Final Project: Research ProposalIn Weeks 1 through 9, you have created all the sections to be included in the research proposal. This week, you will collate all these sections and create the final dra

For example, African-American mothers tend to place more demands on their daughters than their sons; mothers ’concerns about boys ’more pervasive experiences of racial discrimination may account for such differences in parenting (Mandara, Varner, & Richman, 2010; Varner & Mandara, 2014). In adult- hood, African-Americans ’family gender roles are manifested in low marriage rates, with close to 50% of African-American children growing up in single- mother headed households —as compared to 23% in the general population (Child Trends Databank, 2015). In addition to family roles, African-Ameri- cans ’history of slavery and economic marginaliza- tion also has had implications for gender roles as seen in African-American women ’s long-standing involvement in the labor force, limited employment opportunities for African-American men, and in some studies, men ’s involvement in housework (Hill, 2001; Penha-Lopes, 2006). This research was supported by a grant from the Eunice Ken- nedy Shriver National Institute on Child Health and HumanDevelopment (R01 HD32336), Susan McHale and Ann Crouter,Co-PIs.Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed toOlivenne D. Skinner or Susan M. McHale, Social Science ResearchInstitute, The Pennsylvania State University, 114 Henderson University Park, PA 16802. Electronic mail may be sent to od- [email protected] or [email protected]. © 2017 The Authors Child Development ©2017 Society for Research in Child Development, Inc. All rights reserved. 0009-3920/2018/8905-0020 DOI: 10.1111/cdev.12828 Child Development, September/October 2018, Volume 89, Number 5, Pages 1704 –1719 In short, historical and current social and eco- nomic conditions have implications for family roles and relationships in African-American families, and correspondinglyflexible gender role orientations (Hill, 2001). Importantly, gender is multidimen- sional, ranging, for example, from gender role atti- tudes to daily activities, and the social construction of gender means that gender role orientations will vary as a function of time and place. Accordingly, toward building an understanding of gender devel- opment among African-American youth, in this study we used an ethnic homogeneous research design to capture within-group variation in gender role orientations among African-American boys and girls (Garcia Coll et al., 1996; McLoyd, 1998), we capitalized on an accelerated longitudinal design to chart within-individual changes in gender across adolescence—a period of significant gender devel- opment (Galambos et al., 2009)—, we examined multiple dimensions of gender to illuminate poten- tial multifaceted sex gender differences in gender development (Ruble, Martin, & Berenbaum, 2006), and we tested whether time spent with male peers, female peers, mother, and father helped to explain changes across adolescence in boys’and girls’gen- der role orientations.

The Course of Adolescent Gender Development Several theoretical perspectives offer insights about the course of gender development. Cognitive theories such as gender schema theory (Martin, Ruble, & Szkrybalo, 2002) hold that the strength or rigidity of gender concepts and corresponding behaviors change across development. For example, stronger stereotyping is expected during childhood, at least in some domains, with moreflexibility emerging later, given increased cognitive develop- ment; further, individual differences may become more apparent later in development based on the salience of and values regarding gender roles (Mar- tin et al., 2002). In contrast, the gender intensifica- tion hypothesis suggests that gender typing becomes more pronounced during adolescence (Ruble et al., 2006). From this perspective, the phys- ical changes brought on by puberty are an impetus for increases in socialization pressures for tradi- tional gender roles and behaviors. The changes in puberty and looming adult roles also may lead youth to align their personal qualities and behav- iors with more gender stereotypical self-percep- tions, activities, values, and interests. Integrating cognitive and socialization frameworks, from an ecological perspective (Bronfenbrenner & Morris,2006), the Person9Process9Context interactions that characterize development mean that patterns of change will differ—including for males versus females, as a function of socialization processes, and across contexts, such as sociocultural settings.

As noted, research on gender also has high- lighted its multidimensionality (Ruble et al., 2006).

And, the multiple dimensions of gender—including values, personal-social characteristics, interests, and activities—may be subject to differing influences and so change in different ways across develop- ment (McHale, Kim, Dotterer, Crouter, & Booth, 2009; Ruble et al., 2006). To begin to capture its multidimensionality, ourfirst study goal was to chart the course of three dimensions of gender development that may have both concurrent and longer-term implications for youth’s adjustment, achievement, and life choices (Cooper, Guthrie, Brown, & Metzger, 2011; Crockett & Beal, 2012; Lee, Lawson, & McHale, 2015): gendered personal- ity characteristics (expressivity and instrumentality), interests in gender stereotypical activities, and gen- der role attitudes.

Gendered Personality Stereotypically masculine, instrumental qualities reflectindividual agency, including leadership and independence, whereas stereotypically feminine, expressive qualities reflectorientations to others, such as kindness and sensitivity. These gendered person- ality qualities have been linked to indices of well- being, including anxiety and depression (Cooper et al., 2011; Palapattu, Kingery, & Ginsburg, 2006; Priess, Lindberg, & Hyde, 2009), making their developmental course and correlates important areas of study. Recent research on the development of gendered personality qualities has produced mixed results. A longitudinal study of majority White youth, from middle childhood to late adoles- cence, showed that at age 13, girls endorsed more expressive qualities, than boys, whereas boys endorsed more instrumental qualities (McHale et al., 2009). Among girls, expressivity did not change over time, but boys showed declines in expressivity in early adolescence and increases in later adolescence. The authors argued that this pat- tern was consistent with gender intensification. In addition, boys reported more instrumental qualities over time, and consistent with a gender schema perspective, girls’instrumental qualities also increased (McHale et al., 2009). In a study of White youth ages 11–15 (Priess et al., 2009), however, girls reported more expressive qualities than boys at all Development of Gender Orientations 1705 ages, and this gender difference did not change over time. Furthermore, there were no gender dif- ferences in instrumentality. Across time, both gen- ders showed small increases in expressivity, but there were no changes in instrumentality.

There are few studies on African-American youth’s gendered personality qualities, and avail- able data are largely cross-sectional. Palapattu et al.

(2006) found that girls, ages 14–19, endorsed more feminine-typed personality qualities than boys, but there were no gender differences in masculine- typed personality qualities. Some scholars have suggested that African-American women’s long his- tory of economic independence and family respon- sibilities may contribute to the development of instrumental qualities among women, and further, that mothers may socialize girls to develop these qualities (Hill & Zimmerman, 1995; Sharp & Ispa, 2009). A cross-sectional study of 11- to 14-year-olds, however, revealed that African-American boys endorsed more instrumental qualities than girls, and girls reported more expressive qualities than boys (Zand & Thomson, 2005). Inconsistencies across these studies may stem from their focus on different age groups, such that less stereotypical traits emerge in later adolescence, particularly among girls. Such a pattern would be consistent with gender schema theory and with the press for instrumental traits within this sociocultural context.

However, we found no longitudinal studies of the development of gendered personality qualities in African-American youth.

Gendered Activity Interests Interest in stereotypically feminine and mascu- line activities is one of thefirst gender differences to emerge, and gendered interests in childhood have been shown to have long-term implications for education and occupational achievement in young adulthood (Lee et al., 2015). Research with majority White youth shows that both boys and girls are less interested in cross-gendered activities than same-gendered activities, although girls dis- play moreflexible activity interests than boys (Lee et al., 2015; Ruble et al., 2006). Longitudinal research has documented stable gender differences from childhood through late adolescence, but overall declines in both masculine- (math, sports) and feminine- (reading, dance) typed activity interests for both genders that may reflect increas- ing specialization of interests across development (Jacobs, Lanza, Osgood, Eccles, & Wigfield, 2002; McHale et al., 2009).Studies of gendered activity interests among African-American youth are largely cross-sectional and limited to occupational interests. These data suggest that, in middle childhood, similar to their White and Hispanic peers, African-American chil- dren report gender-typed occupational interests (e.g., nursing and teaching by girls, law enforce- ment, and sports by boys), but that older elemen- tary school-aged girls select less gender stereotypical careers in comparison to boys (Bobo, Hildreth, & Durodoye, 1998); the pattern for girls is consistent with a gender schema perspective.

Whether these gender differences exist in later ado- lescence remains unknown, although a cross-sec- tional study of youth ages 14–18 showed that African-American girls aspired more to professional occupations such as business owner and professor in comparison to boys (Mello, Anton-Stang, Mon- aghan, Roberts, & Worrell, 2012). Also of relevance, research documents that African-American boys spend more time in stereotypically masculine activi- ties such as sports, whereas African-American girls spend more time in feminine-typed activities such as academics and socializing (Larson, Richards, Sims, & Dworkin, 2001; Posner & Vandell, 1999).

Gender Role Attitudes Gender role attitudes are associated with youth’s expectations about education as well as the ages of transitions into adult roles such as spouse and par- ent, and they predict actual educational attainment and family formation (Crockett & Beal, 2012; Cun- ningham, Beutel, Barber, & Thornton, 2005; Davis & Pearce, 2007). Consistent with the idea that men gain more than women from stereotypical roles (Ferree, 1990), in a national sample of 14- to 25- year-old White, Hispanic, and African-American youth, male participants endorsed more traditional gender attitudes about work and family roles than female participants but, consistent with a gender schema perspective, gender differences were smal- ler in young adulthood as compared to in adoles- cence because young men espoused relatively less traditional attitudes (Davis, 2007). A longitudinal study of White youth likewise revealed gender dif- ferences marked by boys’greater traditionality, but an overall pattern of change consistent with gender intensification: declines in traditionality from child- hood to early adolescence, leveling out between the ages of 13 and 15, and increases in traditionality in later adolescence. Consistent with an ecological per- spective that highlights Person9Context interac- tions in development, this change pattern was 1706 Skinner and McHale moderated by the combination of youth’s personal characteristics and family characteristics, including parents’gender attitudes (Crouter, Whiteman, McHale, & Osgood, 2007). One longitudinal study of African-American youth’s gender attitudes regarding marital roles was based on the same data set used here. Results from that study showed that girls exhibited less traditional gender attitudes than boys, and consistent with a gender schema perspec- tive, youth’s traditional attitudes declined from ages 9 to 15 and leveled off in later adolescence (Lam, Stanik, & McHale, 2017).

In sum, the available research—primarily focused on White youth—and the more limited research on African-American youth document gen- der differences across several dimensions of gender role orientations, with some suggestion that girls are less stereotyped than boys. The few longitudinal data on African-American youth, however, do not provide a consistent picture of gender development across adolescence, leaving open the question of whether gender stereotyping is intensified or becomes moreflexible, allowing for a broader range of opportunities and choices by later adolescence.

Because African-American youth may reside in families and communities in which gender roles are flexible, we expected that they would exhibit less stereotypical personal qualities, interest, and atti- tudes across adolescence.

The Social Contexts of Gender Development Our second study goal was aimed at illuminat- ing the correlates of individual differences in pat- terns of within-individual change. Here, we focused on the social contexts of youth’s daily activities, specifically time spent with male peers, female peers, mother, and father, as potential correlates of the development of their gender role orientations.

From an ecological perspective (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006), daily activities are an impetus to (and consequence of) development: Time in activi- ties affords opportunities for the development of interests, skills, attitudes, and social relationships, which in turn provide impetus to youth’s choices about how and with whom to spend their time.

From a social-learning perspective as well, time spent with male and female partners will have implications for development, as youth acquire skills, values, and attitudes through practice and reinforcement processes, direct teaching about gen- der roles, and observation of significant others (Ruble & Martin, 1998). We drew on these perspec- tives to examine the relations between time spentwith male peers, female peers, mother, and father, and the development of gendered personality quali- ties, interests, and gender attitudes among African- American youth.

The role of parents in their children’s gender development is one of the most widely studied topics in the literature on gender socialization, but we know very little about such normative processes in African-American families. Some work suggests that African-American mothers treat boys and girls differently, but research has not yet linked maternal socialization to African-American youth’s gender development (Hill & Zimmerman, 1995; Smetana, 2011; Varner & Mandara, 2014). Given the distinc- tive challenges experienced by African-American girls versus boys, however, an important step is to begin to illuminate African-American parents’role in their children’s gender development. Incorporat- ing fathers into research on gender development is another important step; we know very little about the role of residential fathers in African-American youth’s development.

Like parents, peers are important agents of socialization. Peers model and reinforce gendered behaviors, and peer interactions provide opportuni- ties for practicing gendered behaviors and skills (Martin & Fabes, 2001). Indeed, in a short-term lon- gitudinal study with White children, Martin and Fabes (2001) found that same-gender play predicted increases in aggression, rough and tumble play, and activity level among boys. In contrast, same- gender play predicted lower aggression and activity level among girls. In addition, time spent with same-gender partners in play predicted increases over time in gender-typed play for both boys and girls. Among African Americans, research also highlights the significance of male peers in shaping stereotypically masculine behaviors among boys (Roberts-Douglass & Curtis-Boles, 2013).

We built on this research to examine whether the amounts of time youth spent with their father and their mother, male peers, and female peers were related to (changes over time) in youth’s gendered personality qualities, gendered interests, and gender role attitudes. Based on social-learning theory time spent with same-gender peers should be linked to more stereotypical gender role orientations and time spend with peers of the other gender should be linked to less stereotypical ones. Studying White youth in middle childhood through adolescence, however, McHale et al. (2009) found that amounts of time spent withboth male and female peerswere related to higher levels of instrumental qualities; further, time spent with female peers wasnegatively Development of Gender Orientations 1707 related to feminine activity interests. Thesefindings suggest that during adolescence, time spent with male and female peers may have different socializa- tion implications than in childhood such that peers promote independence and other instrumental qual- ities but may discourage“femininity.” Further highlighting the complexity of the role of social partners in youth’s gender role orientations, Mandara, Murray, and Joyner (2005) found that adolescents from father present households—both boys and girls—reported more gender stereotypical personality qualities in comparison to adolescents whose fathers did not reside with them. Suggestive of fathers’role in gender development, controlling for other family demographics, boys who resided with fathers reported more stereotypically mascu- line qualities than boys who did not reside with their fathers, and girls from lower-income house- holds who resided with fathers reported less stereo- typically masculine qualities than girls who did not reside with fathers (Mandara et al., 2005). The authors suggested that the everyday presence of fathers in their children’s lives might account for these patterns: Boys may model their fathers’mas- culine-typed behaviors, and fathers may encourage complementary qualities in their daughters and therefore support the development of more stereo- typical gender role orientations in both girls and boys (Parke, 1996). Given thesefindings, we tested if the effects of time spent with mother, father, male peers, and female peers differed for girls and boys.

The Present Study In sum, highlighting the intersectionality of gen- der and race, extant research reveals differences in their socioculturally relevant experiences as well as in the adjustment and achievement of African- American girls versus boys (Skinner, Perkins, Wood, & Kurtz-Costes, 2016). Accordingly, in an effort to advance understanding of the normative processes of gender development in these youth, this study addressed two goals. Ourfirst goal was to chart the developmental course of African-Amer- ican girls’versus boys’gender role orientations in three domains: (a) gendered personality qualities, specifically expressivity (sensitive, kind) and instru- mentality (independent, adventurous); (b) interests in traditionally masculine (sports, hunting) and feminine (dance, shopping) activities; and (c) gen- dered attitudes toward childrearing roles. From a gender schema perspective, we would expect that both girls and boys would show declines in stereo- typicality over time, although from a genderintensification perspective, we may see some increase in traditionality beginning in early adoles- cence. Our second goal was to test whether the amounts of time they spent with mother, father, male peers, and female peers were linked to (changes in) girls’and boys’gender role orienta- tions and whether those linkages varied by adoles- cents’gender. Based on social-learning theory we expected that time spent with males would be related to more stereotypical orientations for boys and less for girls, and that time spent with females would be related to more stereotypical orientations for girls and less for boys. Prior empirical examina- tion of these theories of gender development, how- ever, have not taken into account the intersectionality between gender and race, and thus we use an ethnic homogeneous design to test whether these predicted patterns differ for African- American girls versus boys.

Method Data Source and Sample The sample included mothers, fathers, and 319 African-American youth, specifically up to two sib- lings from 166 families. Families were recruited as part of a 3-year longitudinal study on gender socialization and gender development in two-parent African-American families. Data were collected dur- ing 2002–2004. We used an accelerated longitudinal research design in which cohorts (in our case, sib- lings) of different ages are repeatedly assessed, resulting in overlapping measurements of age groups across a longer age span than one cohort provides (Duncan, Duncan, & Hops, 1996; Miyazaki & Raudenbush, 2000). This method allows for a shorter follow-up period of participants thus reduc- ing the problem of repeated testing and attrition in comparison to single-cohort longitudinal designs.

Results from accelerated longitudinal research designs adequately capture development and the effects of covariates are similar to results obtained from true longitudinal designs wherein the same individuals are studied over time (Duncan et al., 1996).

To be eligible, families self-identified as Black/ African American and included a mother and a fatherfigure who resided together and were raising at least two adolescent-aged children. In families with more than two children, the two closest to age 13 were recruited. About half of the families were recruited by African-American recruiters in local communities in the mid-Atlantic region of the 1708 Skinner and McHale United States who posted advertisements and dis- tributedflyers at youth activities. The remaining families were recruited from the same geographic region via mailings purchased from a marketing firm. In Year 1, 202 families participated. For these analyses we did not include data from families in which the parents were not romantically involved (e.g., mother living with her father;n=7), parents who ended their relationship throughout the course of the study (n=23), or families in which mother and fatherfigures resided together for less than 3 years (n=6). Attrition across the 3 years of the study was 5%. All youth self-identified as Black/ African American, as did 95% of mothers and 97% of fathers. The average educational level was 14.67 years (SD=1.82; range=9–19) for mothers and 14.37 years (SD=2.36; range=5–19) for fathers (a score of 12 indicated high school gradu- ate). The median family income was $85,000 (SD=$58,740, range=$3,000–$525,000), however, the median income for mothers was $33,500 (SD=$22,617) and for father was $45,000 (SD=$48,211). The sample was comprised mostly of two-earner families with adolescent-aged chil- dren (i.e., older parents working in the labor force for a longer period of time), which likely accounts for the overall high median family income. The ranges of parental education and family income, however, suggest that the sample was largely working to middle class, with some lower and upper variation.

Given age differences between siblings and three waves of data collection, betweenn=30 and n=151 siblings provided data at each chronologi- cal age from 9 (age 8.50–9.50) to 18 (age 17.50– 18.50) years allowing us to chart gender develop- ment from middle childhood through adolescence (ages 9–18). In thefirst year of the study, older sib- lings averaged 13.95 years (SD=1.88; range=10.03–18.49) and younger siblings averaged 10.48 years (SD=1.00; range=8.52–12.92).

Procedures Data collection involved two procedures. First, during each of the 3 years of the study, two Afri- can-American interviewers conducted separate home interviews with fathers, mothers, and each of the two target youth about their personal qualities and family relationships. We used data from youth about their gender role orientations and data from parents about family demographics and their own gendered interests. Informed consent/assent was obtained prior to the interviews, and familiesreceived a $200 –300 honorarium for participation.

The project was approved by the university’s Insti- tutional Review Board (IRB).

The second data collection procedure was used to gather information about youth’s time spent with male peers, female peers, mother, and father. Dur- ing the month following the home interviews in the first and third years of the study, seven nightly tele- phone interviews were conducted with parents and adolescents to obtain information about their daily activities. Using a cued-recall approach, during each phone call youth reported on the types of activities they were involved in outside of school hours, the individuals who were involved in the activities, and how long each activity lasted. We used data on time spent with peers and parents that were col- lected during thefirst year of the study to predict changes in youth’s gender role orientations.

Measures Gendered personality qualities(expressivity and instrumentality) were measured with the Antill Trait Questionnaire (Antill, Russell, Goodnow, & Cotton, 1993). Using a 1 (almost never)to5(almost always) scale youth indicated how well six femi- nine-typed (e.g., gentle, patient) and masculine- typed (e.g., athletic, independent) traits described them. Items were averaged to create ratings of expressivity and instrumentality. Cronbach’s alphas averaged .60 for instrumentality and .74 for expres- sivity.

Gendered activity interestswere assessed using a measure developed by McHale et al. (2009). During thefirst year of the study, parents rated their inter- est in 35 activities and youth rated their interest in these same activities during all 3 years of the study using a1 (not at all interested)to4(very interested) scale. As in prior work (McHale et al., 2009) because the gendered natured of activities depend on place and time, we classified activities as mascu- line or feminine based on significant differences between mothers’and fathers’ratings of their inter- est in these activities: six activities that were rated as more interesting by fathers were classified as masculine (sports, hunting, building, boating, watching sports on television, motor biking) and 14 activities that were rated as more interesting by mothers were classified as feminine (language arts, reading and writing for pleasure, music, drama, drawing, dancing, religious activities, emailing, talking on the telephone, shopping, gardening, playing games, and roller skating). The indices of youth’s gendered interests were the averages of Development of Gender Orientations 1709 ratings of these masculine and feminine interests, respectively.

Gender role attitudeswere measured with the gen- der-based attitudes toward Childrearing Scale (Hoff- man & Kloska, 1995). Youth rated seven items such as,“It is more important to raise a son to be strong and independent than to raise a daughter that way,” ona1(strongly disagree)to4(strongly agree) scale, with higher scores indicating more traditional gen- der attitudes. Across time, alphas averaged .69.

Amounts of time spent with mother, father, male peers, and female peerswere assessed using data col- lected from the phone interviews during thefirst year of the study. To create these indices, youth’s reports of time (in minutes) spent in any activity with mother present, father present, male peer(s), and female peer(s) present were each summed across all activities and all calls. To correct for skewness we used log transformations.

Controls In year 1, mothers and fathers reported on their education and annual family income. Because of the high correlation between mothers’and fathers’ education,r=.47, and to reduce the number of control variables in the analyses, we used the par- ent average.

Analysis Plan We used multilevel modeling because of the clus- tered nature of the data (time within individuals, sib- lings within families). For each dimension of gender (expressivity, instrumentality, feminine and mascu- line interests, and gender attitudes), we estimated a three-level model (Level 1=within individual; Level 2=within family/between siblings; Level 3=be- tween family). Analyses were conducted using the PROC MIXED procedure in SAS Version 9.4 (SAS Institute Inc., Cary, NC, USA).

In all analyses we used youth age as the metric of time and tested for linear, quadratic, and cubic polynomial terms. Youth age was centered at age 13 (the average age across siblings across time points). In thefirst step of the analyses we esti- mated an unconditional growth curve model (from approximately age 9 to 18) for each dependent vari- able. We also tested a series of nested models to determine whether slopes should be treated asfixed or random. Deviance tests comparing the log likeli- hoods of nested models were used to determine which random variances to include. Following this step, we tested a conditional model to describe thedevelopmental course of each dependent variable, controlling for family income and parent education.

In all models we included the covariates youth’s gender, and time spent with mother, father, male peers, and female peers at Time 1. In addition, two- and three-way interactions involving time with par- ents or time with peers and youth gender and age were included to test for gender differences in the effects of time spent in gendered social contexts at the intercept as well as in the developmental trajec- tories of each domain. Given the two age cohorts of siblings, we tested birth order, the marker of age cohort here, as well as the Birth Order9Age poly- nomial interaction term to assess cohort differences in each domain of gender development. When sig- nificant, we retained these effects in the models (Miyazaki & Raudenbush, 2000).

Indices of time spent with parents and peers were grand mean centered and entered as a time- invariant covariate at Level 2. Youth gender and birth order were also included at Level 2, and fam- ily-level factors (family income and parent educa- tion) were entered at Level 3. As described in Aiken and West (1991), we probed significant inter- actions by changing the reference group in the case of categorical variables (e.g., gender) and compar- ing youth whose scores were 1SDabove or below the sample average for interactions involving con- tinuous variables (e.g., Time with Male Peers9Linear Age). Only significant interactions were retained in thefinal models. We computed the pseudoR 2effect size estimate (Peugh & Heck, 2016) to quantify the proportion of variance explained in the gender role orientation variables by the inclusion of all predictor variables’fixed effects.

Results Means and standard deviations for study measures are in Table 1. Mean levels of instrumentality, expressivity, masculine interests, and feminine interests were above the midpoints of the scales for both boys and girls, suggestive of high levels of each, but below the midpoint of the scale for tradi- tional gender attitudes. Turning to the development of youth’s gender role orientations, the bestfitting unconditional growth curve models for expressiv- ity, instrumentality, masculine interests, feminine interests, and gender attitudes included random intercepts at Levels 2 and 3. A random linear slope was also added at Level 3 for gender attitudes and feminine activity interests. Standardized coefficients 1710 Skinner and McHale are presented in Tables 3 and 4 as indices of the rel- ative influence of each variable in the models.

Development and Correlates of Expressivity Results from the unconditional model showed nonsignificant linear,c= .015,SE=.011,p=.173, and significant quadratic effects,c=.010,SE=.004, p=.004 (Table 2; Figure 1). Follow-up tests showed that youth exhibited declines in expressive qualities from age 9 to age 15 (c= .037,SE=.015, p=.013), followed by increases in later adolescence(c=.114,SE=.034,p<.001). The conditional model showed that, at age 13, girls endorsed more expressive qualities than boys,c= .255,SE=.070, p<.001, and this gender difference did not change over time.

Development and Correlates of Instrumentality The best-fitting growth curve for instrumentality included a significant linear age term, indicating that youth’s instrumental qualities increased over time,c=.034,SE=.011,p=.002 (Table 2; Table 1 Means and Standard Deviations for Gender Role Orientations and Time ain Gendered Social Contexts Girls M(SD)Boys M(SD) Time 1 Time 2 Time 3 Time 1 Time 2 Time 3 Expressivity 3.97 (.62) 3.96 (.66) 3.88 (.59) 3.68 (.66) 3.70 (.66) 3.65 (.61) Instrumentality 3.48 (.66) 3.59 (.68) 3.59 (.65) 3.79 (.63) 3.81 (.62) 3.90 (.60) Feminine activity interests 3.13 (.45) 3.06 (.44) 2.98 (.44) 2.61 (.51) 2.50 (.52) 2.42 (.51) Masculine activity interests 2.26 (.60) 2.12 (.66) 2.12 (.64) 2.91 (.63) 2.76 (.59) 2.69 (.63) Gender attitudes 1.65 (.49) 1.58 (.38) 1.58 (.41) 1.96 (.53) 1.98 (.50) 1.92 (.45) Time with mother 667 (352)——528 (316)—— Time with father 347 (260)——411 (295)—— Time with male peers 277 (263)——415 (312)—— Time with female peers 450 (339)——225 (231)—— aTime in minutes across 7 days.

Table 2 Conditional Model Predicting (Changes in) Expressivity and Instrumentality Expressivity Instrumentality b[95% CI]b[95% CI] Intercept 3.898** 3.799, 3.996 3.548** 3.460, 3.637 Linear age .015 .064, .034 .060* .180, .109 Quadratic age .048** .011, .085—— Gender (girl=0) .259** .395, .122 .203* .061, .345 Family income .038 .047, .123 .044 .039, .176 Parent education .037 .121, .047 .046 .035, .128 Time with mother .037 .130, .055 .012 .080, .055 Time with father .025 .045, .095 .014 .083, .055 Time with male peers .003 .074, .068 .044 .032, .120 .016 .088, .056 .009 .067, .085 Time with male peers9gender——.143* .006, .280 Variance components Level 1 .238*** .253** Level 2 .123*** .132*** Level 3 .040* .026 PseudoR 2 .61% .59% *p<.05.**p<.01.***p<.001. Development of Gender Orientations 1711 Figure 1). Results from the conditional model revealed a significant effect of gender such that boys reported more instrumental qualities than girls,c=.208,SE=.071,p=.004, and this gender difference did not change over time. The significant effect of gender was qualified by a time with Male Peers9Gender interaction,c=.071,SE=.033, p=.033. Follow-ups revealed that for boys—but not girls—more time with male peers was related to more instrumental qualities at age 13,c=.093, SE=.031,p=.003;c=.021,SE=.018,p=.242, n.s.,respectively.

Development and Correlates of Feminine Activity Interests The overall growth curve for feminine interests showed significant linear,c= .068,SE=.009, p<.001, and quadratic effects of age,c=.007, SE=.003,p=.012 (Table 3; Figure 2). Youth exhibited declines in feminine activity interests in early adolescence that leveled off in later adoles- cence. Results from the conditional model showed significant main effects of gender at age 13 indi- cating that boys were less interested in stereotypi- cally feminine activities than girls,c= .494, SE=.051,p<.001, and this gender difference did not change over time. A signi ficant effect of birth order,c= .177,SE=.054,p=.001, was qualified by a significant Birth Order9Linear Age interac- tion,c=.085,SE=.035,p=.015; older siblings exhibited greater declines in feminine interests over time,c= .120,SE=.020,p=.001, in com- parison to younger siblings,c= .035,SE=.020, p=.084, possibly because their interests were stronger to begin with. With respect to gendered time use, time with father predicted more feminineactivity interests at age 13,c=.054,SE=.010, p=.007.

Development of Masculine Activity Interests The overall growth curve for masculine interests included a significant linear age term, indicating that youth’s masculine interests declined over time, c= .078,SE=.011,p<.001 (Table 3; Figure 3).

Results from the conditional model revealed a mar- ginally significant effect of time with female peers, c= .037,SE=.020,p=.060, such that time with female peers predicted less interest in masculine activities at age 13. The significant effect of gender was qualified by a signi ficant time with Male Peers9Gender interaction,c=.100,SE=.033, p=.003. Follow-ups revealed that boys who spent more time with male peers reported more stereotypi- cally masculine interests at age 13,c=.121, SE=.031,p<.001, whereas time with male peers was not related to girls’masculine interests,c=.022, SE=.018,p=.223,n.s. Finally, a significant Gender9Linear Age interaction,c= .044, SE=.021,p=.041, and a significant Linear Age9Time with Mother interaction,c= .060, SE=.021,p=.004, was qualified by a three-way, Gender9Linear Age9Time with Mother interac- tion,c=.068,SE=.029,p=.021. Follow-ups indi- cated that time with mother was a stronger predictor of declines in masculine interest for boys (high time with mothers:c= .122,SE=.020,p<.001; low time with mother:c= .083,SE=.018,p<.001) than girls (high time with mother:c= .057, SE=.014,p<.001; low:c= .037,SE=.019, p=.050). Of the control variables, parents’education was related to less interest in masculine activities at age 13,c= .049,SE=.023,p=.033. Figure 1.Growth curves for boys’and girls’instrumental and expressive qualities.

1712 Skinner and McHale Development and Correlates of Gender Attitudes The best-fitting growth curve model for gender atti- tudes toward childrearing included a significant linearage term,c= .025,SE=.008,p<.001 (Table 4; Fig- ure 4): Attitude traditionality declined from early to late adolescence. Results from the conditional model showed that girls reported less traditional attitudes Table 3 Conditional Model Predicting (Changes in) Feminine and Masculine Activity Interests Feminine activity interests Masculine activity interests b[95% CI]b[95% CI] Intercept 3.112** 3.019, 3.204 2.188** 2.099, 2.277 Linear age .264** .351, .177—.122** .186, .054 Quadratic age .079** .033, .124—— Gender (girl=0) .484** .589, .378 .526** .388, .664 Birth order (0=older) .166* .279, .059—— Family income .003 .067, .060 .088 † .004, .161 Parents education .054 † .116, .008 .088* .169, .007 Time with mother .015 .037, .067 .018 .073, .109 Time with father .069* .016, .123 .044 .024, .121 Time with male peers .010 .064, .044 .046 .029, .120 Time with female peers .032 .024, .087 .073* .147, .001 Gender9Time with Male Peers——.204** .070, .338 Linear Age9Birth Order .193* .039, .347—— Linear Age9Gender—— .010* .191, .002 Linear Age9Time with Mom—— .041** .170, .028 Linear Age9Time with Mom9Gender——.115* .018, .213 Variance components Level 1 intercept .111* .187*** Level 2 intercept .089*** .120*** Level 3 intercept .014 .041* Level 3 slope .000— Intercept-slope covariance .002— PseudoR 2 74% 72% *p<.05.**p<.01.***p<.001.†p<.10. Figure 2.Growth curves for boys’and girls’stereotypically feminine activity interests. Development of Gender Orientations 1713 than boys at age 13,c=.398,SE=.053,p<.001, and this gender difference did not change over time.

Discussion A growing body of research highlights the implica- tions of gender role orientations for African-Ameri- can youth’s adjustment and health-related quality of life (Cooper et al., 2011; Palapattu et al., 2006; Scott et al., 2015). We know little, however, abouthow African-American youth’s gender role orienta- tions change over time or about the factors that contribute to their development. More generally, this study contributes to the scant literature on nor- mative development in African-American youth (McLoyd, 1998) in several key ways. First, we charted change over time in three dimensions of gender development and examined gender differ- ences and individual differences in patterns of change among boys and girls from late childhood through adolescence. In general, masculine and feminine activity interests and attitude traditionality declined, whereas instrumentality increased across adolescence, and expressivity decreased from early to middle adolescence and later increased for both boys and girls. As elaborated next, these patterns of change provide some support for both gender schema and gender intensification hypotheses. Fur- thermore, consistent with an ecological perspective about the role of daily activities in youth develop- ment (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006), amounts of time spent with mother, father, male peers, and female peers were related to gender role orientation development, and Person9Context interactions indicated that some of the links between the gen- dered contexts of time use and gender development differed for boys and girls. These different develop- mental patterns in combination with the effects of time spent with parents and peers are evidence of the multidimensionality of gender for African- American youth. Most importantly, our ethnic homogenous research design served to illuminate the development of African-American youth and the factors that contribute to gender and individual differences in their gender role orientations. Consis- tent with some reports offlexibility in the gender Figure 3.Growth curves for boys’and girls’stereotypically masculine activity interests.

Table 4 Conditional Model Predicting (Changes in) Gender Attitudes Gender attitudes toward childrearing roles b[95% CI] Intercept 1.574** 1.505, 1.644 Linear age .063** .100, .026 Gender (girl=0) .399** .296, .502 Family income .061 † .128, .005 Parents education .044 .109, .020 Time with mother .019 .070, .032 Time with father .013 .042, .069 Time with male peers .029 .082, .025 Time with female peers .015 .040, .069 Variance components Level 1 intercept .084*** Level 2 intercept .067*** Level 3 intercept .040*** Level 3 slope .011* Intercept-slope covariance .013* PseudoR 2 .81% *p<.05.**p<.01.***p<.001.†p<.10. 1714 Skinner and McHale role orientations of African Americans, ourfindings revealed that, in the face of consistent gender differ- ences, these youth espoused nontraditional atti- tudes, on average, and that both girls and boys endorsed relatively high levels of stereotypically feminineandmasculine personality qualities and gendered activity interests. Next we elaborate on the conclusions that can be drawn from this study and highlight directions for future research.

Gender Role Orientations in African-American Youth Gender differences in this sample of African- American youth were generally consistent with pre- vious cross-sectional research with African-Ameri- can youth that has focused on those living in single parent households (Palapattu et al., 2006) as well as that with White youth (McHale et al., 2009). These gender differences also represented the largest effects in comparison to other factors in our models.

Overall, girls reported more expressive qualities and feminine activity interests than boys, and boys reported more instrumental qualities and masculine activity interests as well as more traditional gender attitudes than girls. Consistent with a gender schema perspective, youth exhibited some declines in gender stereotypicality over time, and consistent with an ecological perspective, the main effects of gender were qualified by time spent with male and female partners for some dimensions of gender.

Finally, these patterns of gender differences were consistent with research showing that African- American girls and women areflexible in their gen- der role orientations (Harris, 1996; Palapattu et al., 2006)—but so too, were boys: As noted, despite overall gender differences, both male and female adolescents endorsed masculine and femininepersonality qualities, similar levels of interests in masculine- and feminine-typed activities, and held nontraditional gender attitudes, on average. Consis- tent with these patterns, some scholars have sug- gested that African-American families areflexible in their gender roles, in part, because of social condi- tions including discrimination and economic marginalization particularly of men (Hill, 2001).

In the face of mean-level gender differences, the developmental patterns of youth’s gender role ori- entations were similar for boys and girls. For exam- ple, both boys and girls showed declines in expressivity from early to mid adolescence followed by increases over time. This pattern corresponds most closely to a gender intensification pattern for boys (Hill & Lynch, 1983), but a gender schema prediction of decreasing stereotypicality for girls.

Changes in instrumentality also were similar for girls and boys in evidencing linear increases over time. Here, the girls’pattern was most consistent with a gender schema prediction, but the pattern for boys aligned with a gender intensification per- spective. Considering the developmental patterns of boys and girls together, however, these results sug- gest that in this sample of African-American youth from two-parent households, both boys and girls espoused instrumental (e.g., independence and bravery)andexpressive (e.g., kindness, sensitivity) personal qualities during mid to late adolescence.

Both sets of characteristics may be important for youth to successfully navigate their home, school, and community contexts. Instrumental characteris- tics such as bravery, independence, and leadership may also be necessary for African-American youth to develop and sustain a positive identity in the face of negative images and attitudes in society about African Americans.

Figure 4.Growth curves for boys’and girls’gender attitudes. Development of Gender Orientations 1715 Turning to activity interests, in addition to gen- der differences in feminine activity interests consis- tent with prior research (Jacobs et al., 2002; McHale et al., 2009), both girls and boys became less inter- ested in stereotypically masculineandfeminine activities across adolescence. As prior investigators have noted, declines in gendered activity interests may result from increased specialization during adolescence as youth make choices about how to spend time and auditions and try-outs set limits on their participation opportunities. In general, how- ever, research is needed to understand how Afri- can-American youth spend their time across adolescence given the decreases in both feminine and masculine activity interests. Despite the impli- cations of gendered activity interests for youth’s academic choices and occupational aspirations, we know almost nothing about the ways in which this domain of gender development is related to educa- tional outcomes for African-American youth, an area where gender differences are clearly docu- mented. Finally, decreases in traditional attitudes toward childrearing roles are consistent with a gen- der schema perspective in showing increasingly flexible views about the ways that boys and girls should be raised.

An important avenue for research is to examine the implications of these gender role orientations for African-American youth’s development and adjustment in other domains. For example, some research suggests that African-American youth with both stereotypically masculine and feminine person- ality qualities have better mental health, suggesting that efforts to promote balance between instrumen- tal and expressive qualities more generally may be important (Cooper et al., 2011; Palapattu et al., 2006); future research should extend beyond the domain of gendered personality. Toward better understanding the intersectionality between gender and race, another next step may be to examine the links between gendered qualities and orientations to race/ethnicity, including identity and responses to the racial discrimination experiences that are common for African-American youth (Seaton & Douglass, 2014).

Gendered Social Contexts and Development of Youth’s Gender Role Orientations Consistent with social-learning theory and with an ecological perspective, youth’s personality quali- ties, interests, and gender attitudes were predicted by the time they spent in gendered social contexts.

One exception to this pattern was that time withfather was related to stronger feminine activity interests at age 13 for both sexes. This same associa- tion was found in research with White adolescents (McHale et al., 2009) and is suggestive of the important role that fathers may play in the norma- tive development of African-American youth—a topic that has been largely neglected in the devel- opmental and family literatures. Fathers who spend more time with their children may have less tradi- tional gender role orientations themselves, includ- ing in the division of child-oriented activities between themselves and their wives.

Results focused on time spent with male peers were consistent with a social-learning perspective, especially for boys: Boys who spent more time with male peers reported more instrumental qualities and stronger masculine activity interests at age 13.

These results align with research suggesting that there is pressure within African-American male peer groups to maintain a“masculine”reputation (Belgrave & Brevard, 2014), and extend this work to encompass gendered personal qualities and activity interests. A limitation of our study is that we did not include analysis of the race of youth’s companions. Furthermore, our correlational data mean that causal inferences cannot be drawn: it may be, for example, that boys who have more instrumental qualities and masculine interests choose to spend time with other boys rather than the reverse, and also that both directions of effect are operative. As noted, an important direction for future research is to examine the links between gen- der development and adjustment and well-being in African-American youth: A balance between stereo- typically feminine and masculine gender orienta- tions may be protective against risk factors such as discrimination and promotive of psychological well-being. Ourfindings on the links between gen- der and time use may suggest that the positive developmental and adjustment implications of boys’time with male peers, in particular, may be enhanced by fathers’coinvolvement in such activi- ties, such as in the role of coach, club advisor, and the like.

Limitations and Directions for Future Research In the face of our study’s contributions to the lit- eratures on normative development in African- American youth and the larger literature on gender development, its limitations imply directions for research. First, although we examined both parents’ and peers’role in youth’s gender development, other individuals such as siblings, teachers, and 1716 Skinner and McHale other nonfamilial adults are also important agents of socialization, and time spent with these individu- als may also have implications for youth’s gender development but we did not include these variables in our study. In addition, although we treated time with parents and peers as distinct predictors, it is likely that these are interrelated, for example, as when parents promote and provide opportunities for their children to interact with same- or other- gender peers. Importantly, however, ourfindings revealed that amounts of time spent with peers ver- sus mother and father were differentially related to youth’s gender role orientations. In addition, we were limited in our ability to fully examine the role of time spent with parents and peers because we did not collect these data at all 3 years of the study.

Relatedly, this study’s correlational design pre- cluded causal inferences. Intervention studies that promote parent and/or peer shared time in the con- text of experimental designs could be used to estab- lish the role of youth’s time use in their gender development. Finally, our sample was limited to two-parent families from a specific geographic region, and future research should be directed at recruiting nationally representative samples of Afri- can-American youth who reside in various family structures.

Conclusion This study provided afirst longitudinal look at gender development and its correlates among Afri- can-American youth who are growing up in homes with mothers and fathers. In so doing, our study moved beyond the literature’s more typical focus on dysfunction and pathology to contribute to the sparse body of knowledge on normative develop- ment in this sociocultural group (McLoyd, 1998).

Ourfindings were consistent with prior portrayals of African Americans asflexible in their gender role orientations—a pattern that may be necessitated by the challenges of adapting to a history of limited opportunities—in showing that both girls and boys tended to endorse nonstereotypical gender role ori- entations. Results showing that boys’time, with male peers in particular, was more consistently linked to their gender role orientations than was girls’time, also contribute to the emerging literature on intersectionality among dimensions of youth identity. And, they underscore the significance of future research of youth who are growing up with the challenge of integrating social and socialization experiences around both gender and race given the unique risks faced by African-American males andfemales in contemporary U.S. society (Crenshaw et al., 2015). Ourfindings that time with parents was linked to less masculine (time with mothers) and more feminine (time with fathers) qualities sug- gest that family time may provide an important balance against the promotion of stereotypically masculine qualities by boys’peer groups. In con- trast, among girls, the significant effects of time use were toward stronger feminine-typed and weaker masculine-typed characteristics. This may be because girls in this sample exhibited generally low levels of sex typing, but future research should be directed at discovering factors that promote an adaptive balance between African-American girls’ stereotypically masculine and feminine qualities. At the most general level, this study underscores the significance of future research aimed at illuminating the patterns and correlates of normative develop- ment and its implications for health and adjustment among youth of color (Garcia Coll et al., 1996; McLoyd, 1998).

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