Read the articles on occupational health hazards for police officers located in the Topic Materials for Topic 4 (Fatigue and on-duty injury among police officers: The BCOPS study, The necessary truths

Bryan Robinson is an assistant professor of sociology with the University of Mount Union, with a special interest in violence and media depictions of crime. He has published on team- based learning methods, media depictions of family life and participated in a number of inter - national research projects.

James (Jim) Conser began his career as a police officer in Arlington County, Virginia. He is a lifetime member of the Society of Police Futurists International (PFI) and was national secretary for nine years. He was a deputy director of the Ohio Peace Officer Training Commission (OPOTC) from January 1999 to December 2002. He is now adjunct professor at the University of Mount Union and currently the criminal justice intern- ship coordinator in the Sociology and Criminal Justice Department. AbstrAct Public perceptions of policing have provided a good deal of concern in recent years. However, there is also a growing body of evidence that suggests that part of the issue for policing local communities may stem from an ability to communicate effectively with the local populace. This article discusses the role of public perception and identifies a number of key factors implicit to the experience of policing.

These include fairness in policing, media represen- tation and the use of new (social) media in order to recognise and support the changing demographic in a local population. Among our conclusions, we suggest that further investment is needed in new media in order to provide for a positive front-facing service, aimed at engaging younger — often at- risk — populations, that become the future con- sumers of service.

INTRODUCTION In 2008, relationships between the New York Police Department and local communities began to disintegrate following increased use of Stop and Frisk policies in New York City (NYC), and there has continued to be grow- ing animosity to the use of such a tactic in a local community, where almost 700,000 searches were conducted during 2010–2011 International Journal of Police Science & Management Volume 16 Number 4 International Journal of Police Science and Management, Vol. 16 No. 4, 2014, pp. 26 276. DOI: 10.1350/ijps.2014.16.4.345 Page 268 (Dobnik, 2012). These policies are similar to those introduced in the UK under the title of Stop and Search, which in 2011–2012 saw 1,172,565 searches conducted (Home Office, 2013). In both NYC and the UK, grow- ing criticism has resulted in calls for policy reform, which will have a marked impact upon the ways in which policing commu- nities and policing more generally will be viewed in the future.The actions and reaction of the public can be viewed from a number of perspec- tives. Mazerolle, Antrobus, Bennett, and Tyler (2013) suggested that if the public perceive police behaviour as being just and fair, they are more likely to see police authority as being legitimate. If, however, there is a belief that the police are not acting in a just and fair manner, then there is little support for their authority. This is similarly considered by both Lee (2011) and Tankebe (2013). Lee suggests that legitimacy can also be seen to consider the confidence offered by the pub- lic for the work undertaken by the local and national police services, whereas Tankebe has noted that the public’s perception of policing can be, and often is, effected by the perceived and actual access to police information. We would add that legitimacy is only one ingre- dient and argue that perceptions of fairness and open communication play an increas- ingly important role in the ability of the police to do their job. Here, we provide a discussion of the per- ception of ‘fairness in policing’ in local com- munities in the USA. It is expected that this will add to, and support, a growing academic discourse concerning confidence in policing, and offer some discussion of what — in recent years — has been seen as an ever-increasing divide, resulting in a good deal of praise and criticism being levelled at police services. We explore the concept of legitimacy and sug- gest that what is crucial to a sustained level of success is an improved level of understand- ing and communication, on the part of both the police and the local community, which in turn may act to combat the (dispropor- tionate) increase in the fear of crime. In con- cluding, we make a number of suggestions that may help to support communication between the two parties, and support greater local community relations for the future. ADDRESSING THE COMMUNITY Wentz and Schlimgen’s (2012) discussion of perceptions of policing note that recent devel- opments in Western society have tended to lead to a reactive, rather than proactive stance, and with limitations placed upon policing resources this is of no great surprise. Patrol officers afford an excellent source of vis- ibility and public relations, providing a bond between the local community and the local police officer, and although evaluations of foot patrols have not provided evidence of a reduction in crime, they have helped nurture mutual respect and support between the ser- vice and community (Gaarder, Rodriguez, & Zatz, 2004). Uniformed staff are nevertheless an expensive commodity, requiring training, guidance, support and maintenance through- out their career. However, the counter- position of officers dispatched following the report of a crime, and a service reliant upon quick response vehicles, provide the general public with the image of a service in which the only contact they receive is with an auto- mated provision and officers responding to emergency calls. This argument ignores the positive impact that a uniformed officer can have on the public’s perception, steeped in the traditions of community-orientated policing observed by Kelling and Coles’ (1997) dis- cussion of fixing broken windows. Reactive policing means that, for the most part, people in the community will only ever have contact with the police in one of two ways: (1) following their involvement with crime, either as an offender, victim or Improving communication in local communities Page 269 witness; and/or (2) through their consump- tion of media reporting. This, it seems, will only serve to increase the gap between expe- rience and understanding. Thus, the result of isolated (often single) encounters will — frequently — also provide the only basis of knowledge from which to judge the service.

The ability of the police to function as an effective service is often predicated on the positive image they maintain with the gen- eral public (Wentz & Schlimgen, 2012). It is reasonable to assume that positive encoun- ters will increase public perceptions of local policing, whereas negative contact results in poorer public perceptions. However, this far more proactive form of policing is high- maintenance and is anything but cost effec- tive. Resources are allocated on a needs basis, with data collected from a number of sources:

crime victim surveys, self-report studies and police-recorded crime figures (such as those recorded in the FBI Uniform Crime Report in the USA and the Crime Survey for England & Wales, in the UK). This simple formula enables mapping of crime occur- rence, and yet this participation in the chain of events necessitates that the planning take place after the incident(s) has occurred and need is calculated. It is a sound foundation from which to begin, although it tends to leave a gap between what occurs, what we know and what we do.Public perception may hold that polic- ing occurs in few and isolated areas, lead- ing to feelings of discrimination in police procedure. As noted previously, much of the current policing practice works from a basis of resource allocation: high-demand areas receive the greatest amount of police time and effort, whereas those with low demand receive the least attention. This can just as easily result in stereotyped individuals, com- munity groups and locations. Individuals living in suburban middle-class areas are per- ceived to have far more to lose than those living in poorer areas and often working in semi-skilled and unskilled occupations. This second group is the same group that most offenders will fall into, being under- educated and unskilled, often resulting in minimum- wage occupations and poor housing (see Bain & Parkinson, 2010; Rhodes, 2008; Social Exclusion Unit, 2002, among others for further discussion of this point). Although simplistic, the result of such stereotypes can provide the context for our policing in public places, with greater emphasis being given to areas of cheap hous- ing, with a high volume of transient popula- tions, who are likely to come into contact with law enforcement agencies. This can be quickly framed in Cohen’s discussion of net widening (1985). Tackling problem areas with a greater presence, inevitably leads to the discovery of a greater incidence of crime and antisocial behaviour and to combat this (perceived) increase in criminal and antisocial behaviour, we increase the police presence, producing a cyclical state of events. The sought-after outcome of such a ration- ale is to reduce crime and antisocial behav- iour, therefore, increasing public perceptions of and confidence in policing, although in fact it can have the opposite effect, iden- tifying problem areas that require greater resources. In addition, this may also add to the increased perception of zealous and often heavy-handed policing in these areas, where this may not be the intended outcome. A secondary and often unfortunate con- sequence of such policing manifests itself a counter-position for those communities with lower rates of crime and antisocial behaviour.

These communities, often understood to be more affluent, will have less contact with the police on a day-to-day basis. Thus, a police presence is only felt when a more serious offence occurs, for example, the abduction and murders of Megan Kanka (1994) and Amber Hagerman (1996) in the USA, and the disappearance of April Jones (2012) and the murders of Jessica Chapman and Holly Wells Bain et al. Page 270 (2002) in the UK. In turn, this may also leave local communities feeling under-supported, which increases feelings of isolation and dis- satisfaction in police practice. These feelings may also be associated with a heightened fear of crime (a point we shall return to shortly), often expressed in rural areas, and within age- ing populations, with higher expectations of policing practice and performance.

POLICE PERFORMANCE Part of the difficulty seems to stem from the fact that ‘performance’ is a slippery term, with a number of definitions and differing mean- ings, dependent upon the context and set- ting. Indeed, Maguire (2003/2010) has stated that ‘performance’ is used in a variety of ways to measure the competence of individuals, teams, products and services. For many local police forces, ‘performance’ has become a buzzword for improving efficiency. At the heart of such examinations are budgetary and resource concerns, yet it is often the commu- nity focus which is lost to national concerns.An example of this that may have taken place in the UK is the withdrawal of police targets, or performance indicators (PI), which included a requirement to increase public confidence in policing, and to ensure that the police dealt with local matters in an effective manner. This was the final target set down in the police pledge (2008), and also the final part of the pledge to be removed by the Home Secretary Theresa May when she addressed the Association of Chief Police Officers (ACPO) at its annual conference in Manchester (2010). In doing so, May had sug- gested that too great an emphasis was placed on a tick-box mentality, which provided for a comfortable position in which senior officers were able to show that they had maintained the minimum required standard, when in actual fact they should concentrate upon the more readily identifiable ‘target’ of reducing crime (Greenwood, 2010). This places great importance upon the public’s ability to engage and interact with local policing services (Home Office, 2010), and the Home Secretary may inadvertently have sent out the wrong message to the gen- eral public. By removing this final target, she may have provoked a counter-position which leads to an inactive community rather than supporting an active engagement. For exam- ple, the Police Reform and Social Respon- sibility Act (2011) makes clear that ‘there should be a clear police and crime plan … which should give an indication of local pri- orities and recommendations’ (Ch. 3, s. 5, 7.2). Additionally, the same document (s. 17) makes it clear that there is a requirement to collect data regarding victims/victimisation, and although it notes that a local policing body must have regard to the views of local people, it does not specify how this infor- mation should be disseminated other than through the police and crime plan. The police are no less important to the community than any other public services provided, and in Britain — where Peel’s nine principles still provide great context — public engagement is to be considered of great importance to the success of the ser- vice. Therefore, a stance that threatens to ignore the concerns of the public in favour of fighting crime may create a number of ques- tions with local communities regarding both fairness and legitimacy in policing. DEFINING ‘FAIRNESS’ AS LEGITIMACY ‘Fairness’ (or justice) refers to the idea that an action or decision is morally right, which may be defined according to ethics, religion, equity or law. People are naturally attentive to the justice of events and situations in their everyday lives, across a variety of contexts, and for good reason — because they choose to situate themselves within the context, or interpret meaning (Tabibnia, Satpute, & Lieberman, 2008). Thus, individuals react to Improving communication in local communities Page 271 actions and decisions made by organisations every day, some are seen to be positive, oth- ers not so. Indeed, following the same argu- ment of Tabibnia et al. (2008), an individual’s perceptions of these decisions as fair or unfair can influence that person’s subsequent atti- tudes and behaviours. Therefore, greatest concern arises for organisations (public and private) when perceptions of injustice impact the attitudes and behaviours of the individual and/or community, which carry their own consequences for the service provided. This argument is similarly evidenced by Mazerolle et al. (2013) in their discussion of procedural justice, in which they state that, ‘… when citi- zens perceive the police acting in a procedur- ally just manner — by treating people with dignity and respect, and by being fair and neu- tral in their actions — they view the police as legitimate and are more likely to comply with directives and cooperate with police’ (p. 33).Fairness then can and will have an impact upon how people perceive and engage with local police services. These feelings may manifest themselves as either trust and/or legitimacy, a point made previously by Tyler (2011) when suggesting that in recent dec- ades there has been a growing commitment to professionalism within the police, which can only benefit the community as a whole, and we would concur. Yet local populations have evolved and diversified greatly over the last few decades, perhaps more so than ever before. Today’s society is technologically driven and provides instant access to infor- mation and services, driving change in the characteristics of the populace. This is not new, but does provide evidence of concerns that the police fail to understand the charac- teristics of the local communities they serve (Hodgson, 2005). In turn, this may increase the divide between the police and the com- munity, and further call into question the legitimacy of the police’s role. In this context, concern for local com- munities is the feeling that patrol officers are acting in their best interests and within best practice, and it is when these fine commit- ments are questioned that fairness, and the legitimacy of the service itself, are questioned.

Jackson, Bradford, Stanko, and Hohl (2012) note that ‘the importance of public trust in the police is constantly restated, and its appar- ent decline constantly bemoaned’ (p. 5); upset by the slightest of events, which are only further amplified by the reporting of such events in local and national media. Further- more, Hough, Jackson, and Bradford (2012), have noted that the singular most important factor in shaping people’s sense of police legitimacy is trust; and trust in police fair- ness is crucial. People are far more likely to comply with local law enforcement agencies when they perceive the local service as ‘legit- imate’ and ‘fair’. This is an argument that has been developed by Mazerolle et al. (2013), who note that members of the public will voluntarily cooperate with the police, if they believe that the service is legitimate. In the USA, this has been punctuated by a statement by the Office of Commu- nity Orientated Policing Services (COPs, 2011), which voiced concern that budgetary restraints have — in recent years — led to policy change and a reduction in the num- bers of sworn officers. The concern today is that with an economy still attempting to recover, police departments/services are being asked to undertake the same roles and duties that they historically have, but with fewer resources and lower staffing levels. The inevitable outcome of this form of budgetary constraint may be a breakdown in the links between local police and the (local) pub- lic. The suggestion then remains that fewer officers can only result in growing feelings of isolation and fear of crime. Further to this, continued restraint, restructuring and (the inevitable move towards) outsourcing (COPs), will only lead to further breaks in community relations, and therefore the loss of a valuable source of intelligence. It is, after Bain et al. Page 272 all, the general public that provide the great- est amount of police intelligence in local communities. If the concern is with crime- fighting rather than public confidence, then the greatest resource in this effort has been lost to political rhetoric.

FEAR AND CRIME Although the evidence of a causal relation- ship between fear of crime and media repre- sentation is inconclusive, there is some room for consideration. Today, it seems that one of the greatest concerns for policing in local communities remains that of fear, rather than actual experience of crime itself (a position which seems to have remained constant since the 1970s). Indeed, Greer and Reiner (2012) have added that in recent years, fear of crime has become as important to policy discus- sions as the actual criminal acts themselves.

Violent crime in the USA has recorded a general downward trend in recent years, with the FBI — Uniform Crime Data recording a 12.2 per cent drop in violent crime over the last decade (FBI, 2014), and similar figures have been found in the most recent Crime Statistics for England and Wales, documenting a 13 per cent drop in violent crime over the last five years (Office for National Statistics (ONS), 2014). This knowledge gap between what the general public believes and the real- ity of crime in England and Wales further demonstrates the need for law enforcement better to engage citizens in a dialogue better to inform them of their successes and role in the community.Personal experience is not the singular driving force behind fear of crime, but can be associated with feelings of empathy for those that have experienced the criminal act. Jack- son, Bradford, Hohl, and Farrall (2009) sug- gest that public confidence is based less on concerns about individual crimes and more upon neighbourhood stability and break- down, in which the police are seen to play a fundamental role. Thus, trends in data that inform of a reduction in violence rarely seem to impact the local population, who seem more transfixed with the images of stran- ger violence presented in popular television shows, films, and local and national media, even when these images are far removed from reality (Greer & Reiner, 2012). In turn, these images/stories/reports may drive a need for feelings of personal safety, regardless of what the data show, and can result in increased anxiety of what could happen rather than what will happen (Dowler, 2003). Another factor that may complicate perceptions of police fairness arises from media attention on corruption. Weitzer and Tuch (2005) found that African Americans are much more likely to lose faith in local law enforcement when exposed to media depictions of police mis- conduct. Because, for many citizens, the only source of information about police officers may be the mass media, it is important that law enforcement agencies take a proactive approach to using the media as a source for positive depictions of their day-to-day activi- ties. What must take place is a move towards a more positive image of crime reduction and policing more generally. NEW (SOCIAL) MEDIA How best to address this is a question that has been identified on a number of occa- sions. For example, Keane and Bell (2013) have noted that an immediate reaction of the police, to any single (high-profile) act of vio- lence, is to increase their presence in the local communities and to vie for public affection, where information and guidance, and pub- lic support would be a far more appropri- ate course of action. This has also been noted in a recent study by Wentz and Schlimgen (2012), who have argued that ‘… indirect experience may be of greater importance than actual contact…’ (p. 123), when assess- ing public perceptions of the police response Improving communication in local communities Page 273 to community concerns. ‘Indirect experience’ can be defined as any contact initiated which does not require a face-to-face dialogue, such as posters, flyers, internet resources, media advertisements, notice boards and other such service areas. Engaging differing groups is also of great importance, and actual engage- ment can vary with different ages; although local meetings and community groups may go some way to filling this need, these are not popular with younger generations, who engage far more actively with instant and automated systems/services.New media, providing instant services, are no less valuable and can be a way of deliver- ing information both quickly and very effec- tively. These systems have proven effective for a number of police forces in recent years, and examples can be found both in the USA and the UK, with stories such as: Police turning to Facebook to fight crime (Homeland Security, 2011). Further to this, DigitalTrends, an online magazine, recently reported the effective way in which the police in London have been using social media to hunt down criminals (Knibbs, 2013); the Metropolitan Police have put a great deal of time and effort into build- ing, running and maintaining an easy-to-use, easy-to-navigate website, which is constantly updated, boasting on its ‘About this site’ page that ‘The site is constantly evolving and sub- stantial developments are planned in the near future’ (Metropolitan Police, 2013: para 1).

In the USA, several police departments have been highlighted as having particularly effec- tive front-facing web pages, designed to support the local community. For example, the Atlanta Police Department (Georgia) website provides a very clean and easy-to- navigate site that helps the reader to find their way to new information, sources and resources. A second example can be found on Milwaukee Police Department website, which offers a good example of a secondary page — with a very smooth interface, is easy to navigate, updated on a regular basis and contains a number of important links to news and appeals. It appeals because of its simplic- ity, generating interest in what is going on with the local service, but also recognises the good work being undertaken — providing the positive image the community wish to engage with.

Other examples are to be found in the use of Twitter (and other instant messaging ser- vices). Twitter enables the user to post infor- mation about a particular event in no more than 140 characters. These short-burst mes- sages enable instant information, which — if used purposefully — could generate infor- mation, leads and/or evidence of criminal conduct in a particular neighbourhood. This is an area that needs a great deal of develop- ment, although a number of police depart- ments are beginning to move towards new technologies more enthusiastically than oth- ers. Indeed, the Houston Police Department have trialled Twitter on a number of occa- sions, to provide local residents with infor- mation about issues of particular interest, and to offer the local community an opportunity to recognise the hard work and dedication of local patrol officers. These are tools that could/should be used by local police services to hear what the general public are saying about the service provided, crime, as well as social events, etc. (Stevens, 2010). Currently, however, numbers still fall short with fewer than 1,000 police departments worldwide making use of these technologies to support and develop the investigative process (Knibbs, 2013). Whatever the decision they are some- thing to be considered very carefully in the years to come. CONCLUSION Current perceptions maybe that policing is something done to, or for, somebody else rather than a service in which we all have a vested interest. Currently, a gap exists between the service that is provided (local Bain et al. Page 274 police force) and the perception of services provided (local community). Reducing this gap requires far greater concern for indi- vidual perception, but does not need to be an ever-increasing pressure upon budgets.

Simple things often work best, and effective communication is one point that can make a considerable difference to the outcomes and behaviours of the individual and commu- nity groups. For example, Schneider (1999) found that part of the problem experienced in Canada stemmed from information which was seen to be travelling in one direction — police to the community — rather than providing a flow between the two. This, says Schneider, exacerbates the situation: commu- nications convey meanings, understandings and assumptions which can be seen to gener- ate negative associations and expectations.In summation, we have explored the importance of such terms as fairness and its relationship to legitimacy. In this, we have concluded that a lack of information, poor and/or incomplete information can lead individuals and communities to feel under- valued, under-represented and isolated. This can work to reduce public perceptions of having a value and stake in the community, and isolate the police from the local popu- lace. Conversely, where positive encounters are fostered, an increased public confidence in local policing may develop. Consideration should be given to local targets, based upon a ‘you said — we did’ concept, identifying need and highlighting the way in which ser- vices have been developed to meet the needs of the local community, should be consid- ered a priority. This can be done in a number of ways, but as we have previously stated, as society moves forward and the younger gen- eration become the new consumers, then the ways in which we engage must also change in order to keep pace. If approached in these terms, we believe this will go some way to developing a more positive feedback and satisfaction in service. It may also provide a platform from which to address Schneider’s (1999) concern that few studies have consid- ered the factors which effect affective com- munication. Something which we believe should be addressed in any future research to be undertaken with local policing and local communities. references Atlanta Police Department. (2014). Atlanta Police.

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