THIS WEEK: SOMETHING DIFFERENT Please locate an image (artwork, political cartoon, etc.) from the era between 1848 and 1871 to include with your reply. In other words, find visual representation of th

The question there is now, above all, to establish better relations between labour and capital, between production an d consumption, between the workman and the employer. It is probable that the European initiative, that which will give a new impulse to intelligence and to events, will spring from the question of nationalities. The social question may, in effect, although with difficulty, be partly resolved by a single people; it is an internal question for each, and the French Republicans of 1848 so understood it, when, determinately abandoning the European initiative, they placed Lamartine's [ Note: A French poet and poli tician ] manifesto by the side of their aspirations towards the organisation of labour. The question of nationality can only be resolved by destroying the treaties of 1815, and changing the map of Europe and its public Law. The question of Nationalities, rightly understood, is the Alliance of the Peoples; the balance of powers based upon new foundations; the organisation of the work that Europe has to accomplish. . . . It was not for a material interest that the people of Vienna fought in 1848; in weakening the empire they could only lose power. It was not for an increase of wealth that the people of Lombardy fought in the same year; the Austrian Government had endeavour ed in the year preceding to excite the peasants against the landed proprietors, as they had done in Gallicia; but everywhere they had failed. They struggled, they still struggle, as do Poland, Germany, and Hungary, for country and liberty; for a word inscr ibed upon a banner, proclaiming to the world that they also live, think, love, and labour for the benefit of all. They speak the same language, they bear about them the impress of consanguinity, they kneel beside the same tombs, they glory in the same trad ition; and they demand to associate freely, without obstacles, without foreign 2 domination, in order to elaborate and express their idea; to contribute their stone also to the great pyramid of history. It is something moral which they are seeking; and this moral something is in fact, even politically speaking, the most important question in the present state of things. It is the organisation of the European task. It is no longer the savage, hostile, quarrelsome nationality of two hundred years ago which is i nvoked by these peoples. The nationality . . . founded upon the following principle: -Whichever people, by its superiority of strength, and by its geographical position, can do us an injury, is our natural enemy; whichever cannot do us an injury, but can by the amount of its force and by its position injure our enemy, is our natural ally, -is the princely nationality of aristocracies or royal races. The nationality of the peoples has not these dangers; it can only be founded by a common effort and a common m ovement; sympathy and alliance will be its result. In principle, as in the ideas formerly laid down by the men influencing every national party, nationality ought only to be to humanity that which the division of labour is in a workshop -the recognised symb ol of association; the assertion of the individuality of a human group called by its geographical position, its traditions, and its language, to fulfil a special function in the European work of civilisation. The map of Europe has to be re made. This is th e key to the present movement; herein lies the initiative. Before acting, the instrument for action must be organi zed; before building, the ground must be one's own. The social idea cannot be realised under any form whatsoever before this reorganisation of Europe is effected; before the peoples are free to interrogate themselves; to express their vocation, and to assure its accomplishment by an alliance capable of substituting itself for the absolutist league which now reigns supreme. Giuseppe Mazzini, "Eur ope: Its Condition and Prospects," Essays: Selected from the Writings, Literary, Political and Religious of Joseph Mazzini , ed. William Clark (London: Walter Scott, 1880), pp. 266, 277 78, 291 92. Sándor Petőf i (1823 -1849) The National Song of Hungary, 1848 RISE, Magyar! is the country's call! The time has come, say one and all: Shall we be slaves, shall we be free? This is the question, now agree! For by the Magyar's God a bove We truly swear, We truly swear the tyrant's yoke No more to bear! Alas! till now we were but slaves; Our fathers resting in their graves 3 Sleep not in freedom's soil. In vain They fought and died free homes to gain. But by the Magyar's God above We tru ly swear, We truly swear the tyrant's yoke No more to bear! A miserable wretch is he Who fears to die, my land, for thee! His worthless life who thinks to be Worth more than thou, sweet liberty! Now by the Magyar's God above We truly swear, We truly swear the tyrant's yoke No more to bear! The sword is brighter than the chain, Men cannot nobler gems attain; And yet the chain we wore, oh, shame! Unsheath the sword of ancient fame! For by the Magyar's God above We truly swear, We truly swear the tyrant's yoke No more to bear! The Magyar's name will soon once more Be honored as it was before! The shame and dust of ages past Our valor shall wipe out at last. For by the Magyar's God above We truly swear, We truly swear the tyrant's yoke No more to bear! And where our graves in verdure rise, Our children's children to the skies Shall speak the grateful joy they feel, And bless our names the while they kneel. For by the Magyar's God above We truly swear, We truly swear the tyrant's yoke No more to bear! 4 Carl Schurz (1829 -1906) Reminiscences One morning, toward the end of February 1848, I sat quietly in my attic chamber, working hard at my tragedy of Ulrich von Hutten , when suddenly a friend rushed breathlessly into the room, exclaiming: "What, you sitting here! Do you not know what has happened?" "No; what?" "The French have driven away Louis Philippe and proclaimed the Republic!" I threw down my pen --- an d that was the end of Ulrich von Hutten. I ne ver touched the manuscript again. We tore down the stair, into the street, to the market square, the accustomed meeting place for all the student societies after their midday dinner. Although it was still forenoon, the market was already crowded with young men talking excitedly. There was no shouting, no noise, only agitated conversation. What did we want there? This probably no one knew. But since the French had driven away Louis Philippe and proclaimed the republic, something of course must happen here, t oo. Some of the students had brought their rapiers along, as if it were necessary to make an attack or to defend themselves. We were dominated by a vague feeling as if a great outbreak of elemental forces had begun, as if an earthquake was impending of whi ch we had felt the first shock, and we instinctively crowded together. Thus we wandered about in numerous bands --- to the Kneipe , where our restlessness, however, would not suffer us long to stay; then to other pleasure resorts, where we fell into conversat ion with all manner of strangers, to find in them the same confused, astonished, and expectant state of mind; then back to the market square, to see what might be going on there; then again somewhere else, without aim and end, until finally late in the nig ht fatigue compelled us to find the way home … . now we had something more important to do --- to devote ourselves to the affairs of the fatherland. And this we did by seeking again as quickly as possible the company of our friends, in order to discuss what had happened and what was to come. In these conversations, excited as they were, certain ideas and catchwords worked themselves to the surface, which expressed more or less the feelings of the people. Now had arrived in Germany the day for the establishment of "German Unity," and the founding of a great, powerful, national German empire. First in line the convocation of a national parliament. Then the demands for civil rights and liberties, free speech, free press, the right of free assembly, equality before the law, a freely elected representation of the people with legislative power, responsibility of ministers, self -government of the communes, the right of the people to carry arms, the formation of a civic guard with elective officers and so on --- in short, that which was called a "Constitutional form of government on a broad democratic basis." Republican ideas were at first only sparingly expressed. But the word democ racy was soon on all tongues, and many, too, thought it a matter of course that if the princes should try to withhold from the people the rights and liberties demanded, force would take the place of mere petition.

Of course the regeneration of the country must, if possible, be accomplished by peaceable means. A few days after the outbreak of this commotion I reached my nineteenth birthday. I 5 remember to have been so entirely absorbed by what was happening that I could hardly turn my thoughts to anything els e. Like many of my friends, I was dominated by the feeling that at last the great opportunity had arrived for giving to the German people the liberty which was their birthright and to the German fatherland its unity and greatness, and that it was now the f irst duty of every German to do and to sacrifice everything for this sacred object. We were profoundly, solemnly, in earnest. Great news came from Vienna! There the students of the university were the first to assail the Emperor of Austria with the cry for liberty and citizens' rights. Blood flowed in the streets, and the downfall of Prince Metternich was the result. The students organized themselves as the armed guard of liberty. In the great cities of Prussia there was a mighty commotion. Not only Cologne , Coblenz, and Trier, but also Breslau, Königsberg, and Frankfurt -am -der -Oder, sent deputations to Berlin to entreat the king. In the Prussian capital the masses surged upon the streets, and everybody looked for events of great import. While such tidings r ushed in upon us from all sides like a roaring hurricane, we in the little university town of Bonn were also busy preparing addresses to the sovereign, to circulate them for signature, and to send them to Berlin. On the 18th of March we too had our mass de monstration. A great multitude gathered for a solemn procession through the streets of the town. The most respectable citizens, not a few professors, and a great number of students and people of all grades marched in close ranks. At the head of the process ion Professor Kunkel bore the tricolor --- black, red, and gold --- which so long had been prohibited as the revolutionary flag. Arrived in the market square, he mounted the steps of the city hall and spoke to the assembled throng. He spoke with wonderful eloq uence, his voice ringing out in its most powerful tones as he depicted a resurrection of German unity and greatness and new liberties and rights of the German people, which now must be conceded by the princes or won by force by the people. And when at last he waved the black -red -gold banner, and predicted to a free German nation a magnificent future, enthusiasm without bounds broke forth. People clapped their hands; they shouted; they embraced one another; they shed tears. In a moment the city was covered w ith black, red, and gold flags, and not only the Burschenschaft , but almost everybody wore a black - red -gold cockade on his hat.