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Christenson and Wim H.J. Meeus Source: Social Forces , September 2011 , Vol. 90, No. 1 (September 2011), pp. 297-319 Published by: Oxford University Press Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/41682642 REFERENCES Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article:

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Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms Oxford University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Social Forces This content downloaded from 66.77.17.54 on Tue, 14 Jun 2022 17:39:23 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Intergenerational Continuity of Taste: Parental and Adolescent Music Preferences Tom F.M. ter Bogt, Utrecht University Marc J.M.H. Delsing, Radboud University Maarten van Zalk, Ůrebro University Peter G. Christenson, Lewis & Clark College Wim H.J. Meeus, Utrecht University In this article, the continuity in music taste from parents to their children is discussed via a multi-actor design. In our models music preferences of 325 adolescents and both their parents were linked, with parental and adolescent educational level as covariates. Parents' preferences for different types of music that had been popular when they were young were subsumed under the general labels of Pop, Rock and Highbrow. Current adolescent music preferences resolved into Pop, Rock, Highbrow and Dance. Among partners in a couple, tastes were similar; for both generations, education was linked to taste; and parental prefer- ences predicted adolescent music choices. More specifically, the preference of fathers and mothers for Pop was associated with adolescent preferences for Pop and Dance. Parents' preferences for Rock seemed to indicate their daughters would also like Rock music, but not their sons. Parental passion for Highbrow music was associated with Highbrow prefer- ences among their children. It is concluded that preferences for cultural artifacts such as (popularyf P X V L F V K R Z F R Q W L Q X L W \ I U R P J H Q H U D W L R Q W R J H Q H U D W L R Q . Introduction Research on taste has tended to focus on the influence of socio-economic differences in preference for cultural commodities. Georg Simmel (1957 [1904]yf D Q G 0 D [ : H E H r (1947[ 1920- 1921]yf S R L Q W H G R X W W K H D V V R F L D W L R Q E H W Z H H Q F X O W X U D O W D V W H D Q G V R F L D O E D F N - ground. Similarly, in his seminal study La Distinction (1 984[1979]yf 3 L H U U H % R X U G L H u sought to demonstrate that individual tastes can be classified as a function of economic wealth, educational level and social network. Herbert Gans s Popular Culture and High Culture (1974yf D Q G 5 L F K D U G 3 H W H U V R Q D Q G K L V F R O O H D J X H V \f have shown that audiences can be divided into distinct "taste cultures" that relate, predictably, to social background variables. Peterson also discriminated between higher status "cultural omnivores," with differentiated tastes incorporating elements of both high and popular culture, and lower status "univores," with more circumscribed patterns of preference. This distinction has been corroborated by a host of other studies (e.g., Lopez-Sintas and Katz-Gerro 2005; Neuhoff 2001; van Eijck and Knulst 2005yf 7 D V W H V R F L R O R J \ K R O G s that cultural distinctions solidify group boundaries and legitimize social inequality; therefore, studying taste is essential to understanding social differentiation (Dimaggio 1994; Lamont and Fournier, 1992yf . Direct correspondence to Tom ter Bogt, Department of Interdisciplinary Social Sciences, Heidelberglaan 2, De Uithof, 3584 CS Utrecht, The Netherlands. E-mail: [email protected]. ® 2011 The Author. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the University of North Carolina Social Forces 90(1yf 6 H S W H P E H U 1 at Chapel Hill. All rights reserved. For permissions, please e-mail: [email protected]. This content downloaded from 66.77.17.54 on Tue, 14 Jun 2022 17:39:23 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 298 • Socia/ Forces yb @ \f Turning to popular music, and the focus of this study, it is well established that variables such as race, class, gender and school achievement affect music tastes, and music preference can play a crucial role in the presentation of self, selection of friends and the expression of group identity (Rentfrow and Gosling 2006; Selfhout et al. 2009; Tarrant, North and Hargreaves 2001yf , Q W H U H V W L Q J O \ K R Z H Y H U V F D Q W D W W H Q W L R Q K D V E H H n paid to the process of intergenerational transmission of taste; that is, the influence of parents in the process of acquiring music taste (van Eijck 2001yf 7 R E H V X U H S D U H Q W V ' socialization of their children has been proposed as an important mechanism for the transfer of taste patterns (van Wei 1994; Rosengren 1999yf D Q G U H V H D U F K K D V V K R Z n the family to be an important context in the acquisition of cultural behavior in various areas (Nagel and Ganzeboom 2002; Kraaykamp 2001; Mohr and DiMaggio 1995yf . However, to our knowledge, the current study is the first to directly address the con- nection between parents' music tastes and those of their adolescent children using data on the preferences of both generations. The Structure of Music Preferences The sociology of taste is sensitive to the variable, contextual use of music. For example, when studying the uses of music in everyday life, Tia deNora (2000yf R E V H U Y H G W K D t women listened to different types of music for a variety of personal and social reasons: to manage emotional states, sustain images of self and project identity. In addition, authors such as Lizardo (2006yf K D Y H V K R Z Q W K D W L Q G L I I H U H Q W V R F L D O V H W W L Q J V S H R S O e use their cultural taste selectively to promote connections to some people and dissuade contacts with to others. However, even though personal and social uses of music may vary and different types of music may be used by the same person across situations, the range of music that is put to work is probably restricted. People draw from a limited reservoir of music that is not only specific to them, but also socially relevant to their status position (Bryson 1996yf , Q D G G L W L R Q W R W K H T X D O L W D W L Y H V W X G L H V R I P X V L F W D V W e that address listening situations in detail, another tradition in the sociology and social psychology of music taste focuses on music preferences as rather stable characteristics of an individual. Moreover, several studies have shown that, although popular music is divided into a tremendous variety of genres, underneath this profusion lies a structure that has proved quite stable over the past few decades (Christenson and Roberts 1998yf . In the United States, Rentfrow and Gosling (2003yf G L V W L Q J X L V K H G E H W Z H H Q U H V S R Q - dents' preferences for "reflective and complex" music, including classical, jazz, blues and folk music; "intense and rebellious" styles, defined by rock, alternative and heavy metal music; "upbeat and conventional" types, including country, sound track, reli- gious and pop music; and "energetic and rhythmic" music encompassing rap/hip-hop, soul/funk and electronic dance music. Similar factor analytic studies of musical preferences have been conducted in Belgium, the Netherlands and Sweden (Delsing et al. 2008; Roe 1992; Stevens and Elchardus 2001; ter Bogt et al. 2003yf 7 K H V H V W X G L H V K D Y H J H Q H U D O O \ F R Q I L U P H G D I R X U - or five-factor structure of styles, including a popular, "mainstream pop" style; a "rock" This content downloaded from 66.77.17.54 on Tue, 14 Jun 2022 17:39:23 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Intergenerational Continuity of Music Taste • 299 style; "Afro-American" or "urban" music; "dance" music; and an "elitist" or "highbrow" style, consisting of classic music and jazz. Both urban music, such as hip-hop and R&B, and dance genres such as trance have become quite popular since the 90s and early years of the new century. In some studies the five-factor structure collapses into four, with either urban or dance merging with mainstream pop. More evidence that certain genres cluster together comes from a recent large-scale project among more than 18,000 15-year-olds in 10 European countries in which preferences for 10 well-known genres of music were subsumed in a cross-culturally identical factor structure with pop, urban, rock, dance and high-brow music as metagenres (ter Bogt et al. forthcomingyf . The existence of these four or five music streams intuitively ties in to the history of pop music. Mainstream pop music emerged and took on a more contemporary form in the 1950s with the advent of rock n roll and has remained the most popular blend of different types of catchy, easy-on-the-ears, literally "popular" music (Gillet 1970yf . Genres such as soul, hip-hop and R&B, later referred to as "urban," surfaced in the 60s and 70s, and rock in the late 60s and early 70s. Both strands of predominantly "black" and "white" music show a lengthy and enduring presence in the history of pop music (e.g., Campbell 2005; Garofalo 1996yf ( O H F W U R Q L F G D Q F H P X V L F E H F D P H S R S X O D U L n the late '80s, building on dance-oriented '70s musical formats such as funk and disco (Reynolds 1999yf 7 K H H [ L V W H Q F H R I K L J K E U R Z W D V W H F R Q V L V W L Q J R I D I X V L R Q R I K L J K D U t classical music and newer forms of jazz, is a phenomenon that has also been observed over the years. Although music continues to evolve and newer generations modify the formats provided by older musicians (Dowd 1992yf D V P D O O Q X P E H U R I V W U H D P V F D Q E e discerned, and these broad music styles are recognized by music listeners across a wide range of cultural settings (ter Bogt et al. forthcomingyf . Music Preference as a Stable Person Characteristic Adolescence and young adulthood are generally viewed as formative phases for the de- velopment of music preferences. Research has established that the music people listen to during late adolescence and early adulthood is not only best remembered in later life (Janssen, Chessa and Murre 2007yf E X W D O V R U H P D L Q V E H W W H U O L N H G F R P S D U H G W R P X V L c listened to at an earlier or later age (Smith 1994; Holbrook and Schindler 1989yf ) X U W K H r support for the relative stability of taste is found in several longitudinal studies. Delsing and his colleagues (2008yf I R O O R Z H G W Z R J U R X S V R I W R \ H D U R O G D G R O H V F H Q W V G X U L Q g a three-year period and found preferences for four broad music styles (pop, urban, rock and highbrowyf W R E H K L J K O \ V W D E O H D F U R V V R Q H W Z R D Q G W K U H H \ H D U L Q W H U Y D O V , Q I D F W W K H V e music preferences were as stable as the "Big Five" personality characteristics, indicating that, far from being casual and fickle, music taste can be compared to deep-seated person- ality traits. Mulder and her colleagues (2010yf D V V H V V H G D Z L G H U D J H U D Q J H R I U H V S R Q G H Q W s (12-29yf G X U L Q J D P R Q W K S H U L R G D Q G I R X Q G W K D W Z K L O H W K H U H Z D V D U H O D W L Y H O \ K L J K W X U Q - over in the preference for individual artists and bands, preference for music genres and broader metagenres of music were already quite firm in early adolescence and became further entrenched during later adolescence and young adulthood. This content downloaded from 66.77.17.54 on Tue, 14 Jun 2022 17:39:23 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 300 • Social Forces 90(1yf Music Preference as a Function of Gender and Class/Education Gender is an important factor in the development of taste. In the early '80s Frith (1981yf F R Q F O X G H G W K D W L Q J H Q H U D O J L U O V D U H P R U H G U D Z Q W R P H O R G L F U R P D Q W L F S R p music, while for boys adoring raucous, rebellious rock music is part of solidifying male gender identity. Classical music is also more popular among girls than boys, while louder forms of electronic dance music are more appreciated by boys (Stevens and Elchardus 2001; Schwartz and Fouts 2003; ter Bogt et al. forthcomingyf . Adolescent music preferences are also related to social class and education. Frith (1981yf R E V H U Y H G W K D W P D O H Z R U N L Q J F O D V V \ R X W K W H Q G H G W R O L N H U R F N Q U R O O D Q G L W s "heavier" derivatives, while middle-class youth were more oriented to progressive rock or "hippie music." In other studies, heavy metal for boys (Arnett 1991a; Bryson 1996yf and soul and disco for girls (Arnett 1991a; Roe 1992, 1998yf K D Y H E H H Q F K D U D F W H U L ] H G D s genres with a disproportionately working class fan base. Roe (1992yf R E V H U Y H G D P R Q g Swedish youngsters with low educational level or problems with school, heavy metal was the preferred music and that higher school achievement predicted a preference for mainstream pop. For adolescents and adults alike, liking "highbrow music" (e.g., classical, jazzyf D Q G D Q R P Q L Y R U R X V D I I L Q L W \ I R U D Z L G H Y D U L H W \ R I P X V L F J H Q U H V W H Q G W o be associated with higher social status and educational level (Bryson 1996; Peterson and Kern 1996; Roe 1992; van Eijck 2001yf 7 K X V J H Q G H U D Q G V R F L D O F R Q W H [ W H L W K H U L n the form of class position or educational level, relate to the formation of music tastes. The Processes of Music Socialization Culture is consumed, produced and reproduced in the family context. Parents' social- ization of their children has been identified as the key mechanism for the transfer of class-specific taste patterns (de Graaf and Kalmijn 2001; Katz-Gerro 2006; Kraaykamp 2001; Mohr and DiMaggio 1995; Rosengren 1999; van Eijck 1999; van Wei 1994yf . Recently, van Eijck (1997yf D Q G 1 D J H O \f made the case that parental influence in the cultural domain exceeds that of education. As such, socialization is a process with two different faces, and parents can affect their children in a more conscious or unconscious way. Parents may actively impart their tastes to their children in much the same way as they teach their children other attitudes, behaviors and habits (Grusec and Davidov 2007yf ) R U H [ D P S O H L I F O D V V L F D O P X V L F L V G H H P H G L P S R U W D Q W S D U H Q W V P D y take their children to concerts or teach or have them taught to play an instrument or to sing. Similarly, parents may be fans of specific types of pop music, (e.g., blues, soul, rockyf D Q G D F W L Y H O \ H Q J D J H W K H L U F K L O G U H Q Z L W K W K H L U P X V L F R I F K R L F H L Q V L G H D Q d outside of the home, having them sing and play along, and take them to concerts. However, music socialization may also be a far less conscious process that blends into the everyday routine as parents often control the resources available to their children and manage their environments. Simply as a function of living in the same home, children are inevitably exposed to the cultural repertoire preferred by their parents. By playing their favorite music in the home, parents expose their children to their music and, hence, may model music taste. This content downloaded from 66.77.17.54 on Tue, 14 Jun 2022 17:39:23 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Intergenerational Continuity of Music Taste • 301 Mohr and Dimaggio (1995yf V W D W H G W K D W W K H L Q W H U J H Q H U D W L R Q D O W U D Q V P L V V L R Q R I F X O - tural capital is a gendered phenomenon. In a 1960 sample of 1 1th graders, they not only found that cultural capital was more important to girls, but also that mothers' partici- pation in artistic and school activities predicted girls' higher interest and participation in high-culture arts and literature. Research on more recent samples has provided additional evidence for the unique role of mothers in transferring cultural practices and preferences (Nagel and Ganzeboom 2002; Nagel 2004yf 9 D Q : H L D Q G K L V F R O O H D J X H s (2006yf D U J X H G W K D W J L U O V P D \ E H P R U H V H Q V L W L Y H W R W K H W D V W H R I W K H L U P R W K H U V D Q G E R \ s to the preferences of their fathers. Caution is in order when generalizing results from studies on cultural capital to studies that more specifically address music. Both genders, and both adolescents and adults, enjoy listening to music, implying that both mothers and fathers may pass on their tastes to their children. Nevertheless, the studies suggest that mothers, overall, may be more influential than fathers, and that girls and boys have a special sensitivity to the tastes of their mothers and fathers, respectively. Through their music choices, adolescents can and do rebel against parental author- ity, and by adoring brash, "deviant" music young people gain a sense of independence from their parents. As individualization is an important developmental task in this phase of life, adolescents may want to listen to music that, in their parents' eyes, is too loud, vulgar, violent, overly sexually charged or repulsive. Music that is not liked by adults, then, is a sine qua non for its popularity among youth (Grossberg 1984; Lull 1987yf ) R U P R V W R I W K H W K F H Q W X U \ L Q W K H Z R U G V R I R Q H R I W K H I R X Q G L Q J I D W K H U s of adolescent research, G. Stanley Hall, adolescence was characterized as a period of "storm and stress," and, hence, strained relations between adolescents and their parents. However, in recent years, a new consensus has arisen stressing the continuity in the quality of the parent-adolescent relationship. Not conflict and rebellion, but a warm, supportive parent-adolescent relationship is the ideal provision for a relatively smooth transition into young adulthood. Paradoxically, good bonds foster indepen- dence (Grotevant and Cooper 1985yf , Q O L Q H Z L W K W K L V D U J X P H Q W Z H F R Q F O X G H W K D t there is little support for the idea that parental and adolescent tastes divide radically, although some music may indeed be used by more rebellious adolescents to fend off and challenge parents and other authorities. Obviously, there are differences between the array of the artists and styles preferred by parents, whose preferences, as we have noted, tend to be grounded in their own youth, and the music popular during the child-rearing years. With this said, parents may pass on patterns of affinity for broadly defined styles of music. Thus, while their children are unlikely to adopt precisely the music, artists or bands their parents prefer, they may nonetheless acquire a taste for music within the same general style. Smith (1994yf W U D F H d generational differences in music taste throughout the 20th century and found cohort effects in music taste. For example, while respondents born before 1920 liked Big Band/ Swing music, few born in the 70s loved this type of music. However, Smith also found that, for cohorts born in the 50s and 60s, a taste for mainstream pop and rock music emerged, and later generations similarly liked these music genres. Preferring classical This content downloaded from 66.77.17.54 on Tue, 14 Jun 2022 17:39:23 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 302 • Social Forces 90(1yf music also revealed high intergenerational stability. Hence, parents growing up in the 60s, 70s and 80s, acquired a music taste that is relevant to their offspring as well. Modeling Contextualized Parental and Adolescent Taste The review of findings from taste sociology and taste socialization theory revealed that music styles evolve; however, a number of grand streams of music have been discerned over the past four decades in (popularyf P X V L F P R V W L P S R U W D Q W O \ 3 R S 8 U E D Q 5 R F N , Dance and Highbrow. A range of preferences takes on a robust form in late adolescence and early adulthood. Additionally, people carry their appreciation for different types of music into adulthood and, as parents, may expose their children to the cultural formats they themselves prefer. Socialization theory does not conceptualize the transfer of cul- tural choices as merely a parent-to-child process; parents may themselves be influenced by the choices of their children. However, it is the parents who provide the first musical climate in their households, and this climate is the sum of the fathers' and mothers' tastes. Parents may actively or unconsciously model the tastes of their children; hence, links may be present between parental preferences for particular music styles that were formed earlier in their lives and their children's current preferences for similar types music, even though these musical styles have evolved. In this study, we operationalized continuity in taste as a connection between the preferences parents developed when they were younger and the current tastes of their children. Cultural taste development is further influenced by the wider social context in which the family operates. Social position and education are important forces in the development of the general cultural repertoire and music tastes of young people. Parental social position drives children's social position and, therefore, parental social position may also play an indirect role. Based on the previous discussion, the following hypotheses were proposed: HI. Continuity exists between the music preferences that parents acquired when they were young and the current preferences of their adolescent children. H2. Educational level is associated with both parental and adolescent musical tastes. These hypotheses were tested in Figure 1 . Because transmission of cultural prefer- ences is presumed to be a gendered phenomenon, all analyses included a systematic assessment of differences between fathers' and mothers' effects on sons and daughters. Method Participants Participants for this study were recruited from a family sample of the CONAMORE 5-wave longitudinal study (CONflict And Management Of RElationships 2000-2005; This content downloaded from 66.77.17.54 on Tue, 14 Jun 2022 17:39:23 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Intergenerational Continuity of Music Taste • 303 Meeus et al. 2002yf 7 K H P D L Q V D P S O H R I & 2 1 $ 0 2 5 ( L Q F O X G H G H D U O \ D G R O H V F H Q W s (mean age 12.4 years, SD = .6, ages 10-15yf D Q G P L G G O H D G R O H V F H Q W V P H D Q D J H 7 years, SD = .8, ages 16-20yf I U R P K L J K V F K R R O V O R F D W H G L Q W K H S U R Y L Q F H R I 8 W U H F K W , the Netherlands, who annually completed a battery of questionnaires at school. At the first measurement, early adolescents received a letter that included an invitation to participate with both parents during an annual home visit; 491 families agreed. Due to our restriction of including only two-parent Dutch families, 90 one-parent families who agreed to participate were not able to take part in this additional research project. Of the remaining 401 families, 325 were randomly selected to participate from Wave 2 onward. In Wave 3, with data on parental and adolescent music preferences, the same families participated (attrition 0yb \f. Of the adolescents who participated in this family sample, 148 were boys (48.6yb \f. The mean age of the adolescents was 14.4 years (13-16 years, SD = .5yf W K H P H D Q D J H R I W K H I D W K H U V D Q G P R W K H U V Z D V U H V S H F W L Y H O \ 8 years (36-67, SD = 5.0yf D Q G \ H D U V \ H D U V 6 ' \f, respectively. Most adolescents indicated Dutch as their main ethnic identity (99.3yb \f and lived with both parents (98.6Adolescents were relatively highly educated with approximately 50 per- cent attending school and preparing for university. The educational level of the fathers and mothers were 27.3 percent and 32.0 percent low-middle and 72.7 percent and 68 percent high class, respectively. Analyses were performed to determine any differences between adolescents who participated in the family sample and those who did not. These tests showed no statistically significant differences on age, gender, educational level or music preferences (ř-tests, X-square tests; all p's n.s.yf . Procedure Prior to the study, both adolescents and their parents received written information and, if the adolescent wished to participate, were required to provide written informed consent. Interviewers visited the schools and asked participating adolescents to gather in classrooms to complete a questionnaire. Interviewers also visited the families at home. During these home visits, adolescents completed an additional questionnaire, and both parents also completed an initial questionnaire independent of their children. Results were processed anonymously. Families received €27 per wave, and adolescents received an additional €10 for participating at school. Measures Educational Level The Netherlands is characterized by a highly differentiated secondary school system that closely reflects differences in social position. In prior research, education has been shown to be a better predictor of cultural preferences and practices than socio- economic status (Nagel 2004yf W K H U H I R U H L Q W K H F X U U H Q W V W X G \ H G X F D W L R Q Z D V D G R S W H d as a representation of social position. As such, education was operationalized as the achieved educational level of parents and current school level of adolescents. While the Dutch educational system has changed in the period between parents' youth and This content downloaded from 66.77.17.54 on Tue, 14 Jun 2022 17:39:23 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 304 • Socia! Forces 90(1yf Table 1: Factor Analyses Parental Music Taste Pop Rock Highbrow Pop Rock Highbrow Top 40 .72 .07 -.28 .75 .01 -.35 Soul .78 .14 .15 .71 .33 .17 Disco .82 .04 -.12 .87 .00 .04 Rock .21 .86 -.08 .21 .78 -.24 Alternative rock .00 .88 .15 -.01 .88 .14 Classic -.24 -.05 .80 -.18 -.13 .83 Jazz Note: Principal Component Analysis, varimax rotation, explained variance 72.5yb P R W K H U V \f, 71.7yb I D W K H U V \f. their children's adolescence, the same basic three-tier structure applies to both periods. The lowest level prepares children for blue collar jobs and simple administrative work, while the higher level of the system caters to students with the potential to continue at colleges and universities. In between is a middle level that bridges the lower and higher end of the educational system. Adolescents and parents indicated which type of school they attend(edyf D Q G W K H L U D Q V Z H U V Z H U H F R G H G R Q D W K U H H S R L Q W V F D O H . Music preferences were assessed via a short version of the Music Preference Questionnaire (ter Bogt et al 2003yf 7 K H 0 3 4 V K R U W F R Q V L V W V R I D O L V W R I W K H P R V t important types of popular and serious music. Parents were asked to indicate on a five-point Likert scale (1 = very bad , 5 = very goodyf W K H H [ W H Q W W R Z K L F K W K H \ O L N H G D V H t of seven music genres that were well-known and popular when they were adolescents themselves : Mainstream pop music, such as pop charts music, disco and soul; rock music, with a separate items on rock and alternative rock such as punk/new wave/ pro- gressive rock; and highbrow music, including classical and jazz. Adolescents responded to a list of the 10 most important current forms of popular and serious contemporary music. Some genres were the same for adolescents and parents including mainstream pop, rock, classical music and jazz. Other items on the adolescent questionnaire dif- fered from the parent list. Soul and disco were dropped because they were no longer among the most preferred genres for young people. However, two other forms of black American and dance music, built upon the foundations laid by soul and disco artists, gained immense popularity over the past two decades and were added: hip-hop and R&B. Across Europe, forms of electronic dance music such as house/ trance and club/ mellow also became highly popular in the 90s; therefore, items on these genres were added. With regard to the rock spectrum of popular music, parents were asked how much they had favored rock and alternative rock (punk/new wave/progressive rockyf , whereas adolescents responded to items on rock, heavy metal and punk/hardcore. In sum, adolescents responded to preference items on mainstream pop, hip-hop, R&B, rock, heavy metal, punk/hardcore, house/ trance, mellow/club, classical music and jazz. Missing scale item values were imputed using a relative means substitution approach This content downloaded from 66.77.17.54 on Tue, 14 Jun 2022 17:39:23 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Intergenerational Continuity of Music Taste • 305 developed by Raaijmakers (1999yf : L W K U H J D U G W R P X V L F Y D U L D E O H V P H D Q V R I L P S X W H d variables were never divided more than .02 from the original means. Preliminary Analysis Embedded major music styles were identified through exploratory factor analysis (Principal Components Analysis, varimax rotationyf ) R U P R W K H U V D Q G I D W K H U V D K L J K O y similar three-factor structure was found (eigenvalues > 1yf V H H 7 D E O H \f. The first fac- tor was labeled Pop. Pop, soul and disco, the most popular music genres of parents' youth, loaded on this factor. A second factor, Rock , emerged from the items on rock and a> •= o "(/> 3 S •*-» e a> o .Sž o < > a> > (Ü c < 1- o •+* o co u_ N _a> JD ß ^Ti-ooocNif>oyf \fmincM ^^■(Mooooooooco Q ■" I _Q _Q ^ Oyf ' (/yf ± >* o CD "o 0=COt-OCOC3yf & ; \fOCMT-CM r • ^NNC'l(D(NONr-T- o - cooocoqqqcocNiCNiq ■ lj_ ■ r i' "I" ^T-SOr-COTtCXyf \f0^ ^^COT-T-oooooo^OO Q £ O ¿^ooor-or-oooooT- " " Oyf L L L L " * in k_ b "o o - coqqcöoqoqqo^cNi (V i" i" i Q- oNcDT-cNico^-mmoyf o - LOOOOOOCNJOCNCNJ-«- T- LL. • ,■ p ■O co "co J>* CD c= < "c CD CI o Q_ E o o ~ãi o. "o £ ài o z alternative rock, and a third, Highbrow , drew from classical and jazz. Four factors surfaced from the adolescent data: Pop (pop, R&B, hip-hopyf 5 R F N U R F N S X Q N / hardcore, heavy metalyf + L J K E U R Z F O D V V L - cal, jazzyf D Q G ' D Q F H K R X V H W U D Q F H F O X E / mellowyf 7 D E O H \f. For both parents and adolescents, the factors were identified by high factor loadings and no important cross-loadings appeared, with the poten- tial exception of Pop music items, which showed some cross loading for parents. Results were highly similar to those of other studies investigating the factor struc- ture of music tastes among adolescents (Rentfrow and Gosling 2003; Delsing et al. 2008; ter Bogt et al. forthcomingyf . Strategy for Analysis Intergenerational effects were analyzed in a Structural Equation Model. Figure 1 il- lustrates the assumption that a link existed between parental taste for 70s and 80s Pop and a taste for the same broad style of current Pop music among their children. In a similar way, parental tastes for older Rock and Highbrow were hypothesized to predict adolescent preferences for current Rock and Highbrow, respectively. Given that parental tastes for Pop implied a preference for the highly danceable black American soul music of the 60s and 70s and ultra-rhythmic disco music, parental This content downloaded from 66.77.17.54 on Tue, 14 Jun 2022 17:39:23 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 306 • Social Forces 90(1yf Figure 1. Structural Equation Model of Parental and Adolescent Education and Music Taste Pop preference was modeled as a predictor of adolescent taste for Dance. The error terms from the same type of music genres rated by mothers and fathers were allowed to covary. These models also specified links between the music tastes of parents, educational level of mothers and fathers, parental education and their tastes, and adolescents education and tastes. Obviously, parental education was expected to predict adolescent education. In addition to these paths, two sets of confounders were introduced in the models. In order to control for potential cross-style influences, other parental style preferences (indicated by the dotted latent constructs in Figure 1yf Z H U H D G G H G W R W K H P R G H O V R Q H E \ R Q H ' L U H F t effects between parental education and adolescent style preferences were also tested. Paths were only retained when they significantly improved the model fit. Next, these models were tested in a multi-group setup with parental and adolescent gender as defining variables. All paths and covariances were constrained to be equal across groups. To test whether mothers' preferences were closer to their children's tastes compared to fathers' preferences, the mother-child pair was allowed to differ from the father-child pair. To determine whether any other path(syf G L I I H U H Q W L D W H G D S D U W L F X O D U O L Q N R U V H W R I O L Q N V W K e parent-child links were set to be freely estimated successively. An increase in model fit (significant -AX2 at p < .05yf Z D V X V H G D V D F U L W H U L R Q I R U G L I I H U H Q W L D W L R Q . Results For both mothers and fathers, the most popular form of music from their youth was Pop (see Table 3yf 0 $ 1 2 9 $ V U H S H D W H G P H D V X U H P H Q W S \f. Rock was less popular This content downloaded from 66.77.17.54 on Tue, 14 Jun 2022 17:39:23 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Intergeneratìonal Continuity of Music Taste • 307 Table 3: Popularity of Different Styles of Music among Parents and Their Children Mothers 3.9 ' 2.92 2.82 - Fathers 3.6 1 3.22 3.03 - Girls 3.81 2.32 2.4 2 2.32 Boys Note: Music Composite Scales consist of the following genres: Parents: Pop (top 40, soul, discoyf 5 R F N U R F N D O W H U Q D W L Y H \f, Highbrow (classic music, jazzyf Adolescents: Pop (top 40, R&B, hip-hopyf 5 R F N U R F N K H D Y \ P H W D O S X Q N \f, Highbrow (classic music, jazzyf ' D Q F H K R X V H W U D Q F H F O X E P H O O R Z \f. Rows: different superscripts indicate differences in popularity of styles within groups, at p < .05 (GLM, repeated measurementsyf . Columns: italic typeface indicates differences between mothers and fathers, and girls and boys, respectively at p < .05 (t-testsyf , bold indicates differences between generations, i.e., fathers/mothers vs. daughters/sons, at p < .05 (t-testsyf . and Highbrow music the least popular. Scores for Pop were well above the natural scale mean of 3 on the five-point scale. Rock was generally valued as neutral and Highbrow music was also not particularly liked or disliked. Mothers tended to like Pop more than fathers and like Rock somewhat less (paired ř-tests,/> < .05yf . Among adolescents, Pop was also the most popular style of music (MAN OVA, repeated measurement p < .05yf 5 R F N D Q G ' D Q F H Z H U H V L J Q L I L F D Q W O \ O H V V S R S X O D U D Q d Highbrow music was unpopular, particularly among boys. Pop and Highbrow music were more appreciated by girls; Dance was more popular among boys (ř-tests,/> < .05yf . Significant zero-order correlations were found between Pop and Rock (-.18yf D Q G 3 R p and Dance (.32yf Q R W L Q W D E O H \f. Significant differences in the popularity of similar types of music emerged between generations, with both Rock and Highbrow being more popular among adults (paired ¿-tests,/? < .05yf . Correlations between parental and adolescent music preferences are presented in Table 4. Mothers preferences for Pop, Rock and Highbrow were significantly associated with their daughters' taste for the same types of music; their preferences for Pop marked less enthusiasm for classical music, and their preferences for Highbrow indicated lower scores on Pop. Furthermore, mothers' liking of Pop, Rock and Highbrow was linked to sons' preferences for Dance, Rock and Highbrow, respectively. Fathers' tastes were less often linked to their children's preferences; however, fathers' affinity for Rock and Highbrow related positively to the same preferences among daughters. Fathers' liking of Pop pre- dicted daughters' linking of Dance. Only one significant correlation between fathers and sons was found for Highbrow music. The most obvious difference in these connections was that for girls' Rock taste, preferences of both parents were relevant, whereas, for boys, neither mothers' nor fathers' preferences showed any link to their attitude toward Rock. This content downloaded from 66.77.17.54 on Tue, 14 Jun 2022 17:39:23 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 308 • Social Forces 90(1yf Table 4: Zero Order Correlations Parental and Adolescent Music Preferences Girls Pop .24** .03 -.16* .13 -.04 -.03 Rock .03 .27** .02 .01 .24** -.03 Highbrow -.22** .04 .19* -.05 -.10 .18* Dance .11 -.05 -.04 .17* .02 -.06 Boys Pop .08 .03 -.11 .02 .01 -.03 Rock -.03 .03 .08 -.11 -.02 .08 Highbrow -.08 .19* .23** -.07 -.13 .25** Dance .21** .10 -.08 .05 .06 -.15 Mothers Pop - .22** -.18** .28** .11* -.17** Rock - .08 .02 .24** -.02 Highbrow - -.05 -.18** .25** Fathers Pop .28** .02 -.05 - .25** -.09 Rock .11* .24** -.18** - -.07 Highbrow -.17** -.02 .25** Note: Pearson correlations It is furthermore interesting to notice that highly significant zero-order correlations (p < .01yf E H W Z H H Q S D U H Q W D O S U H I H U H Q F H V Z H U H D O V R I R X Q G 3 R S P R W K H U I D W K H U 5 R F k mother-father = .24, and Highbrow mother-father = .25, suggesting that either spouses influence each others tastes, or that shared music preferences at a much earlier stage of their relationship promoted affiliation and romance. Table 5 represents the most important paths for generational continuity in taste and educational effects on parental and adolescent taste. No direct effects were found between parental education and adolescent music styles and no significant cross-style influences were found; hence, these paths were removed from the models. In the Pop, Dance and Highbrow models, no significant differences in the parent-child paths were found; in the Rock model, parental connections to their daughters' and sons' tastes dif- fered. Therefore, the Pop, Dance and Highbrow results reflected single-group models and the Rock results pertained to the multi-group analyses. The Pop Model Table 5 and Figure 2 show that the educational level of both mothers and fathers was associated negatively with their taste for Pop music. However, adolescent education was not significandy associated with adolescent Pop preference. In addition, fathers' and mothers' preferences for Pop were positively linked to the popularity of Pop music among their children. With CFI = .98 and RMSEA = .029, the Pop model showed a good fit (Hu and Bender, 1998yf D O W K R X J K W K H H [ S O D L Q H G Y D U L D Q F H R I D G R O H V F H Q W V W D V W H s (squared multiple correlationyf Z D V O R Z \byf . This content downloaded from 66.77.17.54 on Tue, 14 Jun 2022 17:39:23 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Intergenerationai Continuity of Music Taste • 309 a> > č O "> 3 S •*-* e Qyf O (/yf _a> o "O < "O c CO ¿Š e e co Q. C o *-» as o 3 "O LU (/yf O .Ü? S to Li. ■o c CO (/> e a> "o it o> o o -C as Q. T3 a> N as "O c co in a> .q £ "5-» C a> ® * * * o o * * * S ¡0^^ I I I I fe QÕ ■o < i & « -O ■£ I ■C (Q . 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