NO PLAGIARISM DUE THURSDAY JUNE 6, 2019. ATTACHED IS ARTICLE AND CHAPTERS TO ASSIST WITH DISCUSSION.I WILL RECORD MY OWN VOICE!In Chapter 4 of the text, the author talks about risk factors and pro

Learning Objectives After studying this chapter, you should be able to accomplish the following objectives: ▪Explain the life course theory and how it can help inform the age-crime curve.

▪Analyze the various risk factors for delinquency.

▪Describe the various protective factors that could prevent delinquency.

▪Evaluate the various trajectories and pathways used by the life course theory to explain criminal behavior. 4 Crime Across the Life Course: Risk and Protective Factors Ingram Publishing/SuperStock \251 2019 Bridgepoint Education, Inc. All rights reserved. Not for resale or redistribution. Section 4.1 Introduction Chapter Outline 4.1 Intr oduction 4.2 Risk Factors ▪School-Based Risk Factors ▪Family-Based Risk Factors ▪Community-Based Risk Factors ▪Individual-Level Risk Factors 4.3 Pr otective Factors ▪Individual-Level Protective Factors ▪External Factors 4.4 Lif e Course Theory ▪Types of Trajectories ▪Persistence ▪Desistence George Layton’s exposure to the criminal justice system began when he was just 16 years old.

At that time, he was arrested for grand theft and sentenced to prison. After being released at age 23, he soon continued his criminal path. He planned a robbery with friends that resulted in the murder of the homeowner. He pleaded guilty to robbery with a firearm and received a sentence of 8 years in prison. After his release from prison, he married a woman he described as an addict. He spent the next several years addicted to methamphetamines and alcohol. After that marriage failed, George was involved in an accident that left a woman dead. Although not charged with negligence in the death, he described it as a wakeup call. George started going to church and met a woman who was also religious. George indicates that he changed his ways and now is living a clean life (Smith, 2012). 4.1 Introduction Most theories of crime attempt to explain why criminal behavior peaks in adolescence. In other words, the theories attempt to explain the age-crime curve. The age-crime curve shows that age and crime are inversely related: As age increases, crime decreases. In particu- lar, we see that crime rates start to rise in late childhood, peak in adolescence (15–19 years of age), and then decline in the early 20s. However, as Piquero, Jennings, and Barnes (2012) noted, there are differences in this curve related to gender and type of offense. Criminal activ - ity peaks for boys later than it does for girls, and violent crime tends to peak later than does property crime. Criminologists examine the characteristics of adolescents’ lives for clues as to who is committing crimes and what crimes are being committed. When formulating theories on criminal behavior, researchers have considered influences such as a lack of bond to par- ents, exposure to delinquent peers, or stressful experiences.

\251 2019 Bridgepoint Education, Inc. All rights reserved. Not for resale or redistribution. Section 4.1 Introduction But not all juveniles follow this typical age-crime curve. In fact, some exhibit delinquent behavior much earlier than is statistically typical and some continue their criminal behavior well into adulthood. Could a theory that rests on exposure to delinquent peers explain why some stop committing crime but others continue? In some circumstances it might; however, criminologists have looked for a more complex understanding of delinquency.

A theory developed in the early 1990s, referred to as life course theory, argues that it is important to examine how individuals develop over time, the circumstances to which they are exposed, and the factors that could influence their path to a conventional (or unconven- tional) lifestyle (Loeber & LeBlanc, 1990). The idea that behavior develops over time and is influenced by a host of issues is not a new area of inquiry. In fact, developmental psychology and the work of Erikson (1968) and many others have provided the context for understand- ing this issue. Though not new to psychology, applying a developmental framework is a fairly new approach to criminology that has gained prominence since Robert Sampson and John Laub published a book on the topic in 1993, entitled Crime in the Making: Pathways and Turn- ing Points Through Life.

Criminologists recognize that individuals differ with regard to their propensity to commit crime. Studies support the idea that most juveniles start committing crimes at the same level of seriousness; however, only certain individuals escalate their criminal behavior over time (Loeber & LeBlanc, 1990). Imagine a juvenile who is arrested for vandalism after defacing school property during a prank with friends. The youth’s criminal “career” may start and end with that one act of vandalism. By contrast, others may not stop after their first criminal act. A similar juvenile may begin with vandalism but eventually escalate to serious or violent crimes. In an effort to explain these differences, life course theorists rely on longitudinal data.

These studies allow researchers to uncover how the patterns of offending emerge over time and what factors may have an impact on behavior.

Certain experiences, relationships, and situations that influence criminal behavior and juve- nile delinquency are referred to as risk factors . For example, poverty, peers, substance abuse, personality, and so on are risk factors or correlates of delinquency. Having more than one risk factor makes it more likely that the juvenile will be involved in criminal behavior. For example, juveniles who are friends with antisocial peers (e.g., those who commit crimes) and use drugs and alcohol have a greater likelihood of committing crime. Said another way, they are at a higher risk of criminal behavior.

At the same time, certain factors seem to prevent delinquency. These elements are referred to as protective factors . Protective factors can include the existence of social support, men- tors, or positive relationships with parents or other family members. Youth who experience high levels of social support (e.g., family, friends, church, mentors) are less likely to engage in delinquent behavior. The protective factors can also intervene when youth are confronted with adversity such as antisocial peers. But consider the opening story involving George Layton. Factors such as marriage and church can influence whether someone chooses not to engage in delinquency. To understand the factors that influence criminal behavior across the life course, we must first consider the main risk factors and protective factors for crime.

\251 2019 Bridgepoint Education, Inc. All rights reserved. Not for resale or redistribution. Section 4.2 Risk Factors 4.2 Risk Factors There are a number of risk factors or correlates of criminal behavior. Take social disorganiza- tion theory as an example. This theory asserts that high rates of crime are being driven by the environment, poverty, and other important ecological factors. The theory identifies poverty as a risk factor for delinquency. Differential association theory asserts that association with antisocial peers is likely to lead to delinquency. The theory identifies antisocial peers as the risk factor. The problem is that each of the theories argues for a different set of risk factors.

It is important to identify the magnitude or importance of each risk factor. In an attempt to identify magnitude, researchers use a technique referred to as a meta-analysis. A meta- analysis is a statistical technique that allows a researcher to examine a body of literature.

Much like a literature review that might be conducted when writing a paper, a meta-analysis is a summary. The difference, however, is that a meta-analysis summarizes the results of stud- ies by weighting their importance. The results of a study that utilizes a rigorous design (e.g., random assignment of subjects) will be given more weight (Glass, 1976). Researchers using meta-analysis techniques to study risk factors for crime are able to identify which risk fac- tors are more important. For example, Gendreau, Andrews, Goggin, and Chanteloupe (1992) found that most risk factors they surveyed included lower social class origin (poverty), per- sonal distress/psychopathology, educational/vocational achievement, parental/family fac- tors, temperament/personality, antisocial attitudes, and antisocial associates. The top five risk factors in this list are school, family, personality, attitudes, and peers.

With regard to gender, many of these risk factors are similar but operate differently. Dana Hubbard and Betsy Matthews (2008) suggested that many of the risk factors are important for both groups. For example, consider the risk factor of peers. For boys, antisocial peers are often likely to include similarly aged boys. The boys may be associating with other boys and using drugs and alcohol or committing other delinquent behavior in groups. For girls, antiso- cial peers may be age-inappropriate boys. How the system responds to the situation involving similar-aged peers versus age-inappropriate peers may differ; however, the core risk factor of peers remains important for both genders.

School-Based Risk Factors From age 6 through at least age 18, youth spend more of their time in school than in any other activity. School represents an important time in a youth’s life not only due to the academic content but also because of socialization experiences.

Schools teach youth self-control, disci - pline, a work ethic, how to get along with others, and how to acquire and process information (Cass & Curry, 2007). These skills serve youth well as they go on to col- lege or out to the workforce. Teachers play an active role in this socialization as well.

We know that a good teacher can change a youth’s life course, maybe by introducing iStockphoto/Thinkstock Research shows that youth who are frequently truant miss important experiences and are more likely to engage in deviant behaviors.

\251 2019 Bridgepoint Education, Inc. All rights reserved. Not for resale or redistribution. Section 4.2 Risk Factors a topic or subject area that the youth decides to pursue as a career or by working with a youth on the verge of dropping out of school.

Youth who frequently skip school or who drop out of school miss key experiences that are dif- ficult to recoup. Studies show that youth who are truant (absent) from school are at risk for a host of problems. For example, truant youth are more likely to be involved in gangs, substance addiction, and criminality. Baker, Sigmon, and Nugent (2001) noted the following:

[A]dults who were frequently truant as teenagers are much more likely than those who were not to have poorer health and mental health, lower paying jobs, an increased chance of living in poverty, more reliance on welfare sup- port, children who exhibit problem behaviors, and an increased likelihood of incarceration. (p. 1) Moreover, police note that youth involved in criminal behavior during the day are typically the same youth who either have dropped out of school or are chronically truant. Studies indicate that chronically absent youth miss, on average, 6 weeks of school each year (Garry, 1996).

Those who drop out of school are also at risk for delinquency. Statistics indicate that nearly 7,000 youth drop out of school each day, and in 2004, over 1.3 million students failed to graduate from high school (Monrad, 2007). Unfortunately, graduation rates are the lowest in urban areas. To illustrate, Table 4.1 shows the graduation rates within the inner-city area of Cleveland, Ohio. The Ohio Department of Education rates Ohio schools based on 18 factors:

16 are related to results from state proficiency exams and the remaining 2 are based on atten- dance and graduation rates. If we explore Cleveland Metropolitan School District (formerly the Cleveland Municipal School District), one of the poorest districts in the state, we can see that proficiency rates are very low. For example, Table 4.1 shows that only 27% of 8th graders are proficient in math, and only 34% are proficient in science. These numbers are in contrast to statewide rates that are on average higher than 50%. Looking at behavioral indicators such as suspensions, we find that 28% of youth in Cleveland have been suspended, compared to only 11% statewide. Although Cleveland’s graduation rate is fairly high, the district has been given an “F” rating by the Ohio Department of Education for not meeting their performance indicators.

Table 4.1: Cleveland city schools versus Ohio schools overall, 2017–2018 Cleveland Metropolitan School District Ohio overall Graduation rate 74.6%84.1% Percent proficient 8th grade math 27.3% 54.3% Percent proficient 8th grade science 33.9% 67.6% Percent proficient 3rd grade English language arts 35.3% 61.2% ODE rating F— From “Cleveland Municipal district overview,” in “Ohio school report cards,” by Ohio Department of Education, 2018, Retrieved from https://reportcard.education.ohio.gov/district/overview/043786 . \251 2019 Bridgepoint Education, Inc. All rights reserved. Not for resale or redistribution. Section 4.2 Risk Factors High school dropouts face a difficult road. For example, Tamborini, Kim, and Sakamoto (2015) estimated that college-educated workers earn 53–55% more than high school–educated workers.

What leads students to be truant or to drop out of school? It is sometimes difficult to tell.

Juveniles drop out of school for a host of reasons including family issues, financial problems, bullying, violence, or poor school performance. Research by Roger Jarjoura (1993) examined this issue and found that youth who dropped out of school because they did poorly or did not like school were more likely to be involved in delinquency than those who dropped out for family or financial issues. In fact, recent research suggests that even those who remain in school but are chronically truant have many more later life problems (e.g., unemployment, criminal behavior, and poorer health outcomes) (Rocque, Jennings, Piquero, Ozkan, & Far- rington, 2017).

Family-Based Risk Factors The family is considered one of the most important socializing agents in a youth’s life. Families provide care, love, structure, and social support. The family provides the necessary structure during the most critical periods of development. For example, it has been argued that the first three years of life are the most important in terms of emotional well-being and attachment.

The bond between caregiver and child can have implications for the child both socially and biologically. For example, research suggests that children who are abused or neglected dur- ing this time are more likely to miss key experiences that impact brain development (Cass & Curry, 2007). Moreover, on the extreme end, children can develop reactive attachment disor- der, which can lead to difficulty with bonding and relationships later in life (Schechter, 2009).

The extreme forms of abuse notwithstanding, the importance of caregiver-child relationships cannot be understated.

Gerald Patterson (1982) studied parenting practices for years at his Oregon Social Learning Center (see ht tp://w w w.oslc.org ). He found that parents who are consistent in their approach to delinquency are less likely to have children with behavioral problems. He maintained that parents who are inconsistent or give in to their children’s negative reactions end up encour - aging delinquent behavior. Let’s take an example of a teenager who misbehaves and whose father punishes him by grounding him without driving privileges. Once the weekend comes along, however, the father relents to the teen’s constant requests to attend a social event. Once youth realize that repeated requests will work to reduce the punishment, they will use that behavior again in the future. According to Patterson, the youth in this situation received the message that negative behavior leads to positive outcomes. If this scenario is repeated over time, the youth learns that defiance and manipulation is an appropriate way to react when confronted with rules or authority figures.

The relationship between parenting and delinquency is complex. No family is perfect, and sometimes families that provide all the necessary love and support still have a child who runs into trouble. It is a fine line between readily implicating the family as a cause of delinquency and understanding the complexity of the issue. In other words, when a juvenile commits a crime, particularly a heinous act like murder, everyone is quick to blame the parents, assum- ing that the parents must have done something wrong to produce a child capable of violence.

However, sometimes even when parents provide a tremendous amount of love and support, children choose a delinquent path. Take our previous example: The parent who gives in and \251 2019 Bridgepoint Education, Inc. All rights reserved. Not for resale or redistribution. Section 4.2 Risk Factors allows the teen to attend a social event is not likely producing a delinquent. It would take repeated exposure to inconsistent parenting to potentially produce a manip- ulative style in the child. That said, there are important risk factors for delinquency that in fact directly implicate the family.

Those risk factors include family violence and abuse, and parent criminality and incarceration.

Family violence and abuse is a significant problem facing children. Family violence can include spousal abuse or child abuse and neglect. Spousal abuse that does not directly involve the child is as damaging as physical abuse involving the child, given that youth who witness violence in the home are significantly more likely to engage in vio- lence themselves (Cuevas, Finkelhor, Shattuck, Turner, & Hamby, 2013). Here are some facts regarding how violence in the home can affect development:

• Childr en who witness violence in the home are significantly more likely to have trouble concentrating in school and tend to have lower reading abilities.

• Bo ys who witness violence are significantly more likely to become batterers themselves.

• Studies sho w a significant relationship between spousal abuse and child abuse. For example, children in homes with spousal abuse present are 15 times more likely to be victims of abuse (Volpe, 1996).

• A bused or maltreated children are at significant risk for later delinquency.

• Maltr eatment can include physical, sexual, or emotional abuse. Studies estimate that nearly half of delinquents report childhood abuse or neglect (Teague, Mazerolle, Legosz, & Sanderson, 2008). These children are over 10 times more likely to be arrested for a violent offense in their lifetimes (White & Spatz Widom, 2003).

How does abuse and neglect work to produce delinquency? The relationship is complex and potentially related to a host of risk factors; however, the abuse itself is important. For exam- ple, youth in abusive environments feel powerless to change their circumstances, and they learn that aggression is an appropriate response to frustration or anger. They also often do not receive positive reinforcement or rewards for good behavior. As a result, they are more apt to become abusers themselves or to display aggression in everyday situations.

Finally, parent criminality and the incarceration of a parent are important family-based risk factors. Over half of inmates released from prison have children under the age of 18 at home.

A parent’s return home after prison can cause emotional and financial stress on the fam- ily (Petersilia, 2003), and some families have mixed or conflicted feelings about welcoming the parent back into the family. In addition, formerly incarcerated parents often face many structural barriers, such as a lack of housing or employment options, when they return home. The stress and strain experienced by families can further disrupt important bonds between youth and their parents. Finally, parents are important models for their children. iStockphoto/Thinkstock Youth abused by family members may learn that aggression is an appropriate and acceptable response to feelings of anger.

\251 2019 Bridgepoint Education, Inc. All rights reserved. Not for resale or redistribution. Section 4.2 Risk Factors A parent’s criminal behavior is an important learning experience for the children in the home. (More information on this topic can be found at ht tps://w w w.youth.gov/youth-topics/ children-of-incarcerated-parents .) Community-Based Risk Factors As mentioned in the preceding section, families of formerly incarcerated persons often face immense structural barriers. Those barriers can include poverty; homelessness; and expo- sure to gangs, drugs, and violence. Many theories of crime focus on the role of the environ- ment in producing delinquency. Living in an impoverished area is a source of stress or strain on family members. Youth may feel pressured to commit crime as a means of obtaining wealth or status, resort to violence out of frustration, or join gangs for protection.

As youth age into adolescence, peers become increasingly important. Peers provide not only social support for the youth but also reinforcement for delinquent behavior. Differential association theory asserts that delinquent peers can influence behavior through a process of learning and modeling. In fact, research suggests that many youth do commit delinquent acts with their peers. Studies find, for example, that youth are more likely to use marijuana and alcohol in groups than on their own (Nelson, Van Ryzin, & Dishion, 2015). One question often remains: Do delinquent youth seek out others who are also inclined to commit delinquent acts, or does associating with delinquent peers produce delinquent behavior?

This is particularly relevant when we examine the impact of gangs on violence. A study done by Terence Thornberry (1998) examined whether violent youth were more likely to join gangs or whether the gang itself contributed to the likelihood of violence. The author found that being involved in the gang led to more violence. In fact, statistics show that gang mem- bers are nearly 10 times more likely to commit murder (Huff, 1998).

James Howell and Arlen Egley, Jr. (2005) outlined risk factors for youth gang membership and identified several community factors. For example, more disordered neighborhoods that experience high levels of residential mobility are more likely to see a higher gang presence.

He also noted that a lack of opportunities for employment and an availability of drugs and firearms are important correlates. Finally, communities that lack cohesion, social capital, and informal controls have higher rates of gang membership. For example, communities that are organized (e.g., neighborhood watch groups, community groups and meetings) are less likely to have higher rates of delinquency. These relationships make sense if we consider that the community often provides the context for delinquency. Some cities are trying to create more organization and cohesion in troubled communities as a way to improve the overall health of their residents and, thereby, decrease crime and delinquency. (To learn about a program insti- tuted in Chicago, see ht tps://w w w.cit yofchicago.org/cit y/en/depts/cdph/provdrs/healthy chicago.html .) Individual-Level Risk Factors Individual-level risk factors are often internal (e.g., psychological traits) but can also refer to the interaction between individual characteristics and the environment. Let’s begin by exam- ining one of the most important risk factors for delinquency: antisocial attitudes, values, and beliefs (Andrews & Bonta, 2010). Antisocial attitudes, values, and beliefs are views or beliefs that support criminal behavior. Antisocial attitudes can include blaming the victim (e.g., “She \251 2019 Bridgepoint Education, Inc. All rights reserved. Not for resale or redistribution. Section 4.2 Risk Factors had it coming”), minimizing responsibility (e.g., “I didn’t pull the trigger”), or justify- ing (e.g., “The police are out to get me”) or rationalizing the behavior (e.g., “Drugs should be legal”). The notion that how we think influences how we act is the focus of cognitive theory. A youth’s belief system drives behavior in a number of ways, but in particular it provides the justification for the behavior. In Chapter 10 we discuss cognitive interventions and their success in reducing delinquency.

Personality factors are also related to delinquency. Impulsivity, for example, is strongly related to delinquency. Impulsive youth tend to be short-sighted and ego- centric and to have an appetite for risk taking, a desire for immediate gratification, and a sense of self-centeredness. Michael Gottfredson and Travis Hirschi (1990) developed a theory referred to as self-control theory. They argued that those who are low in self-control are more likely to engage in a host of delinquent behaviors. Low self-control is said to contain six dif - ferent dimensions: impulsivity, simple tasks, risk seeking, physical activity, self-centeredness, and temper (Grasmick, Tittle, Bursik, & Arneklev, 1993).

A personality disorder in juveniles directly related to delinquent behavior is conduct disorder. Conduct disorder is the precursor to antisocial personality disorder (the diagnosis in adults of those who showed evidence of conduct disorder as a juvenile). Conduct disorder is a behavioral diagnosis with those diagnosed showing repetitive rule violations or disre- gard for others. Juveniles who exhibit at least three of six established criteria may receive the diagnosis. The four possible categories include (a) aggression toward people and animals, (b) destruction of property, (c) deceitfulness or theft, and (d) serious violations of rules (e.g., truancy, running away before age 13). One of the most important features of these behaviors is whether they are highly disruptive to school, social, or work functioning (Bressert, 2017).

The major concern for youth with a diagnosis of conduct disorder is their disregard for oth- ers. This callousness can lead to a host of problem behaviors including their disregard for school performance, parents, and peers. As noted earlier, if the youth continue to exhibit these behaviors into adulthood, it could lead to a diagnosis of antisocial personality disorder. Anti- social personality includes characteristics such as aggression, failure to plan ahead (impulsiv - ity), failing to conform to social norms, failure to respect the law, failure to be a responsible parent, or failure to show remorse for bad behavior (Sharp, Peterson, & Goodyear, 2008).

Youth with an even more disturbing set of characteristics could be labeled as psychopaths. As noted in the Spotlight feature, psychopathy is a personality disorder that includes character- istics such as callousness, lack of empathy, manipulation, and impulsivity. The word psychopa- thy often conjures up images of serial killers or depraved murderers. However, not all psycho- paths are serial killers. Although the number of people diagnosed with psychopathy is fairly small, their impact is significant. For example, studies show that juveniles who have been diagnosed with psychopathy are substantially more likely to be involved in serious crime, MENDIL/BSIP/SuperStock Aggression toward people or animals is one of the six categories of used to diagnose conduct disorder.

\251 2019 Bridgepoint Education, Inc. All rights reserved. Not for resale or redistribution. Section 4.2 Risk Factors they commit crime throughout their lives, they tend to be among the most aggressive and antisocial delinquents, and they tend to be resistant to punishment (Campbell, Porter, & San- tor, 2004; Vaughn & DeLisi, 2008).

What causes these personality disorders? Evidence suggests that they do have biological bases. Personality researcher Hans Eysenck (1996) argued that criminals know right from wrong but prefer the wrong to the right. He asserted that low cortical arousal plays a role. Low cortical arousal is marked by poor stimulation in the lower centers of the brain and therefore Spotlight: Psychopathy There is some disagreement about whether the term psychopath should be applied to chil- dren and adolescents. The label has serious implications and potential damaging effects, and there is also less research to support its use. However, studies have confirmed that juveniles can exhibit these qualities. Moreover, the criminal behavior of these individuals tends to be more violent, narcissistic, and impulsive than the behavior of their counterparts. They are also more likely to become criminals and to sustain that criminal behavior into adult- hood. Characteristics common to youth falling into this category are listed in the checklist that follows.

Be aware, however, that this checklist is a clinical tool that is used by trained professionals and is weighted and assessed by looking at this list of attributes in relation to other factors.

The list is presented here merely to provide a glimpse of what professionals are considering with regard to psychopathy; it is not meant for self-assessment or diagnosis.

Hare Psychopathy Checklist Youth Version Items (Hare, 2012) • Superficiall y charming • Gr andiose sense of self-worth • Stimulation seeking • P athological lying • Manipulation f or personal gain • Lack of r emorse • Shallo w affect • Callous or lacking empath y • P arasitic orientation • P oor anger control • Impersonal se xual behavior • Ear ly behavioral problems • Lack s goals • Impulsi vity • Irr esponsibility • F ailure to accept responsibility • Unstable int erpersonal relationships • Serious criminal beha vior • Serious violations of conditional r elease • Criminal v ersatility A trained clinical expert scores the items in the checklist based on an extensive clinical inter- view. Each of the items is rated, and the assessment produces an overall score ranging from 0 to 40. A score of 30 or higher qualifies a person for a diagnosis of psychopathy.

\251 2019 Bridgepoint Education, Inc. All rights reserved. Not for resale or redistribution. Section 4.3 Protective Factors causes individuals to act out in an effort to attain greater arousal. Specifically, he theorized that individuals with low cortical arousal seek out arousing and often risky activities that may include criminal acts. Others suggest that psychopaths suffer from brain dysfunction that affects the amygdala, also considered the “emotional center” of the brain. Regardless of its origins, without intervention, juveniles diagnosed with psychopathy are likely to continue on disruptive paths.

As we can see, a variety of risk factors can influence juvenile delinquency. Next, we examine the factors that can prevent delinquency. 4.3 Protective Factors Protective factors are conditions or circumstances that can increase an individual’s health and well-being. Protective factors can include a healthy, prosocial belief system; high levels of social support; high self-efficacy; and good problem-solving skills. A prosocial belief sys- tem generally refers to an individual’s support for being a helpful and productive member of his or her community. Communities themselves can be a protective factor against delinquent behavior. For example, living in a well-organized community with high levels of informal con- trol (e.g., neighbors looking out for one another), resources (e.g., organized activities such as sports, clubs, and organizations), and prosocial opportunities (e.g., part-time jobs, volunteer opportunities) can protect youth from antisocial peers or circumstances. In this scenario, the absence of many of the risk factors already discussed can decrease the likelihood of delin- quency. However, the question remains why some at-risk youth choose not to commit crime.

Individual-Level Protective Factors As we discussed during our review of the risk factors, antisocial attitudes or views are an important predictor of delinquency. Criminal behavior is more likely to occur when people believe that it is acceptable and they can justify it to themselves or others. We could certainly argue, then, that people who hold prosocial values or beliefs are less likely to commit crime.

However, when we examine protective factors for delinquency, the issue is slightly more com- plex. For example, prosocial belief systems are also related to individual traits, such as self- efficacy and good problem-solving skills.

Let’s first examine the issue of self-efficacy. Self-efficacy refers to the confidence one has to confront challenges. People who have a high degree of self-efficacy are more likely to believe they can achieve or overcome challenging situations. The confidence in their ability to suc- ceed influences the types of situations or circumstances they choose. People who are confi- dent about attempting challenging situations are less likely to see failure as a sign that they lack talent. Rather, they may be more likely to approach failure as something that occurs natu - rally but can be overcome by working harder. Youth with low self-efficacy who receive a low grade in school may see that situation as reaffirming their inability to do well. By contrast, youth with high self-efficacy are more likely to believe that the probability of success is high the next time around if they work harder (Schunck, 1990).

Another important protective factor is problem-solving skills. The ability to solve problems is a fairly complex mental process. Like self-efficacy, the belief in one’s ability to solve problems is key; however, the skills around problem solving are equally as important. For example, \251 2019 Bridgepoint Education, Inc. All rights reserved. Not for resale or redistribution. Section 4.3 Protective Factors passive problem-solvers tend to approach situations by ignoring the problem or keeping it to themselves. Active problem-solvers tend to seek out support and develop a plan of action to solve the problem. People who use active versus passive forms of problem solving tend to be more successful at reaching their goals (Werner, 1993) and coping better with adversity (see Reid & Listwan, 2018).

Another line of inquiry regarding individual protective factors is the subject of resiliency research. Resilient youth are those who are in high-risk communities or situations, but over - come the odds and refrain from delinquency. Other studies find that resilient youth are also more likely to seek out supports even when family members are not available. That sup- port system may include teachers, mentors, grandparents, or other relatives who step in to fill the void left by parents who are unable to provide support for the youth (Grossman & Garry, 1997). Regardless, any theory concerning the relationship between risk and crime must also consider that even when individuals are at risk for delinquency, their fate is not sealed. Although delinquency rates are high in impoverished areas, many juveniles do not commit serious crimes. Individual protective factors such as resilience can reduce the blow or impact of the risk factors. (For more on childhood resilience, see ht tps://w w w.samhsa.gov/ homelessness-programs-resources/hpr-resources/childhood-resilience .) External Factors Although many protective factors can occur in the environment (e.g., cohesion in schools, community programs), we focus on two important ones: social support and positive family relationships. Francis Cul- len (1994) theorized that personal forms of social support reduce the probability of criminal involvement due to the resources they provide youth in dealing with a vari- ety of stresses or strains. Individuals who perceive that others will be there for them in times of need experience less stress and better psychological health. Social sup- port is intertwined with the relationship youth have with their families, friends, peers, communities, and organizations (e.g., church, schools).

Elijah Anderson (2000) identified what he believes are two distinct types of fami- lies in the inner cities: decent and street families. He conceptualized street families as those who have succumbed to delin- quency as a means to cope with a lack of opportunities. They engage in criminal acts and teach their children to do the same. In contrast, Anderson described decent families are those that teach their children respect, hard work, and self-reliance. These families are considered the working poor, try - ing to survive through conventional means of hard work and dedication. Another important Keith Levit Photography/Thinkstock Positive relationships with and support from family members are important environmental factors that help to protect juveniles from criminal activity.

\251 2019 Bridgepoint Education, Inc. All rights reserved. Not for resale or redistribution. Section 4.3 Protective Factors feature of decent families is the existence of positive relationships or bonds between fam- ily members. Studies consistently find that bonds among family members can reduce the impact of other stressors or environmental risk factors. For example, a study by Demuth and Brown (2004) examined the relationship between family structure and family relationships and found that structure (e.g., having one-parent or two-parent households) is less important than the relationships that exist between parent and child.

With regard to gender and protective factors, research by Jennifer Hartman and colleagues (2009) found that although girls and boys rely on different types of protective factors, the importance of these factors is equal for both. Specifically, they found that religious beliefs and positive school experiences were reportedly more important for girls. However, as a whole, they found that an accumulation of protective factors is equally important for both girls and boys. In other words, the more protective factors youth have, the better they are able to resist delinquent involvement.

A study by Michael Turner and colleagues (2007) found that the protective factors did matter when examining delinquency rates. Researchers examined the delinquency patterns of youth with both risk and protective factors and found that the existence of protective factors influ- enced delinquency. They also examined whether a particular number of protective factors was needed for this positive effect to occur. The study suggested that delinquency rates were affected when youth had at least three protective factors. They also examined whether certain protective factors (e.g., internal factors versus external ones) mattered more. They did not find that certain protective factors were clearly more important. Rather, simply having mul - tiple factors was important. Although the internal factors we discussed are important, exter - nal factors can be equally as important (Turner, Hartman, Exum, & Cullen, 2007). Featured Program: Blackstone Bicycle Works 6100 South Blackstone Avenue, Chicago, IL 60637- 2912 ht tp://w w w.experimentalstation.org/ Mission : Blackstone Bicycle Works functions in the context of the Experimental Station’s full-service bike shop, dedicated to promoting ecological prac- tices and empowering youth by teaching mechani- cal skills, job skills, and business literacy to boys and girls from the underserved Woodlawn neigh- borhood and Chicago’s broader South Side.

Founded by Dan Peterman and Connie Spreen, the Experimental Station is a nonprofit that seeks to meet the needs of the surrounding community by becoming a social and cultural hub. For more than a decade, the Station has developed an array of programs to address local needs in Chicago’s South Side, seeking to provide a place where people feel welcome, are free to express their ideas, and can connect with one another in a safe place. The first (continued on next page) Associated Press In this 2010 photo, Trinity Taylor, 10, works on her homework outside the Blackstone Bicycle Works bike shop in Chicago as Tyjuan Edwards, the shop’s youth mentor, stands in the background.

\251 2019 Bridgepoint Education, Inc. All rights reserved. Not for resale or redistribution. Section 4.3 Protective Factors 4.4 Life Course Theory As mentioned at the beginning of the chapter, life course theorists examine delinquency in a different way. Most theories of crime examine the risk factors for delinquency that occur at a specific time in the youth’s life: bonds to others, peers, ecological factors. Instead of focusing on adolescence to explain delinquency, life course theorists examine how factors over time coalesce to produce delinquency. For example, a youth may report lacking a positive relation - ship with a parent at age 15; however, traditional theories do not explore why that relation - ship is poor and how that relationship did (or did not) develop over time. Parental discipline, concern, support, and consistency may have been lacking in the youth’s early development, leading to erosion of a key bond in adolescence.

Life course theorists view individuals as actively responding to their environment. For exam- ple, someone who grows up in an abusive environment is influenced by those experiences well into adulthood. The environment shapes how individuals make decisions. The abuse could lead a juvenile to use drugs to cope or to run away to escape. In contrast, another youth may choose to seek out support or work hard in school to escape the abusive environment.

The way individuals respond to their environment can lead each person’s life in different directions or on different long-term pathways (Sampson & Laub, 1993).

Types of Trajectories Life course theorists discuss how estab- lished risk factors such as school, peers, and changes in lifestyle could put some- one on a pathway toward crime. The path- way is also referred to as a trajectory, which is a key factor in life course theory.

Someone’s trajectory can influence the likelihood that he or she will experience a positive or a negative set of circumstances.

The person’s trajectory is intertwined with the transitions that everyone goes through on their way to adulthood. Tran- sitions are stages or events that happen during someone’s life course or pathway.

For example, everyone begins kindergar- ten at about the same age and progresses through school at similar intervals; simi- larly, children go through physiological and social transitions as they age.

Trajectories can be positive or negative.

Graduating high school is a positive tran- sition, as is going to college or beginning a new promising career. By contrast, a youth who drops out of school, participates in gang activity, and is involved with drugs and alcohol is not only on a negative trajectory but also misses key transitions (e.g., graduating from high Featured Program: Blackstone Bicycle Works (continued) program to come out of the Experimental Station was Blackstone Bicycle Works, a full- service bike shop that seeks to empower underserved youth.

The premise of Blackstone Bicycle is simple: work for 25 hours, get a free bike. It’s not a bad deal but just scratches the surface of all that the Blackstone program promotes. Blackstone operates under a few basic rules, such as no gang business, no cussing, no fighting, respect others, and no play or shop work until your homework is done. At the shop, kids ages 9–16 learn mechanical and job skills, along with the invaluable lesson that hard work pays off. During the school year, kids come after school to build their hours by replacing chains, rebuilding rusted frames, and fixing tires.

Once they have accumulated 25 hours, they are allowed to pick their own bike from the shop’s refurbished selection, along with a new helmet and lock. The shop’s Youth Apprenticeship program trains teens with more advanced skills in the busi- ness side of the shop. After mastering the basics of bike mechanics, the teens become paid members of the Blackstone crew during the summer, helping customers with repairs and helping Earn-a-Bike participants learn basic repairs.

Since its beginnings in 2006, Blackstone has contin- ued to grow and change with the needs of the community. For example, during Blackstone’s summer youth program, Connie discovered that many kids were coming to the shop in the morning without having eaten breakfast and without food for lunch. So they started serv- ing a morning meal. But even more important, the shop provides its young participants the chance to belong. Here they are encouraged and supported not only in their trade but in their education as well. Workers at the shop double as mentors, offering homework help and asking participants about their hopes for the future. For many kids, this shop is home.

To hear from some of the participants and see Blackstone in action, check out the following links:

• Black stone Bicycle Works was the winner of Seattle’s Best Coffee’s first Brew-lanthropy award in 2011. Check out this video highlighting the shop: ht tp://w w w.youtube.com/ watch?v=gnkO9OO0eps&feature=BFa&list=PL6CE3AEF0184A652C • Associat ed Press news feature—“You can talk to people about your home problems, and they will listen. And they will care”: http://w w w.youtube.com/watch?feature=player _embedded&list=PL6CE3AEF0184A652C&v=PbOS6YJDqRI • Black stone Bikes featured on WGN: http://w w w.youtube.com/watch?v=Pj8qrW3i6QU • New Y ork Times article: http://www.nytimes.com/2011/07/08/ us/08cnc blackstone.html Associated Press Antwane Pritchett, 10, works on a bicycle with the help of Reginald Graham, 15, in Chicago. Two years ago, Graham put on a bike mechanic’s apron for the first time, and something clicked. Blend Images/SuperStock High school graduation is an important transition period in a juvenile’s life.

\251 2019 Bridgepoint Education, Inc. All rights reserved. Not for resale or redistribution. Section 4.4 Life Course Theory 4.4 Life Course Theory As mentioned at the beginning of the chapter, life course theorists examine delinquency in a different way. Most theories of crime examine the risk factors for delinquency that occur at a specific time in the youth’s life: bonds to others, peers, ecological factors. Instead of focusing on adolescence to explain delinquency, life course theorists examine how factors over time coalesce to produce delinquency. For example, a youth may report lacking a positive relation - ship with a parent at age 15; however, traditional theories do not explore why that relation - ship is poor and how that relationship did (or did not) develop over time. Parental discipline, concern, support, and consistency may have been lacking in the youth’s early development, leading to erosion of a key bond in adolescence.

The way individuals respond to their environment can lead each person’s life in different directions or on different long-term pathways (Sampson & Laub, 1993).

Someone’s trajectory can influence the likelihood that he or she will experience a positive or a negative set of circumstances.

Trajectories can be positive or negative.

To hear from some of the participants and see Blackstone in action, check out the following links:

• Blackstone Bicycle Works was the winner of Seattle’s Best Coffee’s first Brew-lanthropy award in 2011. Check out this video highlighting the shop: ht tp://w w w.youtube.com/ watch?v=gnkO9OO0eps&feature=BFa&list=PL6CE3AEF0184A652C • Associated Press news feature—“You can talk to people about your home problems, and they will listen. And they will care”: http://w w w.youtube.com/watch?feature=player _embedded&list=PL6CE3AEF0184A652C&v=PbOS6YJDqRI • Blackstone Bikes featured on WGN: http://w w w.youtube.com/watch?v=Pj8qrW3i6QU • New York Times article: http://www.nytimes.com/2011/07/08/ us/08cnc blackstone.html Associated Press Antwane Pritchett, 10, works on a bicycle with the help of Reginald Graham, 15, in Chicago. Two years ago, Graham put on a bike mechanic’s apron for the first time, and something clicked. Blend Images/SuperStock High school graduation is an important transition period in a juvenile’s life.

\251 2019 Bridgepoint Education, Inc. All rights reserved. Not for resale or redistribution. Section 4.4 Life Course Theory school). Missing a key transition inevitably makes it more difficult for the youth to be on a positive trajectory. Youth may also experience what is referred to as a precocious transition .

A precocious transition is a life event that occurred sooner than normal. Teenage pregnancy is an example of a precocious transition. Becoming a parent is not traditionally considered a risk factor; however, becoming a parent as a teenager does put that youth at risk for difficul- ties (e.g., finishing school, entering the labor market). Precocious transitions are hazardous because they could put youth on a negative trajectory (Smith et al., 2000). For example, a teenage parent may find it difficult to remain in school, which will have obvious implications for future employment opportunities.

In addition, life course theory examines how risk factors interact and culminate to increase the risk of delinquency. The interaction is referred to as cumulative disadvantage (Wright, Caspi, Moffitt, & Silva, 2001). Cumulative disadvantage is related to the risk factors we dis - cussed earlier in this chapter. We know that there are a number of established risk factors for delinquency, including family dysfunction, associating with delinquent peers, and addic- tion. The more risk factors people have in their lives, the greater the likelihood that they will engage in delinquency. Cumulative disadvantage refers to the relationship between the number of negative events or repeated negative events that someone experiences and the likelihood of being caught up in a cycle of misbehavior. A high cumulative disadvantage makes it more difficult for a youth to remain on a positive trajectory. Many studies over the past few decades have confirmed these findings (Sampson & Laub, 2005; Thornberry, 2018).

Persistence Life course theorists also recognize the existence of stability or persistence for some crimi- nal behavior. Juveniles who continue or persist in criminal behavior beyond adolescence are an important group. Studies show that early onset of delinquency is one of the best predictors of future offending. For example, studies exploring the relationship between early aggressive behavior and the frequency, seriousness, and patterns of crime occurring later in life find a clear and positive relationship between early aggressive behavior and later crime (Stattin & Magnusson, 1989). The studies concluded that aggressive boys exhibited restless behavior and poor levels of self-control, and had poor peer relations as children (DeLisi & Vaugh, 2014; Farrington, 2017).

Terrie Moffitt (2017) explored the relationship between juvenile delinquency and attention- deficit disorder in boys from 3 to 15 years of age. Moffitt found that delinquent boys with attention-deficit disorder were most likely to engage in criminal activity, exhibited the great- est family adversity and the worst neuropsychological disorders, and were rated as most aggressive by parents and teachers at age 13. The overall findings indicated that this group exhibited significantly more antisocial behavior and nondisordered controls at every age.

Finally, others found that future juvenile delinquents were more likely to have been rated as troublesome by their teachers, tended to be hyperactive and lack concentration, and tended to be rated as impulsive. At age 18 they tended to engage in violence while drinking, tended to be heavy gamblers, held low-status jobs, or were unemployed with erratic work histories (Farrington, 2005). The early delinquents tended to be more impulsive and had personality traits that were negative.

\251 2019 Bridgepoint Education, Inc. All rights reserved. Not for resale or redistribution. Section 4.4 Life Course Theory The concern about chronic offenders is well placed. Studies show not only that chronic offenders are arrested more often but also that chronic offenders commit a disproportion- ate amount of crime and commit more serious offenses (Loeber & Farrington, 2000). These career criminals represent a fairly small number of offenders (roughly 6–18% of the criminal population), but they do not follow the traditional age-crime curve. They typically begin com- mitting crime at an early age and continue their criminal career beyond their 20s. Although it is clear that most antisocial adults were antisocial children, we cannot say the inverse. In other words, most antisocial children do not become antisocial adults. As a result, life course theorists must explain why some youth desist.

Desistence Life course theories concede that all is not lost once youth find themselves on a negative trajectory. It is possible, and even likely in most circumstances, that youth can change their lifestyles and get back on a positive trajectory. The concept is referred to as desistence from crime. Desistence occurs when a person stops committing crime in favor of a conventional lifestyle. For many youth, particularly those who are high risk, desistence can come from turning points. Turning points are positive events or relationships. For example, returning to school, successfully completing treatment for addiction, meeting a mentor, reconnecting with family members, or joining a prosocial club or sports organization can have a positive impact on a youth’s life. These turning points can help youth bounce back onto a positive trajectory.

Consider George Layton in our opening story. In his example, church and a prosocial relation- ship helped him turn away from a life of crime. Sampson and Laub (1993) recognized that fluctuations in criminal behavior can also result from what they term social capital. Social capital refers to resources that are key to creating trusting relationships with community members. This includes developing resources (mentoring programs, job training) and oppor - tunities for community members. Living in a community that has higher levels of job stability in quality occupations and being involved in quality relationships or marriages can affect an individual’s likelihood of continued involvement with crime.

The question remains, how do we explain why some individuals persist in criminal behav - ior and others desist? Why do some who are faced with adversity desist while others per - sist? Likewise, why do some who live in a positive environment go on to commit crime? We have established that certain risk factors and protective factors are important in explaining delinquency. The area we have not discussed is how these risk factors and protective factors develop and influence trajectories.

What are the pathways for delinquency across the life course? There are two different but similar perspectives. While working at the Oregon Social Learning Center, Gerald Patterson and Karen Yoerger (1993) developed the first typology. Based on longitudinal data collected with youth, families, and teachers, they proposed that there were two avenues or pathways for delinquency. They labeled the two pathways as early starters and late starters. Early start- ers are youth who begin to exhibit aggressive and antisocial behavior in elementary school with an arrest before the age of 14. Late starters are those who do not show early signs of deviance but have an arrest in later adolescence. The question is whether these two groups can be distinguished.

\251 2019 Bridgepoint Education, Inc. All rights reserved. Not for resale or redistribution. Section 4.4 Life Course Theory One of the key risk factors for youth who were categorized as early starters was problems within the family. Parents of early starters found it difficult to control their children. Patterson found that par- enting styles seemed to make a difference.

For example, these parents were less likely to use appropriate rewards for good behavior and consequences for negative behavior. In fact, he found that parents often rewarded negative behavior. Patter - son and his colleagues argued that par- ents often are not intentionally rewarding negative behavior but instead are giving in to the negative behavior (Snyder, Cra- mer, Afrank, & Patterson, 2005). For example, a young child who acts out in response to not being given a toy or some other desired object is difficult to manage.

The parents can react in one of two ways:

endure the tantrum and stand firm or give in to the tantrum and quickly resolve the situation by allowing the child the desired object. As we discussed in an earlier example, Patterson argued that the child will quickly learn to use coercive behav - iors to obtain what is desired if the par- ents give in to the child’s demands. As the youth’s use of coercive behavior escalates, the parents find themselves overwhelmed by the youth’s behavior. In effect, the child’s coer - cive behaviors continue to shape the parents’ discipline practices.

For some youth, the pattern escalates to more serious behaviors and eventually to delin- quency. As the child grows older, the absence of rewards for prosocial behavior and the exis- tence of rewards for coercive behavior influences the choices the youth makes in school and with friends. As a result, the coercive behaviors can lead to problems in school and alienation from prosocial peers. The school failure and alienation from prosocial peers could lead the youth to pursue friendships with other antisocial youth. The risk factors culminate in adoles- cence and carry the youth’s delinquency well into adulthood.

Peers are also an important component to Patterson’s second pathway, the late starter. Late starters begin committing crime after the age of 14 and typically age out of crime by their early 20s. For these youth, delinquent peer groups act as the catalyst for delinquency. Unsu- pervised time with delinquent peers, however, is often due to a particular event. For example, Patterson and colleagues argued that something typically happens in these youth’s lives to allow for more unsupervised time with delinquent peers. The event may include a divorce, parental incarceration, financial problems, a move, or significant family illness. These events influence the family’s ability to supervise the youth. Tips Images/SuperStock Early starters often exhibit aggressive behaviors toward others.

\251 2019 Bridgepoint Education, Inc. All rights reserved. Not for resale or redistribution. Summary of Learning Objectives Terrie Moffitt developed a framework similar to Patterson’s. She also questioned why certain youth seemed to continue delinquent behavior well into adulthood while others aged out relatively quickly. Moffitt (1993) proposed two groups. The first, called adolescent limited offenders, includes youth who limit their delinquent behavior to adolescence. In contrast, life course persistent offenders are similar to Patterson’s early starter group. These youth begin committing crime early in life and persist. Let’s look more closely at how each of these groups evolves.

Adolescent limited offenders commit crime as a rebellious act resulting from the maturation gap presented by today’s society. That is, youth are physically and mentally capable of achiev- ing adult status; however, they are frustrated by the fact that they are not given adult oppor - tunities until later in life. Moffitt points to changes in our society that have led to this maturity gap. When our society was agriculturally based, youth were given the opportunity to work, start a family, and gain independence at a fairly young age. As society advanced to a manu - facturing-based society and now a technologically based society, the opportunity for youth to express their independence was delayed further into adulthood. Their criminal behavior, according to Moffitt, is the result of this frustration. The delinquent acts committed by these youth do not tend to be serious in nature and are often committed with other youth who rein- force the behavior. Once youth begin to mature and are given adult roles and responsibilities (e.g., job, college, marriage), they see conventional life as more rewarding than delinquency.

In contrast, life course persistent offenders continue their delinquent careers. Their crimi - nal behavior tends to continue over time, they commit crimes in a variety of situations, they tend to be aggressive, and their crimes escalate over time. Antisocial persistent offenders are more likely to have neurological difficulties that included impulsivity, hyperactivity, and poor verbal and problem-solving skills. Life course persistent offenders often encountered a cumu- lative disadvantage that exacerbated their problems. Once these youth are off on the wrong foot, the cycle becomes difficult to break.

The popularity of life course theory is due partly to the recognition that human behavior is complex and that there are many pathways to delinquency. The recognition of both risk factors and protective factors has led to various interventions in the field. Although more research is needed to understand these causal pathways, this area of research is influential.

Summary of Learning Objectives Explain the life course theory and how it can help inform the age-crime curve.

• Lif e course theory argues that it is important to examine how individuals develop over time and the factors that influence their path to a conventional (or unconven- tional) lifestyle.

• The popularity of lif e course theory is due in part to the recognition that human behavior is complex and that there are many pathways to delinquency.

Analyze the various risk factors for delinquency. • Risk f actors increase the probability of crime behavior. The most important risk fac- tors for delinquency involve school, family, personality, attitudes, and peers.

\251 2019 Bridgepoint Education, Inc. All rights reserved. Not for resale or redistribution. Summary of Learning Objectives Describe the various protective factors that could prevent delinquency.• Pr otective factors are conditions or circumstances that help increase the health and well-being of individuals.

• R esilient youth are at-risk juveniles who overcome the odds and refrain from delin- quency. Resilience has proven to be a powerful protective factor.

• Other important pr otective factors include positive relationships with family, a social support system, self-efficacy, and good problem-solving skills.

Evaluate the various trajectories and pathways used by the life course theory to explain crimi - nal behavior.

• T rajectories and transitions are related to one another. A youth who is on a nega- tive trajectory may miss important transitions such as graduating from high school.

This youth may also experience precocious transitions such as teenage parenthood, which places him or her on a negative trajectory.

• C umulative disadvantage can increase the risk of criminality and the likelihood that a juvenile will persist in a delinquent career.

• Desist ence from delinquent behavior is possible and likely in most juvenile delinquents.

• Diff erent pathways have been suggested to explain persistence and desistence.

Patterson and Moffitt distinguish between these groups based on the age at which youth begin committing crime and the circumstances of their lives.

Critical Thinking Questions 1. Antisocial attitudes ar e a key risk factor. What intervention(s) would you use to change how someone thinks?

Ho w can we increase self-efficacy among at-risk youth?

Do y ou have social capital in your life? If so, in what ways did it influence your deci- sion to go to college?

Using Moffitt’s logic, e xplain how it might be beneficial to require teens to work and start paying bills. Would this increase in responsibility translate into lower delin- quency rates? Why or why not? Key Terms adolescent limited offenders Offend- ers who limit their delinquent behavior to adolescence.

age-crime curve Shows that age and crime are inversely related: As age increases, crime decreases.

conduct disorder A juvenile personality disorder that is a precursor to antisocial personality disorder. cumulative disadvantage The interaction of risk factors that culminates in increased risk of delinquency.

desistence The ability to change lifestyles from a negative to positive trajectory.

early starters Youth who begin to exhibit aggressive and antisocial behavior in ele- mentary school with an arrest before the age of 14.

\251 2019 Bridgepoint Education, Inc. All rights reserved. Not for resale or redistribution. Summary of Learning Objectives impulsivity A personality trait of youth who appear to be short-sighted and ego- centric and have an appetite for risk taking, a desire for immediate gratification, and a sense of self-centeredness.

late starters Youth who do not show early signs of deviance but have an arrest in later adolescence.

life course theory A criminological theory that emphasizes the importance of examin- ing how individuals develop over time, the circumstances with which they are exposed, and the factors that could influence their path to a conventional (or unconventional) lifestyle.

life course persistent offenders Offend- ers who begin committing crime early in life and persist.

meta-analysis A statistical technique that allows a researcher to examine a body of literature; a summary of research literature.

persistence Stability or consistency of behavior.

precocious transitions An important life event that occurred sooner than normal, such as teenage pregnancy. protective factors Conditions or circum- stances that can prevent criminal behavior.

psychopathy A personality disorder that includes characteristics such as callous- ness, lack of empathy, manipulation, and impulsivity.

resiliency The ability of youth in high-risk circumstances to refrain from delinquency.

risk factors Certain experiences, relation- ships, and situations that can lead to crimi- nal behavior.

social capital Resources that are key to creating trusting relationships with commu- nity members.

trajectory In life course theory, a pathway toward crime that can be established by schools, peers, and changes in lifestyle.

transitions Stages or events that happen during someone’s life course or pathway.

turning points Positive events or relation- ships that can bring about desistance.