This is the Essay prepared in the attached files and there is the remarks of the professor regarding the paper written. Can it be fixed according to the instruction.

As McNally (2011) and Albo et al. (2010) state, those under attack are the public and private sector workers and the unions that strive to defend the interests of labour. Amidst exceptional uncertainty and populist rage, neoliberals are regrouping in order to take advantage of this historic opportunity. As McNally’s (2011) introductory blurb emphasizes, “The crisis has been a transformative moment in global economic history whose ultimate resolution will likely reshape politics and economics for a generation” (p. 1). New waves of national and sub-national budget deficits, which have been the result of over three decades of neoliberal fiscal and monetary policy, are once again sweeping the globe from Tucson to Toronto, Ankara to Bangkok, and Rome to Johannesburg.  Attacking the “lavish” lifestyles of “big labour” and “big government” has been a dishonest and insidious way of pitting public and private sector workers against one another in an all-out push for total privatization (Traub, 2010). Rescuing capital, then, has come at great costs. But what can be done about it? What are the alternatives to austerity?

If we are to do more than hope for the crisis to be over so we can return to a capitalism that didn’t address our needs earlier, and more than passively watch as capitalism narrows our lives even further, then a new historical project must be placed on the agenda. (Albo et al., 2010, p. 89, emphasis added)

Rather than producing a crisis of neoliberal legitimacy for capitalism, the capitalist classes have become recalcitrant and more emboldened throughout this Great Recession. In fact, the capitalist classes, supported in many instances by state-sanctioned legislation and policies, have reinvigorated their unconcealed efforts at undermining the collective bargaining rights of the unions. For Albo et al., this “employers’ offensive” is an attempt to further enshrine capitalist control over the workplace as it seeks to restrain wages and benefits, to increase precarious and marginal work, and to transform state policy so that populist pressures to extend workers’ rights and protect people’s investments are mitigated. 

For Albo et al. (2010),

Unless unions develop new strategies and organizational strength, competition between firms will continue to fuel competition between workers. . . .  Business and governments have used the crisis not just to roll back particular gains, but as an opportunity to try and weaken unions as the key working class organization and so more permanently weaken the ability of working people to defend themselves. For these reasons, resisting the attacks on past gains in the public [and private] sector is a crucial matter. (pp. 95, 98)

In their view, this is about more than protecting workers’ rights alone, it is also about extending such rights to the unemployed, the unwaged, and those who are denied a chance to work; it is about building a different society, one premised on social justice unionism. 

According to Albo et al. (2010) for unions to do so, “entails democratizing the internal practices of unions, expanding education of members, encouraging rank and file activism in leading strategic orientations and struggles, and examining union practices on gender and race, and incorporating a diverse membership into an equally divers leadership” (p. 99). In a sobering assessment of the past shortcomings of unions, they go on to remind us that: 

What unions face today is rooted in the way North American unions failed to organize themselves in much better economic times to prepare themselves for times like the present. Workers are now suffering for this lack of preparation. While corporations have become more radical and aggressive, the labor movement has become more cautious and defensive. The most important question for the labor movement is to come to grips with those past failures and the need to become as radical as the other side. If we don’t develop a vision that fundamentally questions the anti-social logic of capitalism, and build the collective capacities that can challenge corporate power, things won’t just stay the same. They are likely to get worse. (p. 100)

Rebuilding the labour movement, however, means more than just strengthening the individual locals or supporting labour organizations. It means building unions that form part of the working class as a whole, something that, if done, could be a way out of the present crisis. 

For Albo, Gindin, and Panitch, it is necessary that we come to terms with the reality that a return to Keynesianism is unfeasible. This means that we must recognize the intimately, intertwined relationship between the state and the marketplace. In order to begin resisting austerity, Albo et al. (2010) believe that we must think ambitiously and begin acting independently of the logic of capitalism. First, they make a case for the provision of public services, particularly “those that should carry the largest strategic weight today pertain to health care, public pensions and public infrastructure, all of which have the potential to reduce working class dependence on markets and the private sector” (pp. 106-107). They argue that an emphasis on publically provided goods and services raises the prospect of democratic demands by workers and provides communities with affordable and extensive public transportation, access to public spaces, and so on.

Albo et al. (2010) also argue that in order to begin undertaking some of the initiatives they identified, it is necessary to democratize finance, that is, to bring it under public authority and control, especially as the private banking system is already publicly supported. They state, “This is also why it is so important to raise not merely the regulation of finance but the transformation and democratization of the whole financial system. What is in fact needed is to turn the whole banking system into a public utility so that the distribution of credit and capital would be undertaken in conformity with democratically established priorities, rather than short term profit” (p. 110). They go on to describe how such a transition has the potential to address other issues that fall outside of the logic of capitalism, such as making production capacities part of an ecologically sustainable future. 

Albo et al. (2010) remind us that If democracy is a kind of society and not just a form of government, the economy—which is so fundamental to shaping our lives—will eventually have to be democratized. . . . The way forward is not to take one step first and another more radical step later but to find ways of integrating both the immediate demands and the goal of systemic change into the building of new political capacities. (p. 114)

This type of change inevitably requires moving from alternative policies to alternative politics. 

They stress enhancing the capacity of the unions to fight against concessionary demands in several ways:

1. organizing movements inside the unions that lobby for enhanced democratic participation and control over the direction, content, and politics of the unions themselves;

2. developing a radically feminist, anti-racist, class struggle-oriented political praxis that engages with and supports the efforts of the broader community; and

3. enhancing educational efforts so as to produce a cadre of workers and activists that are both intelligent and politically active.

 Albo et al. (2010) also stress the importance of establishing an “ independent infrastructure of socialist media that can contest the daily mainstream interpretation of events, sustain more critical analyses of capitalism, and articulate and discuss alternatives” (p. 119).