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Organizing New Workers Aziz Choudry and Mark Thomas. “Labour Struggles for Workplace Justice: Migrant andImmigrant Worker Organizing in Canada.” Journal of Industrial Relations 55, no. 2(2013): 212–26.Jason Foster, “Solidarity on the TransCanada: The Role of Immigrant Activism and InnovativeUnion Tactics in the 2005 Lakeside Packers Strike.” Labour / Le Travail 78 (2016):197-218These articles are both broadly concerned with how it is that the Labour movement mightimprove its efforts to support the rights of marginalized workers.Spanning these three articles, the authors offer three case studies of efforts by the unionmovement to organize migrant, immigrant, and immigrant workers in Canada. Choudry andThomas examine efforts to use legal and constitutional strategies to advance protections forworkers in the agricultural sector alongside the practices of the Montréal Immigrant WorkersCentre, while Foster examines ultimately successful efforts of the UFCW to organize a majorityminority workforce at Canada’s largest “kill and cut” facility in Brooks Alberta.As you approach these articles, pay attention to the relationship between union leadership andorganic community leadership. What are the strengths and weaknesses of top-down versuscommunity-driven approaches? Where have unions succeeded and failed in creating contexts forthe empowerment of immigrant workers.Ultimately, what lessons can we draw from these three case studies about the possibilities for thelabour movement to make inroads with ethnically and culturally diverse workforces in hard-to-organize industries.on Choudry and ThomasWhat is the context for this piece? How has the expansion of migrant worker programs inCanada increasingly stratified the Canadian workforce according to not just race and ethnicity,but also immigration status?How have unions like the UFCW tried to protect workers through legal action? How successfulhave such strategies been? Why, for example, have critics charged that efforts toconstitutionalize the collective bargaining rights of Seasonal Agricultural Workers areinsufficient to address the problems facing migrant agricultural workers? If a top-down,reformist strategy isn’t going to be enough, what needs to be done, and how might WorkersCentres like the ones in Montréal serve as a useful complement?Where do the authors locate the Montréal Immigrants Workers’ Centre on the spectrum betweentraditional union organizing and community organizing models? How does the IWC interactwith traditional unions, and what role is there for these unions in supporting the IWC? Pay attention to how the IWC is organized. How is it funded, and to whom is it accountable? How is the IWC limited by the precarity and the transiency of those who it seeks to protect? How does the IWC try to reconcile its desire to enable empower migrant and immigrant workerswith an the fact that it is not itself a membership-based organization but rather a project ofacademics, unionists and activists.As you read this piece, recall the earlier pieces we read by Wells and, especially, Tucker. Howare the weaknesses of Canada’s Wagner system disclosed in these case studies? In what ways toChouldry and Thomas echo Tucker’s concerns about the practicability of constitutional strategiesto secure workers rights? And in what ways do the strategies of the Immigrant Workers’ Centrereflect the potential of non-Wagnerian or “Alt-labour” approaches to securing the rights ofworkers. What are the potential risks or organizing strategies that enmesh workers in the Wagnersystem of labour relations?On FosterGiven the way that the term has unfolded, I would recommend that you take the time to watch thefilm 24 Days in Brooks prior to reading the Foster article. This will give you a sense of some ofthe context and personalities represented in the article.We are fortunate that the NFB has placed the film on its website here:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vyUnnKXJNjIHow must unions adapt their organizing strategies to reflect the realities of how immigrantworkers perceive their relationships with work and employers? How must unions adapt to themore informal, more organic nature of communities which may not identify with strict class orwork-based solidarities or which may blend these with other “cultures of solidarity.”What roles did immigrant activism play in the success of the 2004-5 organizing drive and strikeat Tyson Foods in Brooks? Why did immigrant workers who had previously rejected the unionembrace it that year as a practical solution to making change at Lakeside?Why is it important for Foster to distinguish between a lack of experience with unions and a lackof experience with collective action and solidarity? How did the unionization effort translatesocial solidarities within immigrant communities into work-centred solidarities around the unionand the strike? What role did the relationship between union organizers and community-basedleadership play in this translation? What other concrete steps did the union take in 2005 thatseparated the successful unionization effort in 2004-5 from previous failed attempts.Finally, how, according to Tucker, might the authoritarian populist nature of UFCW 401, andespecially the outsized influence wielded by Doug O’Halloran, have contributed the success ofthe union in 2005. What challenges did this same culture present downstream?