal of Individual Differences2012; Vol. 33(3):169–174 This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. Participant Gender × Type of Information Interaction Results showed the expected interaction,F(1, 117) = 4.94, p= .03,η p2 = .04. The means are shown in Table 2. Of importance, the contrast between male and female recall of family information was significant,t(117) = 2.83,p< .01. In short, men were as accurate as women at remem- bering target personal information. However, the targets also talked about their own family members, and women remembered this information significantly better than did men. Other Possible Effects The targets were allowed to talk freely in an effort to cre- ate a more realistic video while keeping the topics of dis- cussion as gender neutral as possible. Because this led to differences in the male and female target videos (e.g., in length), there was a concern that this might confound the testing of gender differences in memory for target person- al and family information. However, there was no main effect of targetF(1, 117) = .39,p= .54, and no Participant gender × Target gender interaction,F(1, 117) = .01,p= .92. Thus, there was no evidence that participants had bet- ter or worse memory either for what the male or female target had said or that the gender composition of the par- ticipant-target pairing affected men’s and women’s mem- ory differently.

The targets also shared more personal information than family information. Yet, within-participants contrasts showed that participants did not recall personal information about the targets better than information about the targets’ families,F(1, 117) = .03,p= .86. Moreover, the female target shared more personal and family information than did the male target. Nonetheless, there was no evidence that type of information recalled (personal vs. family) interact- ed with target genderF(1, 117) = 1.56,p= .22, nor was there a three-way interaction involving participant gender, target gender, and type of information recalledF(1, 117) = .91,p= .34. Discussion We examined whether women have better memory for in- formation about close others than do men. Previous re- search showed that women tend to remember more of the nonverbal information they observe than do their male counterparts (Hall et al., 2006b). Our results expand on this female advantage by showing that women also tend to out- perform men when remembering what targets have said about close others, in this case, members of the target’s family.

This is, to our knowledge, the very first evidence to show that women’s memory for specific verbal information shared within an interpersonal context is superior to that of men’s. Our finding corresponds with Cross and Madson’s (1997) position that women are more interdependent than men and thus more attuned to information about close oth- ers. Our results also extend the theoretical implications of a gender difference in self-construal to a domain of social behavior that, although a part of everyday life (i.e., people trying to remember what others say to them), has received little research attention. Moreover, our findings add to the literature showing that gender matters with respect to ver- bal behavior in interpersonal contexts. For example, prior research has revealed gender differences in speaking time in mixed groups, use of filled pauses, and frequency of speech errors (see Hall, 1984).

Gender differences in memory for information about other people, such as their nonverbal behavior and appear- ance, have been uncovered but not explained. The specific mechanisms that give women an advantage over men are unknown (Hall et al., 2006b; Schmid Mast & Hall, 2006).

Similarly, although we discussedwhy, theoretically speak- ing, our findings make sense in terms of known gender differences in self-construal, we did not investigatehow women were able to outperform men. Research has repeat- edly demonstrated that greater self-relevance, deeper and more elaborative encoding, and better organization of in- formation facilitate recall.

People’s self-construals serve as an important encoding structure for self-relevant information (Kuiper & Rogers, 1979; Rogers, Kuiper & Kirker, 1977; for a review, see Fiske & Taylor, 1991). For example, when physical fitness is particularly relevant to individuals, they are likely to pay more attention to and remember more about the physical fitness of those they encounter. Consequently, if informa- tion about close relationships is more relevant to how wom- en view the “self” – their own, as Cross and Madson have argued (1997), and that of others, as we suggest – then women might have paid greater attention to target family information than men.

Memory is enhanced when information is processed based on meaning rather than structural or phonemic fea- tures (Bobrow & Bower, 1969; Craik & Lockhart, 1972; Hyde & Jenkins, 1973; Lockhart, Craik, & Jacoby, 1976).

Because women tend to be more interdependent than men, Table 2.Men’s and women’s mean proportion correct memory scores for targets’ personal information and family information Target information Participant sex Personal Family Men .83 (0.10) .77 (0.16) Women .86 (0.10) .85 (0.15) Notes.Values represent participants’ backtransformed proportion cor- rect memory scores. Standard deviations are given in parentheses.

Participant Gender × Type of Information Recalled,F(1, 117) = 4.94, p= .03,η p2= .04. 172 T. G. Horgan et al.: Gender Differences in Memory Journal of Individual Differences2012; Vol. 33(3):169–174 © 2012 Hogrefe Publishing This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. they may be more likely than men to consider family rela- tionships to be an important context for understanding oth- er people. To the extent that memory is better when infor- mation is processed based on meaning, women might have outperformed men in the current study because family re- lationships have more relevance or meaning to them than is the case with men, leading them to process family infor- mation more deeply than men. This interpretation is in line with Cross and Madson’s (1997) contention that those with an interdependent self-construal engage in deeper process- ing of relational information than those with a more inde- pendent self-construal. Similarly, on a reading task, Singh and Mishra (2006) found that men’s and women’s memo- ries benefitted equally from deeper processing of self-rel- evant information, but only women showed a benefit when the to-be-recalled information was about someone else.

Because memory is vast, a greater degree of organiza- tion can facilitate information recall (Mandler & Pearl- stone, 1966; Tulving, 1962). It is easier, for example, to locate a specific item of food, say cereal, if food items are organized in a grocery store. According to Symons and Johnson (1997), people maintain highly elaborative self- representations that serve as powerful mnemonic devices for organizing self-relevant information. If women’s self- representations are more likely to include their relation- ships to close others than is the case with men, as Cross and Madson (1997) maintain, then women might have been more likely to spontaneously organize, and thus better able to retain, recently heard information about the target’s fam- ily members. Women may have been more likely than men to think of the male target, for example, as not only an individual who has personal information to share but also as someone who is likely to be a son and brother. Conse- quently, women might have been more inclined than men to incorporate incoming family information about the tar- get’s dad and siblings into their understanding of who the male target is, making it easier for them to retain and re- trieve these sorts of details.

Men and women performed equally well when they were asked to remember personal information about the targets. This might, at first blush, seem inconsistent with previous research showing that women have an advantage over men in memory for social information about targets, such as targets’ appearance and nonverbal cues (e.g., Hall et al., 2006b; Horgan et al., 2004). (Women did have an overall advantage in memory for what the targets had said, although this was due to their superior memory for target family information.) However, like women, men are social beings who must interact with and understand other people in order to conduct their lives successfully. Attending to others’ personal information, such as their name, age, school, interests, and so on, can help in this regard, and thus might be something that both men and women are equally accustomed to, and thus practiced at, doing in everyday life. Of course, attending to others’ family information is beneficial, socially speaking, to men and women alike. Yet family information might be more relevant to how womenview other people, leading to differences in how that infor- mation is typically processed by each sex during verbal interactions.

The benefits of having superior memory for others’ family information might extend to the many professional roles that women occupy in society. Research shows that interpersonal relationships influence mental health (Gunlicks-Stoessel, Mufson, Jekal, & Turner, 2010), physical health (Wortman, Dunkel-Schetter, 1979), occupational performance (Inn- strand, Langballe, & Falkum, 2010), and education (Sin Kwok Wong, 1998). Remembering the relationships that people have may be crucial to understanding and possibly helping them at times. Consider a new college student who discloses to her professor that she comes from a family in which her both parents are physicians, and that, although she is not entirely sure of what she would like to do after gradu- ation, she thinks that she might like to pursue medicine, too.

Later, she reports that she is struggling in her biology classes and feels conflicted about her growing interest and aptitude in computer science. Discussing her relationship with her parents might offer clues to her current educational concerns.

For this to happen, the professor may need to recall that this advisee is not only a student, whose academic interests can change over time, but also the daughter of physicians.

It would seem important for professionals and supervisors, such as psychologists, physicians, and educators, to make an effort to remember the family information that their clients, patients, employees, and students have verbally shared with them. Moreover, a superior memory for such details on the part of women could positively impact the quality of help provided to those who seek help or need guidance. Thus, those charged with training therapists, educators, physicians, and the like should be mindful of this female advantage and the possibility that men may benefit from different training in this area. Although future research should address these pos- sibilities, a word of caution is in order. In the current study, we assessed participants’ short-term retention of information.

Our findings might not generalize to settings in which people have had the opportunity to store such details about others into long-term memory (long-term therapy between a psy- chologist and his or her client). Nonetheless, it is likely that there are many situations in which there is infrequent contact between two people (e.g., patient and his or her primary care physician) and thus a female advantage in memory for family information might prove beneficial to the quality of that working relationship.

It is important to replicate this research in real-world set- tings, especially in situations in which two people meet each other for the first time. Participants and targets from other age groups, races, and educational and cultural backgrounds should be included in future studies as well. Moreover, gen- der was used as a proxy for differences in self-construal. Fu- ture research could assess whether greater interdependence in self-construal is associated with enhanced memory for de- tails about other people’s family members. Finally, cultural differences in self-construal along the independent-interde- pendent continuum have been reported (Markus & Kita- T. G. Horgan et al.: Gender Differences in Memory 173 © 2012 Hogrefe PublishingJournal of Individual Differences2012; Vol. 33(3):169–174 This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. yama, 1991). Researchers could test whether students from some Asian cultures, where there is greater interdependence in self-construal, have better memory for target family infor- mation than do students from North America, where there is greater independence in self-construal, as a test of the gener- alizability of our findings.

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Accepted for publication: February 15, 2012 Terrence G. Horgan Department of Psychology University of Michigan-Flint 411 William R. Murchie Science Building Flint, MI 48502 USA Tel. +1 810 762-3424 Fax +1 810 762-3426 E-mail [email protected] 174 T. G. Horgan et al.: Gender Differences in Memory Journal of Individual Differences2012; Vol. 33(3):169–174 © 2012 Hogrefe Publishing This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.