You need to find the textbookPlease follow the instructionProvide me a draft to show the prof three-two days before deadlineProvide me with plagiarism report Please check the grading system This is on

Unit 2 Hindu Traditions

Introduction

‘Hinduism’ is contested category among scholars because it encompasses a wide variety of philosophies, texts, ritual practices, and deities. The term ‘Hindu’ is connected to a geographical region called the Indus Valley as opposed to a particular religious system or practice. It was used by British colonizers to describe the worldview of the inhabitants in India that were not Muslim. However, this incorporated other Indic traditions such as Jainism or Sikhism, which have subsequently been recognized as distinct religious traditions. In addition, Hinduism was not established by a particular historical figure, which distinguishes it from most of the other religious traditions you will study in this course.

Themes

In order to draw attention to the complexities and seeming contradictions found within Hinduism, this unit highlights the following:

Key historical developments

  • The Harappa Culture & Indus Valley Civilzation (2500-600 BCE)

  • Classical Hinduism (1500 BCE – 1000 CE)

  • Devotional Practice & Temple Construction (600-1600 CE)

  • British Colonial Period (Mid 1700’s – 1947)

  • Modern Era

Basic concepts and terms relevant to Hinduism

  • The caste system

  • Brahman and Atman

  • Karma, Dharma, and Samsara

  • Moksha

Gender and Hinduism

  • Women’s role in Hinduism

  • Laws of Manu

  • Sati

Hinduism and ritual practice

  • Temple Worship

  • Sculptures & Images

  • Domestic Worship

  • Annual Festival Cycle & Life-Cycle Rites

Schools & Communities of Theology

  • Vedanta

  • Yoga

  • Tantra

Learning objectives

By the end of this unit you should be able to:

  1. The inherent problems associated with the term ‘Hinduism’ and the variance that exists within this world religion.

  2. Significant changes and developments with respect to thought and practice in each of the main historical periods listed above.

  3. Noteworthy teachings found in Hindu texts including the classical deities and philosophical viewpoints.

  4. The key ritual practices discussed in the textbook and course notes.

  5. The role of women in Hinduism and identify historical periods of change where the role of women shifted in significant ways.

Readings

World Religions: Eastern Traditions 5th Edition, Ed. by Amore, Hussain, and Oxtoby – Chapter 2: Hindu Traditions by Vasudha Narayanan

How to proceed

Proceed through this unit by following the steps outlined below:

  1. Read Chapter 2 in the textbook paying special attention to the highlighted terms (definitions are in the glossary at the end of the chapter). It may be useful to keep a list of terms and definitions as you read through the chapter to use as a quick reference later when you are preparing for the final exam.

  2. Read the Unit 2 course notes and complete the exercises.

  3. Review the list of terms to know at the end of the course notes. These are the only terms from the textbook that you will be responsible for on the final exam.

  4. Answer the study questions provided at the end of the course notes.

  5. Complete the interactive assignment.

Course Notes

Key historical developments

Tracking key historical developments related to Hinduism is a difficult task, as early writings by Hindus did not emphasize a linear understanding of history. Hindus viewed the world in terms of a cyclical history, in which series of prosperity and social decay were repeated over hundreds of thousands of years. Traditionally, history was not exemplified strictly by objective facts, but was instead informed by sources such as myth and religious texts. This concept of history proved difficult for colonizers of India to understand, and rather than accepting a Hindu notion of its own history, instead the colonizers sought to reformulate it in a way that was indicative of Western thought. That is, scholars who came to India during the 1700s and onward formulated their own notions of India’s history that were linear and followed a Judeo-Christian approach to history. Thus the historical developments outlined in this section of the unit are largely constructed by early Western scholars, and while these delineations of specific historical eras in Hinduism are helpful in understanding key developments within the tradition, they are by no means precise representations of how the Hindus themselves viewed the world or their history. Keep in mind that India’s history is not limited to these periods of time, but that these eras denote radical changes in the way in which Hinduism was viewed. Lastly, it should be noted that Hinduism is often categorized as a polytheistic religion (“many gods”) but despite the fact that there are numerous deities, many Hindu philosophers have explained that all deities are in fact manifestations or various forms of a singular divine entity called Brahman (which will be discussed below). Therefore, Hinduism is also classifieds as a monotheistic religion (“one god”).

Harappa culture (2500-600 BCE)

The Harappa culture includes two large cities called Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa, as well as smaller settlements scattered along the Indus River. Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa are considered the oldest major cities of India, and collectively represent a culture that is viewed by scholars as the earliest known influence on present-day Hinduism. The information obtained and assumed by scholars about the Harappan culture is largely speculative. However, certain discoveries are pertinent to your study of Hinduism. For example, the archaeological dig at Mohenjo-Daro revealed an elaborate sewage and drainage system along with complex bathing units. While archaeologists found very few public buildings, they did discover what they refer to as the Great Bath. Connected to the bathing units, the Great Bath consisted of one massive bath with individual chambers adjoining it. Based on this archaeological evidence, it is speculated that ceremonial bathing was an important facet of religion in the Harappan culture, though we do not have specific details on when or how bathing rituals took place.

Scholars are still unsure how such an advanced civilization as the Harappa culture died out. It was long argued that Indo-Europeans, or Aryans, invaded and conquered Harappan civilization or perhaps flooding or famine played a key role. While the Harappans were advanced for their time, they did not progress to meet changing needs of the society. For example, their pottery remained well crafted but plain, and their cities were continually rebuilt in the exact same fashion as needed.

Indo-Aryans

Between 2000 - 1500 BCE the Aryans settled along the Indus River, entering the area from the northwest. This group likely originated in southeastern Europe. While there is uncertainty about the Harappan language, scholars know that the Aryans spoke and later wrote in Sanskrit—a language that we now consider to be the ancient language of Hinduism. The term aryan, for example, translates from Sanskrit to mean noble ones, contrary to Adolf Hitler’s later usage of the term to denote racial superiority.

Aryans were initially nomadic before settling along the Indus River. This patriarchal culture was grouped according to familial tribes, with each tribe headed by a chief. The role of chief was not hereditary, but earned, contrary to later developments in Hinduism that designate societal roles according to caste by birth. Each tribe had domestic priests, important positions that required the priests to perform rituals for the group, and helped ensure prosperity for the whole tribe. Prior to the systematization of Sanskrit into written form, these rituals initially consisted of oral hymns and verses chanted by the priest and aimed primarily at male deities due to the patriarchal structure of the tribe.

The Vedas (1500 BCE – 1000 CE)

The Vedas represent a diversified and continuous tradition extending from around 1500 BCE (the probable date of beginning of the Rig Veda) to 400 BCE (the probable date of some of the later Upanishads). Collectively, the Vedas consist of many different books, or sections, each composed at different times in different places. While some practitioners recognize the Rig Veda as the only Vedic text, others recognize a wider body of literature.

The term veda means knowledge and these collections of books are thought to contain all knowledge. The Vedas are not traditionally viewed as being composed by human authors, but rather, practitioners believe the Vedas to be eternal (“shruti” or “that which was heard”). The human authors of the Vedas have merely discovered the Vedas, which have eternally existed in the universe. These authors are commonly referred to as rishis, or seers.

The Rig Veda

This is the largest and oldest vedic text. It contains over 1,000 hymns, most of which refer to various gods. However, it also contains magical poems, riddles, and legends. The Rig Veda is formulaic in that it consists of the following: praising a god, and then petitioning the god for benefits. In other cases, gods are asked forgiveness for wrong doings. These gods were predominantly male warrior gods who battled demons and destructive spirits. The Rig Veda does not really contain mythical stories about gods, but instead includes hymns to them.

The Sama Veda

This Veda contains verses to be sung during sacrificial rites. They are choral renditions of the Rig Veda, which have been rearranged according to how they are used in specific ceremonies.

The Yajur Veda

This Veda provides formulas spoken by the priest during sacrificial rites. Like the Sama Veda, it also borrows heavily from the Rig Veda. Collectively, the Rig, Sama, and Yajur Vedas are often referred to as the Triple Knowledge of Hinduism. One way to remember this is to think of the Rig Veda as hymn knowledge, the Sama Veda as chant knowledge, and the Yajur Veda as ceremonial knowledge.

The Atharva Veda

This Veda provides incantations which a priest may recite for everyday events, including births, coming of age, and food rituals. While this Veda is not considered part of the Triple Knowledge of Hinduism noted above, one way to remember it is to think of it as teacher knowledge (atharva means teacher in Sanskrit). For example, the priest, as a teacher, shares knowledge with others during birthing rites and food rituals,

The Atharva Veda also contains books of spells and/or chants used to rid people of evil spirits. Many of the chants are supposed to be used in conjunction with special plants or potions. This Veda has been used as a basis for Ayurvedic medicine, a practice that is still relevant in present time. The book of medicine, called the ,em>Ayurveda

, is often used as a supplement to the Atharva Veda.

The Epics – Ramayana, Mahabharata, and the Bhagavad Gita

These poetic compositions are often the first Hindu text that a child might be privied to and they contain a variety of mythological narratives that provide the basis for moral and ethical imperatives. They also provide a template that explains how people should interact with one another and idealized relationships, which has specific consequences for understanding the role of women in Hinduism. For example, the Ramayana tells the story of Sita and her husband Rama and Sita is often understood as an exemplary model for female virtue and intelligence.

British Colonialism

The fall of the Mughal Empire in India corresponded with a greater European presence, specifically the British who viewed Hindu religious practice as blasphemous and sought to convert people to Christianity through missionizing movements. Various movements that sought to defend and preserve Hindu traditions emerged as a response to colonization and eventually India gained independence in 1947. However, the affects of British colonization can still be seen today in India, which has technically been declared a secular state but in recent times both traditional devotional practices and philosophies have made a resurgence within the general populace.

Key Concepts

The caste system

The caste system, which can be thought of as a class system, is divided according to social status and occupation. In general, the caste system can be broken down into four distinct groups, which, in reality also consist of hierarchies within each group, of which kin groups are further broken down into more detailed hierarchies, according to social status. This system did not, theoretically, represent a static, unchangeable system. However, in reality, the caste system became fixed through of the British systemization of Hinduism.

The Rig Veda outlines the caste system as originating from divine origins from which the four distinct groups sprang forth from ,strong>Purusha

, the cosmic man. The shudras, or servant class, came from his feet; the vaishyas or merchant class, came from his legs; the kshatriyas or warrior class came from his arms; and the brahmin or priestly class came from his mouth. At this time, the idea of separate groups was considered dynamic, and people could move within these groups. However, this hierarchy later became set and dictated by birth. Another class was later added to this system, called the untouchables. The untouchable class includes vocations of people that are considered ritually and socially impure (see Fisher for examples of “impure” occupations).

Brahman and Atman

Brahman is considered to represent Ultimate Reality or knowledge—a notion that includes all aspects of the universe that is indescribable to humans in general. Atman is tied to notions of Brahman as Ultimate Reality in that it is a specific facet of Brahman that represents the unchanging reality found within us. It can be likened to a soul, residing within each individual. Atman is in fact Brahman, yet humans are largely ignorant of this. However, when individuals come to understand atman and Brahman as being one and the same (i.e., we are Brahman), one obtains higher knowledge, or enlightenment.

But how does one obtain this understanding that atman is actually Brahman? According to the Samnyasa Upanishads, a book within the larger group of texts that comprise the Upanishads, one way to do this is by practising renunciation and asceticism.

Karma

The term karma means action in Sanskrit, and refers to an accumulation of actions, both good and bad. According to the doctrine of karma, there are specific conditions that account for the fortunes and misfortunes in the life and afterlife of every living being. What this means is that every action that we make has good or bad consequences, with both immediate and long-term effects. Within the early Vedic period, worshippers were already aware of the importance of action but keep in mind that action is not limited to these rites. Karma involves a variety of practices concerning both individual and societal actions.

Exercise #1 - Write down as list of actions that you performed today (i.e. eating breakfast, talking to your friends, helping a family member) and indicate whether they would fall under the category of positive, neutral, or negative karm and explain your rationale.

Dharma

Good karma is generated by fulfilling one’s duty or dharma. One may obtain good karma by following the prescripts set out in the Vedas and Upanishads with respect to one’s role in the community. However, an individual is not limited to caste dharma; one must also adhere to individual duty, as found in the four stages of life.

4 Stages of Life:

  • Student - celibate, learning religious knowledge

  • Married man - have a family, earn money to support the family, enjoy material possessions, experience sexual pleasure

  • Forest-Dweller - re-treat from the physical and material world, some cut partial ties with family, focus on meditating and cultivating spiritual awareness

  • Renunciate - give up everything and live on the bare minimum

Since the 5 stages of life are generally considered to be for males only we must comment briefly on the status of women in classical Hinduism - prior to the Laws of Manu Hindu women (at least in high castes) played an important role in things like religious ceremonies but after the caste system became strict in terms of social roles, women were expected to fill a domestic role - wife and mother. The laws of Manu state that women are subjected to the authority of their male relatives or later husband. But as our text points out, these are idealistic presentations of gender relations and certainly women played other important societal roles. And later there is a section on female ritual, which suggests that women participated in religious ceremonies but they were also restricted during certain times - particularly during their menstrual cycle or after giving birth because they were thought to be in a state of impurity and would have to go through ritual cleansing to purify the body.

Samsara

Samsara refers to reincarnation, or the idea that people are reborn continually. This cycle of rebirth occurs again and again until one knows the truth that atman is Brahman. The ability to obtain the knowledge needed to cease rebirth is made easier by a good rebirth, such as a woman being reborn into a man, or a shudra being reborn into a Brahmin. For example, a male brahmin, who had not performed his duty properly, could be reborn into a kshatriya woman, whereas a shudra who followed his duties meticulously, could be reborn into the vaishya class. It is also important to note that rebirths are not limited to human form—one could be reborn into a plant or animal as well.

But why reincarnation? People sought to find answers to the suffering they were experiencing as a result of urban population increase and the spread of disease. Hindus needed to be able to explain why some people who adhered to their appropriate dharma were suffering in the world. The idea of previous lives and continual rebirth accounted for seemingly good people experiencing dire circumstances.

Moksha

Until now, this unit has referred to the idea of upper knowledge as enlightenment, but what this really refers to is moksha or liberation as understood within the Hindu tradition. Specifically, moksha is the term used to denote liberation from cycles of rebirth. It is knowing that the atman and Brahman are one that brings about liberation. The ultimate goal of life, after fulfilling one’s dharma, is to seek liberation or moksha. Achieving liberation is considered quite rare, as one is expected to go through thousands of births in order to achieve the knowledge needed for moksha.

Moksha as the ceasing of rebirth is the absorption of atman by Brahman. A good analogy is a fizz bomb one can purchase at a bath shop. If you put the fizz bomb in water, it disappears, but only because it is absorbed by the water, not because it has been destroyed by it.

Philosophical Schools

Vedanta

The Vedanta schools was started by one of the most famous philosophers named Shankara who lived in the end of the 8th century and he argued that reality is non-dualistic. In other words, the only reality that exists is Brahman – therefore the soul or the atman is the same as Brahman. The Sanskrit term Maya refers to the illusions that exist in the world which give us a false image of reality. This false image basically gives humans the idea that they are different from Brahman and therefore not identical but Shankara argued that this is not the case. One this realization is made a person can achieve spiritual liberation. In this way, knowledge is the key to ridding oneself of ignorance and delusion. The soul is free and liberated only when this realization is made and this can occur in one’s life time. The term living liberation or ‘jivanmukti’ is a state of realization that a person may reach while their soul is still embodied in human form. However, the soul’s final release can only happen after death. Other Hindu philosophers argued that Shankara’s model, however, had certain flaws. For example, if maya or illusion is real then there are actually two realities (and this assertion negates the non-dualistic assertion of Shankara). The other objection that if maya is not real then it could not be the cause of delusion. Shankara tried to refute some of these claims by stating that maya had no essence and was neither real nor not real.

Tantra

There are two schools of tantric practice: the right-handed and the left-handed. The right-handed is considered more mainstream and focuses on yoga postures, meditation, devotional practices, and other ritual engagements. The goal is awaken the inner energy centers of the body (referred to as shakti) in order to unite the soul with the divine. This type of practice can lead to a mystical or spiritual experience with may lead to visions of this union and eventually the aim is to reach a state of liberation. The left-handed schools follow a similar philosophy but they engage in a variety of practices that are considered taboo by the majority of Hindu society – things like sexual intercourse outside of marriage, eating fish and meat, and drinking alcohol. The theory is that engaging in these types of activities allows to the mind to transcend thinking about that which is wrong. Therefore having no taboos means that there is nothing to distract the mind from attaining the goal of liberation.

Yoga (paths)

According to the Upanishads, one of the ways to obtain enlightenment (or higher knowledge) is through renunciation, but since approximately the 6th century BCE, other writings have suggested alternate means to understanding Brahman and Atman as one. The three paths to enlightenment can be broken down into three yogas: the jnana path, which entails renunciation and meditation already noted above; the karma path, whichfocuses on proper actions and rituals; and the bhakta path, which requires complete devotion to one’s chosen deity. Any one of the three paths is a means to enlightenment, yet all are based on three key concepts: karma, dharma and samsara.

Exercise #2 – Have you been to a yoga class? If yes, what type of concepts did your instructor emphasize? What type of postures did you do? Where did you direct your concentration while you were participating?

Hinduism and gender

Much of the material covered in this unit so far has been discussed in patriarchal terms. You may have noticed, for example, that when the term samsara was discussed, it was noted that it was better to be reborn into a male than a female. This is an example of a patriarchal attitude. Therefore, this section is dedicated to the role of women within Hinduism.

If we look to the Upanishads and the Rig Veda, for example, we see that prescriptive actions were described primarily in terms of male practitioners. In scholarship, it was assumed that women practised Hinduism in the same way as their male counterparts, or that specific practices possibly unique to women were ignored. In the Classical period, women share an important role with male figures – for example, both genders can be spiritual masters and teachers who transmit this sacred knowledge found in the Vedas. There are examples where women philosophers challenge male teachers to public debate and they are viewed as spiritual equals who were both respected and revered by others. However, when the Laws of Manu were written around 200 CE, it is evident that the role of women had shifted to a more subservient position. Some passages report that women should worship their husbands and that women are always subject to the authority of their male family members.

Women and sati

The emphasis that scholars have placed upon sati, which means faithful wife, is misleading, as it tends to suggest that sati as a practice is an accepted regular occurrence in India. This assumption tends to be rooted in modern reports of incidences of sati, as can be noted in the Roop Kanwar case of 1987. However, while instances of sati still occur, despite its legal ban in 1829 (Klostermaier, 1994), historically sati has been practised by a small percentage of upper-caste women.

Students should be aware that the practice of sati had very little to do with the women who were expected to throw themselves onto their husbands’ funeral pyre, but had more to do with the political climate and patriarchal responses to it (Mani, 1990). Nonetheless, the increase in the practice of sati during this time was explained and/or justified in terms of women’s duty, with little concern for the well-being of the women themselves.

Prior to its illegalization in 1829, sati was viewed as one way for a wife to remain faithful to her husband and to remain virtuous by following him onto the funeral pyre should he die first. Communities that endorsed the practice of sati gave the women one of two choices upon the death of her husband: to either join the deceased on the funeral pyre, or to stay a widow for the rest of her life. Being a widow, by North American standards, may not sound like a bad option, but by mid-18th century Indian standards death was often a better choice. This is because typically, once a woman was husbandless, she was reduced in social and economic status, became much like an untouchable, and was considered inauspicious or a bad omen to anyone encountering her. Also, as a widow, she was viewed as a financial burden, since it was the extended family’s responsibility to care for someone who was deemed impure. The expectation on the widow’s behaviour was that of a renouncer, but unlike a renouncer, she did not merit the same respect or support.

A widow could not hide that she was a widow, as she was noticeably different due to the removal of the tilak on her forehead, the shortness of her hair (which is cut or shaved after her husband’s death), and the donning of a white sari. She was not allowed to participate in future rituals, nor was she allowed to wear any jewellery or ornamentation on her body. Ideally, a widow would have many sons, who would ensure her security when her husband died. But if she didn’t have sons, life became more difficult for her (Chakravarti, 1998).

A woman who opted to commit sati was revered not only for her loyalty to her husband, but for her religious devotion within her community. Today there are many markers or small shrines to women who are viewed who have committed sati. The women represented in these shrines became objects of worship, and models of ideal women to which other women can aspire, regardless if the worshippers themselves ever had the option to commit sati. The ideal woman in this instance is the woman who lives only for her husband, and thus departs with him into an alternate life after death. In this instance then, a woman’s stridharma is marked by her obedience and loyalty to her husband above all else, her selflessness for sparing her extended family the hardships that would follow should she remain alive, and her religious devotion, signified by what is perceived to be the ultimate devotional sacrifice.

Classical Hindu Dieites

There are many Hindu deities that gained prominence within Indic culture but the most popular deities included Vishnu, Shiva, and the Goddess (in various forms). People built shrines and temples dedicated to these deities and they became the central feature of devotional practice. The textbook revisits our earlier reference to the classifications of Hinduism as either monotheistic or polytheistic. Many Hindus will worship or show devotion to a particular deity but acknowledge the existence of others – sometimes as separate entities and sometimes as part of the same divinity.

Exercise #3 – Do a google search on your computer and look for images of the Hindu goddesses Durga and Kali. What kind of images do you see? How are these goddesses pictured in the images you found? How do they compare to the description of Sarasvati in the textbook?

Hinduism and ritual practice

Temple Worship

The Vedas do not say much about temple worship which suggests that it either was not commonplace in that time period or it simply was not written down. Public worship is only confirmed though by cave carvings of Vishnu by the early 5th century. In modern-day India, there are many variations in the number of temples as well as temple design from region to region. Hindu deities are generally represented in physical form (ie. icon, idol, object) are treated as physical manifestations of the gods and goddesses themselves.

However, because the wide variance in practice and understanding, different Hindu communities understand the form and function of these icons differently. For example, some think that the deity is physically and literally present in the figurine itself while other schools of thought argue that the image is simply a representation of the deity. The third type of interpretation rejects the use of images all together. The Vedanta community does not place any importance of devotion and so they don’t worship in a temple at all. The temple itself is supposed to reflect the universe itself and therefore must be constructed according to certain specifications.

Certain features of the temple in this community include 7 enclosures and a location that is near to water. There are certain bathing rituals associated with this structure – in other words people must ritually bath before entering. Each part of the structure contains symbolism and meaning – for example the tower enclosures are said to rid a person of their sins. Walking around the temple structure is also an integral part of expressing one’s devotion to the deity. Interestingly, women were some of the main contributors toward the construction and upkeep of temple buildings. Generally, this donation would be recognized by an inscription dedicated to the person that provided the financial means for construction.

Sculptural and Pictorial Symbolism

The serpent or naga has always been an important symbol in Hindu tradition and has been historically associated with Shiva and Vishnu. Shiva is also generally portrayed in a dancing pose and this symbolizes ultimate control over energy in the universe and also absolute tranquility. Dance is associated with both creation and destruction and therefore it is a key medium through which deities act. The linga, or stone pillar, is also an important feature specifically associated with Shiva. It is associated with creation and fertility. There are also erotic sculptures which are associated with kama or sensual pleasure which was considered to be a legitimate goal within the confines of married life.

Forehead markings are also well-known visual signs of Hindu culture. For example, married Hindu women will often wear a red dot on the forehead referred to as a bindi. Many Hindu males also wear certain markings, especially during religious rituals and celebrations. Sometimes these markings are even representative of one’s caste. They are made out of a variety of different materials depending on their purpose.

Domestic Worship

Worship in the home is just as significant as worship in a temple. People perform rituals dedicated to specific deities in their homes and the ritualized worship which happens in the home is referred to as puja. Common features of the puja include things like lighting oil lamps and incense sticks, reciting prayers or making offerings such as food. In some cases, a priest may come into the home and aid in conducting the ceremony. There are numerous rituals that women perform in the home.

Annual Festival Cycle

There are many festivals in the annual cycle and there are a lot which are specific to certain regions. One of the most well-known pan-Hindu celebrations is Navaratri. However, the specifics of the celebration and the symbolic meaning varies from place to place. In certain areas, this is a day for women to celebrate and various depictions of the goddess are employed in ritual practice The women dress figurines up in exotic clothes and adornments and the women also sing songs dedicated toward the goddess. In other areas of India, the same holiday is celebrated but it commemorates the goddess Durga. The last day of the festival is usually dedicated to Lakshmi which signifies a time for new beginnings – learning new things, starting new business ventures, and honouring revered teachers.

Deepvali is the other famous Hindu festival. It translates to necklace of lights and many Hindus celebrate by decorating their homes with lights and setting off firecrackers. Some regions of India consider this the New Year celebration and gifts are often exchanged.

Life-Cycle Rites

Birth is an important event in Hindu life. Traditionally, Hindu families perform a ritual ceremony which asks the gods for a healthy baby boy. At the moment of birth, an astrological horoscope is conducted. Astrology is a significant part of the Hindu life cycle and so it is very important to get an accurate reading. There is also a prayer ceremony that is performed shortly after birth which requests health and strength for the infant as well as longevity for the parent.

One a young Brahmin boy reaches the age of maturity they undergo a ritual ceremony which initiates the young boy into Vedic study. The sacred teachings of the Vedas are passed down to the younger generation around the age of 8 and this is the entrance into the first life stage – that of the student (brahmacharya). The Brahmin priest blesses a bath full of water and the young boy is submerged into the holy water which symbolizes purity and peace. The boy also wears a cord over the left shoulder which acts as a sacred thread – although the meaning is somewhat ambiguous. One possibility is that is represents an umbilical cord attaching the student to the teacher but there seems to be no definitive textual reference that states exactly what the symbolism is here. The young boy is given a short mantra to repeat many times and commit to memory. Today, this ceremony is not as common and is not generally performed outside the Brahmin caste. The interesting thing is that due to modernization and reform within the Indian social structures, a similar ceremony is beings formulated in some areas for young girls.

Hindu weddings are also in integral part of the life cycle. In fact, it is stated in the dharmashastra codes that a man must take a wife so that he can pay his debts to his ancestors and the gods. Therefore, it is viewed as a religious duty as well as a social duty. Having children is also part of this system since this is the mode through which debts are fully paid. Most marriages in India were arranged (and this is still a common practice). The parents of the bride would arrange this with the groom and generally the two families would be of similar socio-economic and educational status. Before the marriage can take place, an astrologer does a horoscope analysis to ensure compatibility between the two people but it also predicts both positive and negative events that may occur within the marriage. The ceremony itself must have several key features including a gift (sometimes referred to as a dowry) given by the bride’s family to the husbands. The couple must hold hands and takes seven steps around a fire and generally they exchange garlands of flowers during the ceremony. Weddings are also quite large and joyous celebrations which can be quite lavish depending on the economic status of the families.

Funerals in India incorporate a variety of ritual aspects from both the Vedas and the Bhagavad Gita. But again there are regional variations depending on the location of the funeral and the caste of the deceased. Generally a body is cremated in the Hindu tradition although there are certain exceptions including infants and ascetics who are often buried instead. There is a funeral ceremony at which certain scripture passages are read and these rites are generally carried out by the eldest son in the family. There are offerings presented to the spirit of the deceased person and their family is considered to be living in a state of pollution (or mourning) for a certain period of time after the death.

Terms to Know

Advaita

Jnana

Samsara

Ashramas

Karma

Sati

Avatara

Ksatriya

Shudra

Bhagavad Gita

Linga

Tantra

Bhakti

Mahabharata

Upanishads

Brahma

Mantra

Vaishya

Brahman

Moksha

Vedas

Brahmin

Murti

Yoga

Dharma

Puja

 

Guru

Ramayana

 

Study Questions

  1. Why is it difficult to determine the "origins" of Hinduism?

  2. What type of material do we find in the Vedas?

  3. Explain the Cycle of Samsara and be sure to define the terms "karma", "atman", and "moksha" in your response.

  4. Why is Bhakti yoga the most popular school of yoga (or path to liberation) among Hindus?

  5. What are the 4 stages of life within the Hindu tradition? What is the purpose of each stage?

  6. Explain the difference between temple and domestic worship in Hinduism.

  7. What does a bindi (forehead marking) tell an observer about the status of a woman?

  8. What does the annual festival of Navaratri celebrate?

  9. Explain the concept of an arranged marriage.

  10. Describe the key features of a Hindu funeral and explain what happens to the body during this process.

  11. What are the main differences between Patanjali’s ‘classical yoga’, karma yoga, and bhakti yoga?

  12. What is the caste system? Where did it originate and what are the 4 main castes? How has the caste system shaped the social system in India?

  13. Outline the main features of Shankara's philosophy that is the basis for the Hindu school of Vedanta.

  14. How are Hindu deities represented? Provide at least two examples and explain how there are different interpretations on the nature of divine representations.

  15. Explain the various meanings of the term "Dharma".

  16. Why are the mythological figures of Sita and Rama important to Hindu tradition? What do they represent?

  17. What wisdom does Krishna impart to prince Arjuna in the Bhagavad Gita?

  18. Describe at least one manifestation of the Goddess popular in Hindu mythology.

  19. Outline some of the common attributes associated with the gods Shiva and Vishnu. How do some of these is opposition to each other?

  20. Explain the following statement: Brahman = Atman

  21. What are the main differences between "right-handed" and "left-handed" tantra?

  22. What effects has British colonization had on Hinduism in India? How did they first describe/understand the worldview they encountered during this period and how did this shape Western perceptions of Hinduism?

  23. What is sati? Why has this ritual been so controversial, both within India and in the West?

  24. What role have women traditionally played in Hinduism with respect to ritual practices and the social system?

  25. How have modern Hindu philosophers responded to questions about environment ethics and reproductive technology?

Suggested readings

Chakravarti, U. (1998). Rewriting history, The life and times of Pandita Ramabai. New Delhi: Kali for Women.

Griffith, R. T. (1992). Sacred writings, Hinduism: The Rig Veda, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers PVT.

Go to top

Copyright © (2016). Minor revisions (2016) All rights reserved. No part of the material protected by this copyright may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior written permission from the copyright owner.

Unit 3 Buddhist Traditions

Introduction

Buddhism as a religious tradition differs from Hinduism in that Buddhism has a founder. Siddhartha Gautama (563–483 BCE) as the Buddha, formulated the teachings and ideas on which Buddhism is based. However, while we understand the Buddha to be an historical figure, this does not mean that studying the historical Buddha is clear-cut. For example, there is no consensus about the Buddha’s teachings, as can be noted by the various sects that have developed since the Buddha’s death. Similarly, Noss argues that biographies about the Buddha are rooted in legend rather than historical fact. These are only a couple of issues that are addressed in this unit as a means to provide you with greater historical context in which to understand the development of various sects within Buddhism, and to pinpoint why Buddhism emerged when it did. However, this unit is not restricted to those developments.

Themes

Key historical developments in early Buddhism including:

  • The Life of the Historical Buddha (6th Century BCE)

  • Early Roots: Therevadan Buddhism (5th -1st Century BCE)

  • Emergence of Mahayana Buddhism (1st – 5th Century CE)

  • The Development of Vajrayana (5th Century CE)

Basic concepts and terms relevant to Buddhism

  • Three Gems: Buddha, Dharma, Sanga

  • Samsara, karma, and nirvana

  • Dependent co-arising

  • The Four Noble Truths and Eight-fold Path

  • The Three Characteristics of Existence

  • Bodhisattva Vow

Gender and Buddhism

  • Symbolic representations of women in Buddhist myth

Schools of Buddhism

  • Therevada

  • Mahayana: Madhyamaka, Yogacara, Pure Land, and Chan/Zen

  • Vajrayana: Dalai Lama

Learning objectives

By the end of this unit you should be able to discuss:

  1. the nature of the Buddha as both of a historical and mythical figure;

  2. the historical context from which Buddhism emerged;

  3. the early spread of Buddhism, including the role of Asoka and the systematization of the tradition;

  4. symbolic representations of women in Buddhist myth and its significance to Buddhist practitioners; and

  5. Buddhism as a way of life by looking at its distinctive religious ideas, practices, and religious community.

Readings

World Religions: Eastern Traditions 5th Edition, Ed. by Amore, Hussain, and Oxtoby – Chapter 5: Buddhist Traditions by Roy C. Amore

How to proceed

Proceed through this unit by following the steps outlined below:

  1. Read Chapter 5 in the textbook paying special attention to the highlighted terms (definitions are in the glossary at the end of the chapter). It may be useful to keep a list of terms and definitions as you read through the chapter to use as a quick reference later when you are preparing for the final exam.

  2. Read the Unit 3 course notes and complete the exercises. 

  3. Review the list of terms to know at the end of the course notes. These are the only terms from the textbook that you will be responsible for on the final exam.

  4. Answer the study questions provided at the end of the course notes.

  5. Complete the interactive assignment.

Course Notes

Key historical developments

As in Hinduism, the unofficial history of Buddhism cannot be presented in a linear fashion, but instead must be understood in terms of cyclical periods of time. Time is viewed as being in a constant state of flux, representing periods of degeneration and growth. This, of course, is not how the history of Buddhism is presented in scholarship. Scholars instead trace the development and growth of Buddhism over time as it spread to various geographical regions. This section of the unit focuses on early formations of Buddhism.

The Buddha of our age

One who follows the path of the Buddha is a Buddhist. As mentioned, unlike Hinduism, Buddhism is a “founded” religion with Buddha as a teacher, a role model for people to follow, and an example of how people should live their lives. He is not considered to be a prophet, like Mohammed in Islam, or to be divine like Jesus in Christianity. He is instead considered an enlightened human being with no divine qualities. His enlightenment comes from his understanding of the universe, an understanding that we can all access if we follow his teachings. One way to understand the nature of the Buddha is to think of him as a man who had unique knowledge that could help others and who willingly came to the world to share that knowledge.

But who was the Buddha? The textbook focuses on Siddhartha Gautama as the Buddha, yet Siddhartha had many lives before he became the Buddha, and there were many other Buddhas before this age. There will also be at least one more Buddha in the future. The reason for these various Buddhas is due to Buddhist views about the cosmos: it is thought, for example, that the universe rises and passes away in endless succession, and that our current universe (like other universes) moves through major periods of time, with eras that last centuries. Siddhartha Gautama is the Buddha of our age or era. One way of thinking about the transitions that occur within the universe is by envisioning it as something that expands and stabilizes and then declines and disappears; it is always in a state of flux. This fluctuation is dictated by the degree of morality and truth in practice in the universe. Whenever karma (as morality) and dharma (as truth) decline, a new, highly developed being (the Buddha) is born to help us get back on track. Therefore, Siddhartha Gautama, according to legend, came at a time when the world needed him to teach people about morality and truth. It is important to note also that no god tells the new Buddha what to do. The Buddha is considered so knowledgeable that he simply knows what to do because he is aware of the needs of the world.

Other enlightened beings include:

  • arhats, which means worthy ones. People that are arhats have realized liberation as a result of hearing the Buddha’s teachings. But how does an arhat differ from the Buddha? The arhat’s experience of the nirvana is the same, but a perfect Buddha is seen as having more extensive knowledge than other arhats have. For example, he can remember as far back into previous lives as he wants, while other arhats have limited or no memory of past lives. Also, the Buddha is someone who, by his own efforts, rediscovers the Path after it has been lost to human society. Having discovered it for himself, he makes it known to others so that they too can practise it for themselves and so become arhats. [Therevada Buddhism]

  • bodhisattvas, or ones on the path to enlightenment. This term can be broken down into two terms, with bodhi meaning enlightenment, and sattva meaning being. In theory, Gautama was a bodhisattva in a previous life, before he was reborn into the Buddha. Bodhisattvas, with the most famous being Guan-yin (also referred to as Avalokiteshvara) take bodhisattva vows. The vow refers to the promise to work towards Buddhahood, with the bodhisattva vowing to become a Buddha in a future birth. Rather than becoming liberated as a result of enlightenment, bodhisattvas elect to postpone liberation in order to be reborn and help others attain liberation. [Mahayana Buddhism]

Buddhism emerged from within Hindu culture, but broke off from Hinduism to form a new spiritual movement. Even though Buddhism is much different from Hinduism, it was influenced by Hinduism because of the context within which Buddhism emerged. This means that Buddhism shares many similarities and many differences with Hinduism. For example, Buddhism calls for the rejection of the idea of an eternal Brahman and atman, the authority of the Vedas, the caste system, and the importance of worshiping the gods, which are all central tenets of Hinduism. At the same time, Buddhism retains ideas about reincarnation, karma, and liberation, though as you will discover, the Buddhist ideas about the latter three do differ from Hindu conceptions.

17BThe historical Buddha

A difficulty in asserting a historical Buddha is the difficulty of separating historical fact from legend when it comes to the life story of the Buddha. The reason for this is that much like other key religious figures in our studies, writings by and about the Buddha were not established until well after his death. In particular, his life story was not written until 400–500 years after he died. As well, the reasons for writing the Buddha’s biography were not to make known historical developments. Instead, biographies of the Buddha were used to inspire others to follow Buddhist teachings, or to emphasize personal attributes of the Buddha, which could be used by disciples to understand the Buddha as a role model worthy of being emulated. The textbook covers some of the key points in generally accepted narratives about the Buddha’s life including the Four Sights and the Great Departure. Often recollections of the Buddha focus on establishing his life as exemplifying the ‘Middle Way’ – a life between luxury and extreme asceticism – which is one of the main tenets of his teachings.

19BThe spread of early Buddhism

Various Buddhist sects developed after the Buddha’s death. Arguably, this could have meant disappearance of Buddhism if not for an Indian king named Asoka Maurya. After he obtained the throne of Magadha in 273 BCE, used extreme violence to successfully overtake and rule most of India. After his military exploits, Asoka became remorseful for the suffering he had caused, and embraced a life of Buddhism as a result.

Through his public support of Buddhism, Asoka required government officials to explain the Dharma to people, and put policies in place that would help look after the elderly, orphans, and prisoners. Asoka aimed to create a society of non-violence that even included new decrees concerning the regulation of slaughterhouses, and the killing of animals.

In addition to the reforms that precipitated peace was the encouragement of Buddhist missionary activities, as well as an emphasis on Buddhist piety. The spread of Buddhism, achieved through edicts engraved on stone pillars, or stupas, and by people who sought to spread the Dharma, changed the face of Buddhism for several reasons. First, it contributed to the acceptance of Buddhist ideals in India. Second, the momentum of this acceptance spread to neighbouring areas such as Sri Lanka and Southeast Asia. And third, it meant the systematization of the Buddhist tradition into an organized religion.

Key concepts and terms

This section addresses the following concepts:

  • samsara, karma and nirvana;

  • dharma;

  • dependent co-arising;

  • the Four Noble Truths; and the Eight-Fold Path

Samsara, Karma and Liberation (Nirvana)

The Buddha retained the core ideas about samsara and karma found within Hinduism, in that suffering (dukkha) is central to understanding about reincarnation. However, for the Buddha, suffering differs from the Hindu concept because it arises from clinging to oneself. Doing away with the clinging to the self allows for liberation or nirvana. To attain nirvana is to end the cycle of samsara, much like the idea of moksha in Hinduism. However, the nature of nirvana differs significantly from moksha. In the unit on Hinduism, moksha was referred to as the absorption of atman into Brahman, much like a bath fizz gets absorbed into water. The fizz (or the atman) still exists, but in a different form. For Buddhists, there is no Brahman and there is no self (anatman) to identify with Brahman. Instead, nirvana represents the single, absolute truth that all is impermanent. By recognizing that suffering is rooted in our imagined permanence resulting from the clinging to a sense of self, one attains nirvana. Therefore, suffering, impermanence, and the doctrine of anatman make of the three characteristics of existence.

The emphasis in Buddhism then, is on the ideas of impermanence and no-self. According to Buddhist doctrine, there is nothing permanent and absolute, not even Brahman. The reason for this is that everything is in a state of flux and change, so there is nothing to hold onto. As mentioned already, there is not even a permanent self or atman. According to the Buddha, “I cling and crave because I mistakenly suppose that I have a permanent self; the goal of the path is to come finally to the full realization that there is no self to cling to, and with that realization comes the peace and freedom of nirvana.” This is part of the Dharma.

Dharma

The term, dharma or dhamma, does not refer to one’s duty as it does in Hinduism. In Buddhism, dharma refers to the teachings of the Buddha, including the four noble truths and the eight-fold path, though the dharma is not limited to them. For Buddhists, the dharma represents the truth needed to reach nirvana. Thus, fully realizing dharma means attaining nirvana.

But where did the dharma come from? As mentioned, the Buddha’s sayings and teachings are the primary source of the dharma, but these were not compiled until after his death. During the first rainy season after his death, 500 arhats (monks who had achieved nirvana) gathered for the First Council to collect his sayings and teachings. The result was two sections or pitakas that included the Sutra Pitaka, or the sayings that the Buddha spoke in his sermons or dialogues, and the Vinaya Pitaka, the rules that regulate monks and nuns. Later, a more scholarly treatise was compiled called the Abhidharma. Together, these writings are called the three baskets, or tripitaka. In theory, the tripitaka are viewed as direct sayings and words of the Buddha, but keep in mind that this is problematic, given the fact that the Buddha’s sayings were not compiled until after his death.

Teachings of the Buddha

All of the Buddha’s teachings are rooted in the concept of dependent co-arising, the Four Noble Truths and the Eight-Fold Path. One can only attain liberation by acknowledging and working through the latter two teachings.

Dependent co-arising and the cessation of suffering

Dependent co-arising relates to how Buddhists view the world, and explains causality in relation to rebirth. Keep in mind that Buddhists adhere to notions of samsara, or rebirth. According to the Buddhist tradition, one must have an understanding of dependent co-arising in order to attain liberation, and one’s ability to become liberated is based on certain experiences. The Buddha argued that there are two kinds of experiences: conditioned and unconditioned. The unconditioned experience transcends suffering and we are incapable of grasping this experience unless we follow the eight-fold path. Conditioned experiences, on the other hand, include all aspects of our senses that are comprehensible to us, such as our feelings or emotions. The conditioned and unconditioned experiences are radically separate from each other.

The only way the unconditioned can be experienced is by controlling and ceasing the conditioned experience. To do so, one needs to know the pattern through which the various categories of conditioned experience depend on one another. This pattern is what the Buddha called dependent co-arising. Dependent co-arising is best understood as an analysis of how the various senses go about grouping, disbanding, and regrouping in various configurations as they influence one another in giving rise to suffering in the conditioned world as a whole. Personal experience and the entire conditioned universe all can be reduced to this single pattern, which can be directly experienced in the mind and which has factors which work over time.

Dependent co-arising points toward the Buddhist idea that although there is no one god who controls everything, at the same time the world does not function as random chance. Instead, everything is caused by something prior, and every condition contributes to the next. Dependent co-arising is considered the most real knowledge about the world. It is often equated with the dharma.

The Four Noble Truths

As noted in the brief outline of dependent co-arising, a key to liberation is the understanding and practice of the Four Noble Truths. Even though these truths are outlined in both your textbooks, they are also discussed below to remind you of their importance to the Buddhist tradition. The Four Noble Truths are as follows:

  1. There is suffering. Birth, death, disease, pain, pleasure, and indulgence are all forms of suffering. This means that experiences that are perceived as either positive or negative contribute to our suffering. All existence is permeated with suffering or dukkha.

  2. There is a cause of suffering. To want rebirth is to be bound in greed rooted in the thirst for existence and experiences. The cause of suffering, then, is our clinging to, or craving of a life that causes our suffering. The truth is that there is nothing to cling to, and so we lose what we try to hold onto. The clinging that produces our suffering is rooted in the 12 preconditions related to dependent co-arising (see above).

  3. There is an end to suffering. One must give up every thirst or craving through detachment. Suffering and frustration can be removed by eliminating the 12 causes of becoming. This is done by following the middle path, through detachment to that which we crave.

  4. The end is found through the eight-fold path. The eight-fold path, which is discussed in more detail below, outlines the means to build detachment and cease our cravings. As you will see, the Buddha was concerned with more practical results than the philosophical speculations of the nature of our being. By following the eight-fold path, one can attain liberation, or nirvana.

The Eight-fold Path

The eight-fold path should be thought of as a means to attain liberation. It can be broken down into three areas which all individuals should work towards: Wisdom, moral conduct, and contemplation.

Wisdom

  1. Right/appropriate views 
    Right understanding entails knowing the four noble truths, doctrines of impermanence, and no-self. Understanding these concepts helps us reverse our ignorance, which is needed to attain liberation.

  2. 2. Right thought/intention
    This involves freeing ourselves from craving through compassion for all beings.

Moral conduct

  1. Moral conduct
    Not only should we free our thoughts from cravings and ignorance, but we must also enact this through right speech, which includes telling the truth.

  2. Right action
    This is also key to moral conduct and primarily focuses on causing no harm to others, which is referred to as ahimsa.

  3. Right livelihood
    One must make a living by practicing ahimsa.

Contemplation

  1. Right effort
    This entails having a strong will that gets rid of hampering thoughts or wrong frames of mind.

  2. Right mindfulness
    This is when we are attentive to what goes on in our body and are aware of how we treat it. We must treat ourselves in the same fashion that we are expected to treat others.

  3. Right concentration 
    This requires meditation, which leads to realizing higher states of awareness. Once we can attain right concentration, we are ultimately freed from ignorance.

We do not follow these steps in succession, but hone them all at once. That is because each fold should be thought of as interdependent on one another. One way to envision this is to think of each fold as a petal of a flower. As we simultaneously work toward the realization of each fold, the petals of the flower open, with full bloom as an indication of liberation. Basically, we cannot achieve one aspect of the eight-fold path without working on other aspects.

Exercise #1 – Create a comparison chart that details the similarities and differences between Hinduism and Buddhism with respect to conceptions of Karma, Samsara, Nirvana, Atman/Anatman, and suffering. Use this chart as a study guide and leave a column blank for Jainism, which we will study in the next unit.

Buddhism and gender

This section addresses depictions of women in Buddhist hagiographic material and outlines how these representations of women in myth may or may not impact attitudes toward women in Buddhist communities. Specifically, this section identifies the role of women in terms of their sexuality, and questions whether there is a connection between women as temptresses and the ability to attain nirvana.

Symbolic representations of women

The role of women in Buddhism is ambiguous. Ideally, especially in the context of Mahayana Buddhism, Buddhist ideas about liberation are not restricted to caste, class, or gender. Thus, in theory, Buddhism offers an alternative to Hindu ideas about moksha. On the other hand, the capability for all to be liberated regardless of status and gender has not translated into complete equality for women, especially in terms of writings that address rules and regulations for monks and nuns. These rules, which are found within the Theravadan tradition, mark a hierarchy for the Buddhist community to follow, with monks at the head, followed by nuns, laymen, and finally, laywomen. This hierarchy, as well as various comments supposedly from the Buddha himself, has resulted in controversy among scholars of Buddhism, who question the actual role of women in Buddhism.

Elizabeth J. Harris (1999) notes that the role of women in Buddhism must be understood in two separate contexts: symbolic representations of women in early Buddhist writings; and actual women who live within Buddhist communities, yet arguably, the symbolic image of women intercepts with the reality of women conducting their day-to-day lives. Liz Wilson in particular, in her work, Charming Cadavers, deals with this problem. Wilson (1996) argues that “confrontation with death and decay looms large in the history of Buddhism” (p. 1), and for the Buddha this meant the need to “contemplate the foulness of the body” (p. 3). Further, to focus on the foulness of the body was not limited to contemplation upon death. The rejection of the body was also a means for monks to suppress feelings of lust toward women by way of focusing on their ugliness and state of decay. Thus, such contemplation on the body prescribed by the Buddha really refers to the foulness of the female body, not just any body.

For Wilson, the emphasis on a disfigured, mutilated, or repulsive female body corresponds with the overall historical subordination of women in Buddhism. Key to this argument is the assumption that mythical representations of women, and women who live(d) in Buddhist communities are interconnected and together, inform overall attitudes toward women. Wilson is not concerned with the rules of subordination in Buddhist communities, already mentioned above, but with representations of women in the hagiographic accounts that in turn must have affected Buddhist women’s ability to follow in the steps of the Buddha during the first millennium CE (Wilson, 1996, p. 4). Wilson notes that while there are arguments that suggest Buddhism (especially Mahayana) is often considered feminist, she questions this attitude, especially when focusing on Buddhist imagery of women (p. 7).

Wilson uses the example of Mara’s daughters to emphasize her point. As Noss notes in his first chapter on Buddhism, Mara sent his daughters to Gautama in order to tempt him out of his quest toward enlightenment. Mara’s three daughters, Lust, Thirst, and Discontent, ultimately fail at this task. According to Wilson, Gautama does not experience any craving for Mara’s daughters due to his enlightened state. Yet he does not simply ignore them as a result. Instead, he transforms their voluptuous bodies, to use Noss’s turn of phrase, into withered beings to show them that all is impermanent (please refer to the Four Noble Truths already addressed in this unit). Wilson links this story to the Buddha’s own assertions that all women are Mara’s daughters by arguing that when the Buddha transformed Mara’s daughters into withered creatures, “the Buddha illustrates an important method of resistance against all womankind as daughters of Māra: the viewing of repulsive transformations of the female body as a defense against the onslaughts of the opposite sex” (Wilson, 1996, p. 39). If we take Wilson’s analysis seriously, it also implies that women are hindrances to liberation and are inevitably ignorant to the path of the Buddha because of their sexuality.

Wilson is not alone in making such claims. Harris also addresses depictions of women as temptresses in Buddhist myth. Even though she cites specific myth, her arguments in general point to sexuality as equated with revulsion, and that women are key to representations of this repulsive sexuality. As Harris (1999) notes, “Sexual difference is viewed as an integral part of samsara, as part of the unsatisfactoriness (dukkha) of existence and a cause for suffering” (pp. 60–61). This is because lust (as in Mara’s daughter, for example) is an aspect of craving that continues our suffering in the world. This is also an aspect of the ignorance that continues our cycles of rebirth and inhibits the knowledge needed to attain nirvana. In this sense, Harris’s work is in keeping with Wilson’s. Unlike Wilson, however, Harris does not view the depiction of women as temptresses to mean that women are simply subordinated in Buddhist culture. Harris acknowledges that there is a hierarchy of rules that place nuns as secondary to monks, but that liberation ultimately requires the collapse of categories such as man/woman. Harris argues that to distinguish between men and women is to hold on to ideas about sexuality, which in turn indicates that one is not ready for liberation. Holding onto categories is a means of asserting that there is permanence in the world. If one follows the Buddha’s teachings and understand all to be impermanent, categories such as man and woman become meaningless. The absurdity of such categories is evident when one encounters an enlightened woman. According to Harris, an enlightened female is revered not because of her gender, but because she is enlightened. Harris argues that ideally, gender becomes inconsequential upon liberation.

Concluding words on women and Buddhism

The representation of women in Buddhist hagiography is not limited to their sexuality and role as temptress. There are also depictions of woman as mother, and as renunciant, for example. After reading this section you should understand that the depictions of women in myth often differ greatly from women’s daily lives, yet, as noted by Wilson, arguments can be made for the connection between seemingly disparate realms.

Schools of Thought – A Summation

Therevada: Way of the elders; only the arhat can achieve enlightenment and this is the ideal goal; conservative; less open to women as monastics; diminished role of the laity; focus on discipline particularly in a monastic setting; liberation through personal effort.

Mahayana: Enlightenment open to the laity; Bodhisattva ideal; liberation through devotional practices; 3 bodies of the Buddha (transformation body, bliss body, dharma body); Upaya (skillful means); Various schools (Madhyamika - concept of shunyata/emptiness, Yogacara - meditation, similar conception of emptiness, Pure Land – devotion to Amida Buddha, concept of heaven, salvation, Chan/Zen – self-power and meditation, gradual and sudden schools of enlightenment (satori), unorthodox ways of experiencing enlightenment, martial arts).

Vajrayana: The third vehicle or thunderbolt, viewed as the culmination of the previous two schools of Buddhism (first stage discipline, then morality, then most advanced stage of Vajrayana); uses mantras; employs elements of tantrism (right vs. left handed); balance of masculine and feminine energies; also have the concept of a Bodhisattva; lineage of the Dalai Lama.

Exercise #2 – Conduct a Google search for images of “mandalas”. What types of images do you see? What commonalities can you find among the different representations in your search results? What kinds of geometric shapes can you see?

Terms to Know

Anatman

Karma

Sangha

Arhat

Koan

Shunyata

Bodhisattva

Mahayana

Stupa

Chan/Zen

Mudra

Sutra

Dana

Nirvana

Therevada

Dharma

Pure Land

Vajrayana

Dukkha

Samadhi

Zazen

Study Questions

  1. Explain the cycle of samsara in Buddhism. How is this different from Hinduism?

  2. How did the 4 Sights that the Buddha experienced change his perspective on life?

  3. Describe the "Middle Way" in Buddhism.

  4. What are the three marks of existence in Buddhism? Explain all three.

  5. What are the 4 Noble Truths? Be sure to describe and explain the 8-fold path.

  6. How did King Ashoka's reign affect the spread of Buddhism in India? How did the Buddhist principle of non-violence fit into Asoka’s system of rule after his conversion?

  7. Describe the difference between the "Arhat" and the "Bodhisattva". What are the other main differences between Therevadan and Mahayana Buddhism?

  8. Explain the main philosophical tenets of the Madhyamaka School and be sure to comment on the concept of Shunyata or emptiness.

  9. How is Pure Land Buddhism different from most other schools of Buddhism?

  10. How do the Soto and Rinzai schools of Zen Buddhism differ in their understanding of enlightenment? What is a koan and how can it be used to achieve enlightenment?

  11. How does Vajrayana Buddhism incorporate the use of mantras as a central feature of their practice? Who is the spiritual leader of the Vajrayana school? How is he both a religious and political leader in the modern era?

  12. Describe the Buddhism ritual of dana. Explain it's significance in relation to karma.

  13. What are the three Characteristics of Existence? How are these characteristics central to the Budda’s teachings?

  14. Explain the doctrine of Dependent Origination.

  15. What is the sangha? How do the monastic communities and the laity function in this system?

  16. What are the 5 vows that every Therevadan Buddhist voluntarily undertakes?

  17. Explain the Mahayana doctrine of the three bodies. How does this doctrine describe the Buddha and how is this different from the traditional Therevadan understanding of the Buddha as a human form?

  18. How did Buddhism adapt or incorporate traditional religious and cultural elements when it spread throughout China?

  19. Explain the symbolic significance of the stupa.

  20. How do images of the Buddha differ among various geographical locations?

  21. What type of Buddhism has been most popular in the West? Why?

  22. Why have many female monastic communities disappeared? How is this changing in ths modern era?

  23. How is the female body understood in Buddhist literature?

Suggested readings

Harris, E. J. (1999). The female in Buddhism. In Karma Lekshe Tsomo (Ed.). Buddhist women across cultures. NY: SUNY.

Go to top

Copyright © (2016). Minor revisions (2016) All rights reserved. No part of the material protected by this copyright may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior written permission from the copyright owner.

Unit 4 Jaina Traditions

Introduction to the Study of Religion

The Jain tradition, while a minority within India, has managed to flourish there, unlike Buddhism, which survived by branching out of India. Historically, it began a little earlier than Buddhism, in 6th century BCE. Like Buddhism, it is a philosophy that emphasizes ascetic practice, non-violence, and detachment, albeit in more extreme forms.

The Jains have managed to maintain their identity despite being a minority in Hinduism, and there are about four million Jains in the world today. Presently, Jains not only live in India, but also reside in Europe and North America. As well, there are many Jain centres throughout the world.

Themes

In order to draw attention to the complexities and seeming contradictions found within Hinduism, this unit highlights the following:

Key historical developments

  • Mahavira (599–527 BCE)

  • Sectarian interpretations of Mahavira’s life

Basic concepts and key terms in Jainism

  • The Jain view of the universe

  • Ahimsa

  • Dharma

  • Karma and bondage

  • Liberation

Gender and Jainism

  • Female Ascetics

  • Digambara and Svetambara attitudes toward female ascetics

Jainism and ritual practice

  • The Five Vows

  • Rules of asceticism

Elements of a Jain community

  • Jainism in India

  • Jainism in North America

Learning objectives

By the end of this unit you should be able to:

  1. the founder of Jainism and various sectarian interpretations of his life;

  2. sectarian differences on how liberation is achieved, especially within the context of female renouncers;

  3. Jainism as a way of life by looking at its distinctive religious ideas, religious practices, religious community.

Readings

World Religions: Eastern Traditions 5th Edition, Ed. by Amore, Hussain, and Oxtoby – Chapter 4: Jaina Traditions by Anne Vallely

How to proceed

Proceed through this unit by following the steps outlined below:

  1. Read Chapter 2 in the textbook paying special attention to the highlighted terms (definitions are in the glossary at the end of the chapter). It may be useful to keep a list of terms and definitions as you read through the chapter to use as a quick reference later when you are preparing for the final exam.

  2. Read the Unit 4 course notes and complete the exercises. 

  3. Review the list of terms to know at the end of the course notes. These are the only terms from the textbook that you will be responsible for on the final exam.

  4. Answer the study questions provided at the end of the course notes.

  5. Complete the interactive assignment.

Course Notes

Key historical developments

Jainism, like Buddhism, emerged during approximately the 6th century BCE in India. This time period was characterized by an emphasis on rationalism, detachment, and the ability to become liberated based on internal developments of skill and knowledge. This section focuses on the life of Mahavira, who is often considered the the founder of Jainism. In particular, this unit specifically addresses the following:

  • The life of Mahavira (540–468 BCE); and

  • Sectarian interpretations of Mahavira’s life.

Mahavira

According to Jain literature, Jainism was founded by a long line of holy people who transcended suffering and attained enlightenment. The last of this line of ideal holy people is Mahavira, a senior contemporary of the Buddha’s. Mahavira is considered by Jains to be the great religious leader of our age, and is labeled a jina or victor because of this. Those who follow Mahavira are thus called Jains, or followers of the Victorious One.

The name Mahavira is a Sanskrit term that means great hero, (the term maha means great, while vira means hero), referring to the idea that Mahavira was the last of 24 teachers who were victorious over the afflictions of life. Jains acknowledge that many spiritual leaders have become perfected beings through their victory over the pain of rebirth (i.e., liberation) as noted by the 24 teachers who came before Mahavira. These spiritual leaders are viewed as being born on Earth at special times, largely when the world needed them. This is similar to Buddhist teachings, which argue that Gautama came at a time when the world needed him to remind people of the Dharma, or the Buddha’s teachings. In Jainism, the 24 jinas are considered teachers of our age, all of whom came to Earth when happiness was in regression and moral conditions had become steadily worse.

These jinas are also called tirthankaras, or bridge-builders. The reference to jinas as tirthankaras has two meanings. First, as bridge-builders, jinas represent the bridge over life and death, meaning that the jinas have overcome both, and are thus liberated beings. Second, jinas represent the bridge or connection that integrates the four sections (tirthas) of the Jain community. As in Buddhism, the Jain community consists of a hierarchy including monks, nuns, laymen, and laywomen, respectively. The jina overcomes the diversity of these divisions not by obliterating them, but by emphasizing the interconnectedness of the community in general. Basically the tirthankara brings the community together. Mahavira is viewed as one of these figures.

Biography of Mahavira

The biography of Nattaputta Vardhamana, otherwise known as Mahavira, is complex. As in the case of Gautama Buddha, Mahavira’s biography is a mix of historical fact and hagiography. Historians acknowledge that Mahavira existed, yet details about his life are under debate, especially within the context of various Jain sects. Scholars know with certainty that Mahavira was born into a warrior caste family in approximately 599 BCE, although the actual date of his birth is under contention. It is also known that he was born to a successful king and queen in North India (in present-day Patna). Arguably, after living a life as a householder until approximately 30 years of age, Mahavira led the life of a nude ascetic under the guidance of a guru for about 10 years before establishing his own tradition known as Jainism (Wolpert, 2004).

Exercise #1 Using the chart below, outline the similarities and differences between the biographies of Mahavira and Gautama Buddha, drawing from information found in the textbook, as well as units 3 and 4 in the course material.

Mahavira

Gautama Buddha

1: Example: born in 599 BCE and died in 527 BCE; dates are under contention

1: Example: born in 563 BCE and died in 483 BCE 

2:

2:

3:

3:

4:

4:

5:

5:

6:

6:

Now that you have outlined information about the biographies of Mahavira and the Buddha, analyze the material you have compiled by answering the following question:

  • What do the similarities between the biographies of the Buddha and Mahavira indicate in terms of the historical context in which Jainism and Buddhism were formulated?

Sectarian interpretations of Mahavira’s life

After Mahavira’s death, his followers split into two separate sects within the Jain tradition. There are more sects than the Digambara and Svetambara, but this section will only focus on these two views. The Svetambaras or white-clad monks, are dominant in Northern India, while the Digambaras or sky-clad monks, are more dominant in Southern India. While the Digambaras and Svetambaras adhere to the same core concepts found within Jainism, each group has its own interpretation of Mahavira’s life, both of which involve more hagiographic accounts than presented thus far in this unit.

The Svetambaras, for example, argue that a Brahmin couple originally conceived Mahavira, and that the embryo was later moved to his historical Kshatriya parents. While the Svetambaras may accept this aspect of Mahavira’s biography as completely true, Wolpert (2004) argues that this version of events may have emerged out of growing tensions, rooted in political struggles over ideas about caste, between early Buddhists and Jains,. Wolpert notes that most Jains at this time were from the Brahmin caste. As Brahmins, these Jains viewed themselves as endowed with special spiritual wisdom. However, these Jains also understood caste in such a way that only a man of the warrior caste could conquer the world spiritually (recall that the Buddha was also born into the warrior class). With this political context of India in mind, Mahavira’s birth could be interpreted as a way to assert the superiority of one caste over another; for example, Mahavira chose to be born into a warrior caste, signifying the importance of this caste. At the same time, Brahmin Jains could simultaneously justify their own place in the caste system by creating a hagiographic account of Mahavira’s life that described him as being originally conceived within the Brahmin caste.

In the Svetambara accounts of Mahavira’s biography, Mahavira marries in a wedding ceremony, has a daughter, and lives as a Hindu householder. However, this lifestyle does not last long. At age 30, as also noted in historical accounts of his life, Mahavira renounces the world. It is at this time that Mahavira begins his quest for enlightenment. In hagiographic accounts, his quest for renunciation is viewed as special and is marked by the attendance of various gods and goddesses. To symbolize his complete renunciation of the world, Mahavira plucked each hair from his head individually, denoting his official role as an ascetic. Even today, Jains initiated into the monastic community pull out their hair to show that they do not have a high regard for their own bodies. This action also shows that the renouncer is oblivious to pain and discomfort.

In contrast, Digambara accounts argue that Mahavira was never married nor had children, and when he renounced the world, he gave up everything including his clothing. According to the Svetambaras, the giving up of clothes does happen, but not until many years later, after Mahavira’s practice of renunciation became more advanced. However, the Digambaras consider the wearing of clothing to be indicative of an attachment to possessions and a false sense of self. To discard one’s clothes is to represent complete detachment and the idea that a true renouncer is not supposed to cling to anything.

In both the Digambara and Svetambara sects, Mahavira attained enlightenment at the age of 42, after 12 years of extreme ascetic practice. After his enlightenment, Mahavira sought to spread a message based on his experience of enlightenment. Nonetheless, the understanding of the nature of Mahavira’s life and teachings are mixed, and he is often portrayed as ‘trans-human’, meaning he transcends human form, and is greater than one who is simply a human being. How this is interpreted again varies according to what branch of Jainism one follows. For the Svetambaras, Mahavira was only human, even if unique, as exemplified by his enlightenment. This is because he lived like and taught other human beings. The Digambaras, on the other hand, argue that Mahavira did not engage in any worldly activity, denoting Mahavira’s essence as being something more than human. For example, the Digambaras argue that when Mahavira achieved enlightenment and became a perfected being, he did not speak. Instead, a sacred sound emanated from him. Only his chief disciple could interpret these sounds, and the disciple recorded them as the words of jina. The implication is that Mahavira was more than human, because he could communicate sacred sounds that were incomprehensible to all except those to whom he chose to record his message for humanity.

At the age of 72 Mahavira “died,” in that he attained liberation or nirvana, and it is thought that within a few hours after his death, Mahavira’s primary disciple also gained enlightenment. Festivals surround this moment, with a focus on the victory of good over evil, and lightness over darkness. For a more extensive account of the ideological and historical formations of the Digambara and Svetambara sects, see Paul Dundas, The Jains, London; NY: Routledge, 1992.

Final words on Mahavira’s life

This section has not dealt with Mahavira in purely historical terms, but rather has outlined the impact that sectarian divisions have had on understandings about Mahavira. Such understandings include hagiographic interpretations of Mahavira’s life. While both the Digambara and Svetambara sects mix mythology with historical fact, it is under contention as to which sect offers a more historical account of Mahavira’s biography. Noss, for example, favours ideals drawn from the Digambara sect. This viewpoint is rooted in facts that indicate that Mahavira did, indeed, live life as a nude renouncer. However, keep in mind that as scholars, we must continually question such assumptions due to the lack of evidence concerning Mahavira’s life in general.

Key Concepts and terms

Many of the terms that are introduced in this section should be familiar; they have already been outlined in units three and four in relation to Hinduism and Buddhism respectively. However, keep in mind that terms and concepts take on new and/or alternate meanings when outlined within different religious traditions. As you will discover, the Jain concept of karma, for example, entails significantly different ideas and practices than the concept of karma found in Hinduism and Buddhism. Throughout this unit, you will be reminded of these differences, though it may be helpful to create a chart citing various terms and how they are understood within Hinduism, Buddhism, and Jainism.

This section highlights the following key concepts:

  • The Jain view of the universe;

  • Ahimsa;

  • Dharma;

  • Karma and bondage;

  • Liberation; and

  • The importance of knowledge (Jnana).

The Jain view of the universe

Jains do not have a creator god but instead view the world as infinite, with no beginning or end. Without a creator-god, everything instead falls under two categories: jiva (life or animate objects) and ajiva (non-life or inanimate objects). This form of dualism contrasts with Hindu ideals, which claim that Brahman and atman are one and the same. For Jains, there is no god named Brahman or a soul that connects with some greater power. Instead, emphasis is placed on the jiva category, which is comprised of an infinite number of independent spirit-units, or souls. The infinite possibility of the number of jivas means that it is very difficult to describe them extensively.

The universe as understood within the Jain tradition consists of three realms, which are also comprised of multiple subdivisions. The universe consists not only of our reality, but also of other facets or worlds. The underworld consists of various layers or levels in which demons and demigods reside. The Earth’s surface forms the middle world, also consisting of layers or worlds. Within these layers, only a few realms are fit for humans, and one of those realms is the world we perceive now. It is only within these limited realms that one can commit the human actions needed to attain liberation. Above the Earth is the celestial world, with sixteen layers for beings born in the heavens but without Jain insight and 14 layers for people born with Jain insight. On top of all this, situated beyond the heavens, is a crescent-shaped apex of the universe occupied by souls who are already liberated.

Jivas

In the Jain tradition, all beings have jivas or souls. Jivas fall into one of two categories: the liberated or the non-liberated. Non-liberated jivas reside in the earth, water, fire, air, and vegetation (the idea of non-liberated souls is elaborated further in the discussion on ahimsa following this section). In general, Jains argue that souls have always been in some state of bondage, and never existed in an originally pure state. However, the aim of the practitioner is to make one’s jiva crystal-like and pure. This means that while the soul is viewed as unchanging, the qualities of the soul can change.

The idea that a soul can change implies that jivas are viewed as being in a constant state of flux, and can take on a variety of forms through continual rebirth, from the smallest, almost imperceptible creature called nigoda, to a celestial being or god. Nigodas are born in clusters, die within milliseconds, and are found in every part of the universe, including the bodies of humans, plants, and animals. However, the most beneficial form a jiva can take is the human form; for it is only then one can achieve liberation.

Ahimsa

The most important concept in the Jain tradition is the idea of no harm, or ahimsa. This is because the idea of ‘non-violence’ is the highest form of Jain religious conduct. The emphasis on no harm translates into ideas about the preservation of all forms of life, including concern for the preservation of the Earth itself. However, ahimsa is not restricted to general ideas about the environment; it also dictates what one eats, how one travels, and how one makes a living, and determines Jain moral conduct in general. This idea of non-violence relates to how Jains perceive the universe, which is viewed as pulsating with various forms of life. Violence to any life form, no matter how small, through thought, word, or deed, is said to stain one’s soul. When one avoids hatred and all other forms of violence, whether intentional or not, then the soul becomes clean and translucent, allowing one to become liberated. In this way, the concept, ahimsa is key to achieving liberation.

As previously mentioned, jivas make up every aspect of the universe in some form or another; therefore, because they make up the basis of matter such as the earth, water, fire, and air, every time a lamp is lit and the flame is put out, fire bodies come into being and are extinguished. Plants and animals are also harmed by our consumption, and even the use of water, whether for bathing or drinking, entails the destruction of jivas. For the everyday Jain, it is impossible to not cause any harm, and so many practitioners at least try to do the best they can to cause minimal violence to the world. Jain ascetics, however, often take extreme measures to avoid causing harm; this is discussed further in the section on Jain ritual practices.

Dharma

Dharma refers to two aspects in the Jain tradition. First, dharma is the essential and inherent nature of everything, including animate and inanimate objects. Everything that exists has dharma. Second, it refers to the means or path of pursuing that essential nature. Dharma is what leads, binds, or takes back a being to its essential nature. For humans, it enables one to realize the divinity inherent it oneself, and it helps one to cease rebirth and to attain nirvana. Therefore, dharma includes knowledge, conviction, belief, creed, law, righteousness, piety, and everything that is included in religious theory or practice. Because dharma includes knowledge and actions that precipitate liberation, it is also closely tied to ideas about karma.

Karma and bondage

As in Hinduism and Buddhism, Jain ideas about karma determine what kind of rebirth one will have. To review the concept of karma already outlined in unit 3, karma means, action, and refers to the accumulation of action in one’s present life and previous ones, which in turn dictates the form one takes into the next life. One cannot avoid the karma accumulated, and karma cannot be extinguished simply by giving up the body and becoming an ascetic, because previous karma still has to be accounted for.

Unique to Jainism is the idea that karma is material in nature and exists as subtle matter which flows into a receptive soul influenced by attachment. The more karmic matter that changes the meaning–clings to a soul, the more attached and passionate one becomes, making it harder to rid oneself of the clinging matter. Like rebirth, the accumulation of karma is cyclical. The soul has an increasingly difficult task of removing karma, while karma accumulates with every action. This is because these karmic particles become attracted to the soul when the being thinks, speaks, or acts in any way. Karmic matter seems to be especially attracted to souls that are ‘moist’ with desires, while the drier, more dispassionate (i.e., detached) souls are not so easily polluted. The idea is that as karmic matter sticks to the soul, it keeps the soul in a state of bondage. Over many births, souls become coloured with the type of karma they are polluted with. The darker the soul, the more polluted it is with negative karma. This is in contrast to a pure soul, which is light and crystalline.

Jains differentiate between two types of karma: karma that governs the nature of the soul, and karma that governs the conditions and circumstances of rebirth. In both instances, intention to act is the key to determining the kind of karma one accrues. For example, it makes a significant difference if a particular action is planned rather than accidental, as the intention to hurt or harm a being is the most violent of the karmas, and is considered the worst in the whole scheme of things, as noted in the previous discussion on ahimsa.

Liberation

Liberation or nirvana, consists of absolute freedom from karma. As in Hinduism and Buddhism, liberation in the Jain tradition signifies the end of rebirth, or release from samsara. The Jains view liberation as a state where souls are at their best, as they are cleansed of grimy karma. In contrast, samsara, or rebirth, involves suffering, struggle, anxiety, and despair of the soul. Ideally, liberation occurs when the soul can detach or get rid of karma. This means that one is also detached from bondage, or clinging to this world. Upon nirvana, the perfected being or siddha, ascends in complete isolation to the summit of the universe; this view differs greatly from the Buddhist notions of nirvana which is described as a blowing out (see unit 3). Though isolated at the summit, the siddha is viewed as all-knowing and unlimited.

The Importance of knowledge (Jnana)

But how does one get rid of karma and achieve liberation? In Jainism, emphasis is placed on knowledge. Knowledge may take place in a number of ways, yet it is important to remember that only the soul can obtain knowledge. This is because knowledge is the soul’s intrinsic, inherent, inseparable attribute; without knowledge, the soul cannot exist. What this means is that every soul possesses an infinite capacity for knowledge, and has the ability to acquire infinite knowledge, thus becoming all-knowing and all-perceiving. If an individual does not obtain this kind of knowledge, it is not viewed as the fault of the soul, but is attributed to the karmic matter that sticks to the soul. As already mentioned in the section on karma, this karmic matter can veil the soul so that it cannot view things properly. The potential for knowledge lies dormant then, until the obscuring karma is removed. This also means that knowledge is not found outside of the soul but is derived from within.

The Jain understanding of knowledge is that it can be developed over time and be intuitively acquired through proper ascetic practices such as ahimsa. The ultimate knowledge is perfect knowledge, which is pure, absolute, complete, whole and total, representing the consummation of all knowledge. This form of knowledge is only possible when all jnana-obscuring karma is destroyed, meaning that the soul is completely free from any bondage.

The knowledge that leads to liberation is unlimited and requires no further actions to hone or obtain it. Basically, once one has experienced this knowledge one will always have it. Once this knowledge is obtained, it requires no mediums or agencies to access it, such as the mind, the senses, light, words, and signs. Once knowledge is successfully accessed, the soul becomes full and pure and is the perfect manifestation of one’s true self. Ideally, anyone can have access to this knowledge, yet Jains view this form of knowledge as reserved for a select few.

Jainism and gender

In unit 2 on Hinduism, the section on gender focused on the concept of women’s duty and the practices related to stridharma. In unit 3, the section on Buddhism and gender identified scholarly debate about representations of women in Buddhist myth. This unit on Jainism offers yet another approach to studying women in religion by outlining attitudes toward women as understood within the Digambara and Svetambara sects. Understanding these sectarian attitudes is important, as they inform female religious practices and religious views about women in Jainism. Specifically, this section includes brief overview of female asceticism in Jainism and identifies how views about female asceticism impact ideas about liberation. Arguably, such views are dictated by sectarian debates about the nature of woman, which is discussed in this section, within the context of female, Jain asceticism.

Female ascetics

Part of understanding attitudes toward women in the Jain community is to remember that these communities are divided into four tirthas or sections: monks, nuns, laymen, and laywomen. Not only is the division between renouncer and householder significant here, so too is the division between male and female. Just as the Jain tradition gives precedence to the renouncer over the householder, preference is given to men over women, influencing mandates concerning the spiritual role and status of women.

Mahavira ordained women as ascetics under the leadership of a woman named Candana. Thousands of women became nuns as a result. The ordination of women into Jain monastic life is a practice that continues even today, in contrast to Buddhist ordinations of women, which has decreased due to stringent rules about who can conduct initiations. However, even though female monastic life is prominent in Jainism, this popularity is primarily due to female membership within the Svetambara sect. The Digambaras do have nuns, though to a significantly less degree, with approximately less than 100 of them in existence today.

In theory, any woman who is not pregnant and has the strength to practise the difficult vows required of her is eligible to become a nun. Just as for men, women must be able to ensure that her initiation into renunciatory life does not cause hardship for her family. For example, if the nun’s renunciatory vows cause distress to the family, she should reconsider becoming a nun. This rule applies to monks and was supposedly also practised by Mahavira. For example, some practitioners argue that Mahavira did not renounce until after his parents died, fearing that his renunciation would be too upsetting for them. This emphasis on ensuring the emotional health of the family is rooted in the practice of ahimsa. Not only must an individual avoid physically harming others, but he or she must also to refrain from emotionally harming others.

Mahavira’s decision to initiate women came at a time when the practice was discouraged in Hinduism. By the time Mahavira died, women ascetics outnumbered men ascetics 2.5 to 1. However, this does not mean that Jainism provided a feminist alternative by emphasizing women’s equality in the monastic community. While there may have been greater opportunities for women to renounce in Jainism than in Hinduism, these opportunities were limited to sectarian ideals and the established hierarchy of the Jain community. For example, Digambara nuns are not considered by their community to be renouncers, but householders of exemplary status. Female Digambara renouncers, therefore, are viewed as renouncing in a limited fashion in a significantly different way from men. Alternatively, female Svetambaras may renounce in the same manner as men.

Digambara and Svetambara attitudes toward female ascetics

Underlying the debate on female renunciation is to question whether women can achieve liberation. The Digambaras argue that a woman cannot become liberated because her body is host to a unique number of micro-organisms that live and die in her, for example, during each menstrual cycle organisms die, meaning that women regularly cause harm, even if unintentional. Consequently, the inadvertent violence to life that occurs on a regular basis results in the accumulation of karma, which in turn inhibits liberation.

The Digambaras also hold that only an ascetic can achieve liberation. For the Svetambaras this has little impact on a woman’s ability to become liberated, but for the Digambaras, renunciation requires that the renouncer give up his clothes. For the Digambaras, the practice of nudity is reserved for men only. Digambaras argue that a woman should not be naked and therefore liberation is not possible for her because she can never fully renounce. Svetambaras do not view nudity as a requirement for renunciation. This means that in this sect women can renounce in the same manner as men and thus become liberated.

In addition to sanctions against female nudity, the Digambaras also argue that women only possess mediocre qualities, making them incapable of descending into the worst of hells or ascending into the highest state of liberation. Mediocrity inhibits the accumulation or cleansing of karma, either of which would be needed to enter these realms. The Svetambaras do not hold this view and argue that not only can a woman become liberated, but she can also become a teacher or a jina. This view is supported by Svetambara religious texts, which point to female tirthankaras as indicative of women’s capabilities for liberation. The idea of female tirthankaras is disputed by the Digambaras, who portray the same jinas in question as being male in their religious writings.

Jainism and ritual practice

This section addresses the codes of conduct pertinent to the Jain community at large, and how this in turn impacts ritualized practices. While the Jains have many festivals, methods of worship, and rituals related to both, this section will instead focus on ritual in terms of day-to-day living. Specifically, this section outlines the expected practices for an everyday adherent of Jainism.

This section first describes the five vows that all Jains should aspire to; second, notes how these vows function differently between laity and ascetics; and third, discusses sallakhana, or fasting unto death, as a unique ritual reserved for the very few, that exemplifies the culmination of Jain practice. Throughout, this section uses examples of specific rituals shared by Jains in general in order to emphasize the diversity of ritual within any given Jain community.

The five vows

The five vows are rooted in Jain ideas about the three jewels. Recall that Buddhism has the three jewels or refuges, which include the Dharma, the Buddha, and the sangha (Buddhist community). For Jains, the three jewels denote a path of spiritual development that includes right faith, right knowledge, and right conduct. The five vows are rules that detail specific practices meant to promote right conduct. These include:

  • non-violence;

  • truthfulness, non-stealing;

  • sexual purity; and

  • non-possession.

Non-violence (ahimsa)

As already mentioned in the discussion on ahimsa, non-violence is the most important concept in Jainism. Ahimsa requires one to avoid both actions and thoughts that cause harm. Ideally, non-violence is supposed to be applied to all areas of life. For example, it dictates dietary habits in that all Jains are vegetarians. In the Jain tradition, the taking of animal life is absolutely prohibited, as it is viewed more harmful than the destruction of plants. In addition, one must destroy plant life for food as sparingly as possible.

In terms of ritual practices related to ahimsa, restrictions on food have been incorporated into periods of religious fasting for both the laity and the monastic community. The monastic community eats very little in general, with many monks and nuns only eating one meal per day. It should be added that this often equates to only a small portion of food. For example, Digambara monks in India obtain food through donation, using only their hands as begging bowls. This is because owning cutlery is viewed as contradictory to their vow to renounce all possessions. The expectation is that laity will provide food as needed.

For both the laity and ascetics, meat, fish, and fowl are always avoided as well as any other foods that are considered abundant in life forms. Examples include honey, alcohol, eggplant, and root vegetables like potatoes, radishes, onions and garlic. This is because these foods are viewed as containing millions of micro-organisms that are killed upon preparation and consumption, as opposed to other foods that have fewer organisms and, therefore, cause less harm. Only under extenuating medical circumstances can one eat honey or the vegetables stated above. For many present-day Jains, these dietary restrictions are difficult to follow, so they often include vegetables that are traditionally prohibited. However, the consumption of meat should never be made an exception.

Other food bans include food that has been touched by excrement, or any other food that has been in contact with a substance that has come in contact with the body. For example, food that has been tasted by someone else is viewed as contaminated. This is because the taster’s saliva, which contains living organisms, may be on the utensil that is dipped back into the cooking pot. Modern Jains also interpret this prohibition as reflecting a strong sense of personal hygiene, in this case, the cleanliness needed to incur minimal damage to organisms that live on one’s body. This means that intoxicants are prohibited, as are other materials such as cigarettes. As well, liquids such as water should be strained or boiled before drinking in order to avoid inadvertently consuming any micro-organism that might grow in it.

Dietary restrictions as dictated by ahimsa are not restricted to the consumption of food, but also inform when and how one eats. Traditionally, meals were eaten before sunset to avoid lighting lamps for dinner. This is because the flames in the lamps would attract insects, kill them, and thus cause inadvertent violence. In addition, Jain monks sweep the ground before them in order to avoid harming life forms that are unseen to the human eye. Some monks and nuns even wear small scarves or plastic screens around their mouths in order to avoid breathing in organisms and causing harm to the creatures residing in the air, with the hot air that they breathe out. In extreme cases, some renouncers do not bath so as to avoid harming water bodies in the organisms that may live in one’s body.

Truthfulness

The second vow is truthfulness. Jains are not supposed to hide the truth or tell a lie, with exception being when telling the truth may cause violence. A good example is a hunter who asks a Jain if she or he has seen a deer. Assuming the Jain has, the Jain who responds in silence is viewed as telling a lie. According to the Jain tradition, this is because silence is equal to concealing the truth. Instead, the ideal response is to state that he or she does not want to tell the truth, or decline to tell the truth, as this is better than saying something that might lead to the death of the deer.

The emphasis on truthfulness is also related to pratikramana, the Jain ritual of confession. As mentioned, pratikramana is the confession of transgressions followed by a request for forgiveness. Ideally it should be done twice a day; the longer one goes without making peace with others and with oneself, the more difficult it becomes to remove the clinging karma that comes as a result of lying. However, the ritual itself can last as long as three hours, making it very difficult for the average Jain to perform. This means that many practitioners perform pratikramana approximately once per year, which is considered the maximum length of time that should be spent between confessions.

Non-stealing

This third vow is very straightforward in that one should not take what does not belong to him or her. For more strict adherents, this means receiving items that are only voluntarily given, which can prove more difficult than it may seem, as extreme renouncers must rely solely on donations by laity for food and/or shelter. This refrain from stealing includes not plucking apples from a tree, or picking flowers if they are in someone else’s yard.

Sexual purity

With regard to this fourth vow, there are different expectations concerning sexual purity depending on whether one is a layperson or renouncer. For the laity, sexual purity means fidelity to one’s spouse, as this is considered a form of celibacy. This also means that one should remain celibate until marriage. Monks and nuns, however, must give up all thoughts and actions to do with sex, for to do otherwise, even if one did not act upon thoughts about sex, goes against this view of sexual purity.

Non-possession

For this fifth vow, ideally, one should physically renounce all possessions and mentally give up all craving of ownership. This is because possessions distract one from true knowledge, as it impels us to act in ways of violence that may cause harm to others. While this is standard for Jain ascetics, the laity has more leeway, even though they should own as little as possible and give away what is not necessary. Though the laity does not generally renounce all possessions, they are expected to adopt certain principles of renunciation, including abstaining from large quantities of food, clothes, decorations, and the like. When one becomes a renouncer, one gives away all one’s belongings, as this is supposed to replicate the great renunciation of Mahavira.

Rules of asceticism

There are six essential duties for an ascetic, which differ from that of a householder. The first duty entails retrospection, introspection, confession, and repentance. Fulfilling this duty usually requires a statement of the sins, transgressions or deviations committed by the ascetic in the performance of his daily routine, and then making penance for them. The second duty is the determination to renounce or avoid thinking, speaking, or doing all that is inconsistent with one’s saintly status and code of conduct. The third duty includes the adoration, recitation, and contemplation of the divine attributes and godly characteristics as manifested in the jinas. The fourth duty requires prostrating properly to saintly gurus—basically, it is ascetic devotion. The fifth duty is meditation, which must be performed three times per day. And finally, the sixth duty is the practice of completely abandoning the body, where one relinquishes all attachment to the body.

Sallakhana, fasting unto death

Sallakhana is a rarely observed ritual among ascetic Jains, yet gains a lot of attention because this ritual is unique among world religions (Settar, 1989). Fasting until death is supposed to occur while one has complete control over his or her mind. This act is not recommended for everyone, even for people considered spiritually advanced. In reality, it is to be undertaken only by a spiritually fit few.

Sallakhana is not considered a form of suicide but instead is considered death with dignity and compassion (Tukol, 1976). It can be undertaken by both ascetics and laity, both men and women, although scholars argue that women already fast more often and in a stricter fashion. In general, sallakhana entails a slow withdrawal from all forms of food. Traditionally, Jains with the right disposition and the correct attitude could undertake this fast. By the beginning of the 20th century, sallakhana was only allowed to take place under strict supervision. Ascetics do have the choice of taking this path on their own, but the act has rarely occurred in the last few centuries.

The act of sallakhana is usually done with the approval of the family and spiritual superiors. Suicide by any other means is considered to be an act that involves passion and violence, meaning that in any other circumstance suicide is condemned. Contrary to suicide, the voluntary absence of food through the practice of sallakhana is said to involve a restraint from all forms of violence to living beings, and this is the ideal form of death.

People who die by way of sallakhana are considered only a few births removed from final liberation.

Exercise #2 – Compile a list of things you did today. What did you eat? Where did you go? How did you get there? What type of changes would you have to make to your daily regime to live in accordance with the main premises of Jainism? Think specifically about the strict principle of ahimsa in this tradition. This information will be useful for the interactive assignment at the end of the unit.

In addition to death by sallakhana, other forms of withdrawal from life such as death through renunciation, and death through meditation, were also practised in conjunction with abstaining from food. Sallakhana is considered momentous for the whole community.

Elements of a Jain community

Mahavira’s Followers

While the Jain tradition is most predominant in India, modern Jain communities are scattered throughout the world. As noted in the previous section on Jainism and ritual practice, Jains participate in communal ritual, indicating that the Jain community is an important facet to the general practices found in Jainism. This section first looks at Jainism in India, and second, Jainism in North America, as examples of differing Jain communities.

Jainism in India

As previously mentioned, Jainism originated in India and continues to exist as a minority tradition there, consisting of about one percent of the population. Jains living in India adhere to the Hindu caste system, though this is not a requirement of Jain practice. However, due to the accepted blending of cultures, marriages are sometimes arranged for men and women between the two traditions in some regions of India. This blend of the Hindu and Jain traditions is also sometimes indicated by shared temples that accommodate both faiths (these temples are also found in North America). However, historically there have been periods of conflict and tension between the Jain and Hindu communities, predominantly in South India, where Hindu devotional poets frequently converted Jain kings to followers of Vishnu or Shiva. Although there was considerable interaction and mutual borrowing leading to shared rituals between the Hindu and Jain traditions, throughout the centuries the Jains have held fast to their own interpretations of rituals and beliefs. The Jains were able to do this because they remained in India as an identifiable minority.

Jainism in North America

Jainism was introduced to North Americas in 1893, when a proponent of Jainism named Virchand Raghavji Gandhi spoke at the World’s Parliament of Religions in Chicago. While people became aware of the Jain tradition, few Jains immigrated to North America at this time. It was not until the 1960s that Jains began to actually settle in North America, with approximately 25,000 in the United States and 10,000 in Canada. Even though the actual number of Jains in North America is relatively few, there are more than 60 Jain centers in North America, all operating under an umbrella organization called, Jains Association in North America (JAINA). It is through this organization that Jains from different sects, geographical regions and backgrounds can come together under the auspice of Jainism.

It is difficult for Jain ascetics to live in North America because of the emphasis and reliance on the four tirthas—such communities do not exist in North America, making it difficult to rely on the laity as needed. Vasudha Narayanan notes that as result, only two major spiritual leaders came to North America, only one of which remained a renouncer until death. Sushil Kumar established a Jain retreat centre west of New York City; it is a centre that still exists, and functions for both the Jain children and adults, as well as those from outside of the tradition who are interested in inter-religious dialogue. As Narayanan states: “Both Sushil Kumar and the Jain centres seek to translate traditional concepts and practices into themes that are relevant to the concerns of the younger generation. Although traditional asceticism may be impossible overseas, ahimsā, non-violence, is clearly applicable to many aspects of personal and social life (Narayanan, 2002). As our discussion on Buddhism revealed, in Canada it is evident that traditions that move to another culture are adapted and changed as necessary to fit the community currently adhering to the tradition. In this case, the emphasis of Jainism in North America has shifted from the focus on renunciation to more environmental concerns pertinent to the Jains who live there. Such concerns include vegetarianism and consumerism.

Terms to Know

Ajiva

Digambaras

Mahavira

Arhat

Jina

Mahavratas

Mendicants

Punya

Samsara

Moksha

Renunciation

Shramana

Paap

Sallekhana

Svetambara

Study Questions

  1. How do Jains attain spiritual enlightenment?

  2. How is the Jain understanding of karma different from Buddhism?

  3. Why is Jainism paradoxical in terms of their understanding of the universe and the human relationship to that universe?

  4. How do Jains interpret the concept of ahimsa? How does this affect their daily life?

  5. Describe the main differences between the Digambara and Svetambara sects in Jainism.

  6. Explain the Jain system of cosmology, specifically commenting on the nature of the soul matter and non-soul matter.

  7. What are the three gems in Jainism? Which is the most important and why?

  8. What is the practice of sallekhana? Why is this considered an honourable act?

  9. Explain how women function in both monastic communities and the laity.

  10. What type of ritual practices are included in the various forms of Jaina worship?

  11. How is the Jain celebration of Divali both similar and different from their Hindu neighbours?

  12. How do Jains celebrate their founding figure Mahavira?

  13. What type of difficulties have Jains living in the Diaspora faced since moving to placed like England and North America?

Suggested readings

Dundas, P. (1992). The Jains. New York: Routledge.

Griffith, R. T. (1992). Sacred writings, Hinduism: The Rig Veda, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers PVT.

Narayanan, V. (2002). The Jain tradition. In Willard G. Oxtoby (Ed.). World religions: Eastern tradition (2nd ed.).
Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Olivelle, P. (1992). Samnyasa Upanishads, Hindu scriptures on asceticism and renunciation. 
New York: Oxford University Press.

Pearson, A. M. (1996). Because it gives me peace of mind: Ritual fast in the lives of Hindu women. Albany: SUNY.

Settar, S. (1989). Inviting death: Indian attitude towards the ritual death. Leiden, NY: Brill.

Tukol, T. K. (1976). Sallekhana is not suicide. Ahmedabad: LD Institute of Indology.

Wolpert, S. (2004). A new history of India

(7th ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Go to top

Copyright © (2016). Minor revisions (2016) All rights reserved. No part of the material protected by this copyright may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior written permission from the copyright owner.

Unit 5 Sikh Traditions

Introduction

Sikhism is a monotheistic religion that emerged in the Punjab region of north-western India in the fifteenth century CE. The Punjab region at that time was dominated by the social, political and religious relations between two very different religious traditions: Islam and Hinduism. Given the stark differences between these two traditions, this region was often the site of uneasy tensions and, at times, open conflicts.

Scholars have suggested that Sikhism, as a way of easing the religious tensions between Islam and Hinduism, emerged by integrating elements of both traditions into a single unified whole. Sikhism, however, is much more than a synthesis of these two religions. Sikhs’ understand that their founder and visionary saint, Guru Nanak, was one character in a long line of Punjabi poet-saints. Nanak taught that there was only one God, “The True Name,” and that this God was the same for all religions. Nanak’s teachings were rooted in his own visionary experiences, which emphasized the primacy of the mystical experience in knowing the divine. As the experience of the divine was central to Nanak’s religious orientation, he criticized much of the religious institutionalism that was operative in the Punjab during his time, such as the caste system, idolatry, excessive ritualism, clerical hierarchy, and the practice of pilgrimage. Thus, Nanak’s teachings crossed sectarian lines and, in time, came to be particularly appealing to those oppressed by, or excluded from, the religio-political systems of the times, such as those who occupied a low status in the Hindu caste system, or non-Muslims who were persecuted during periods of Islamic rule.

Themes

Key historical developments

  • The Social and Religious Context of Northwest India (the Punjab) in the 15th century

  • The Life and Teachings of Nanak.

  • The Period of the Nine Gurus (16th–18th centuries)

  • The Modern Period (19th–20th centuries)

Key concepts that are relevant to Sikhism

  • Haumai

  • Adi Granth

Gender and Sikhism

  • Gender Issues in the Punjab

  • Gender Issues in Euro-North American Sikh Communities

  • Sikhism and ritual practice

  • Worship in the gurdwara, the home and pilgrimage to the Golden Temple

Elements of the Sikh community

  • The Panth

  • Shared Ethnicity

  • The Khalsa

Learning objectives

By the end of this unit you should be able to:

  1. identify and discuss the major religious developments within the four historical periods of Sikhism;

  2. discuss a variety of gender issues that concern the modern Sikh community in the Punjab and in North America; and

  3. discuss Sikhism as a way of life by looking at its distinctive religious ideas, practices and communities.

Readings

World Religions: Eastern Traditions 5th Edition, Ed. by Amore, Hussain, and Oxtoby – Chapter 3: Sikh Traditions by Pashaura Singh

How to proceed

Proceed through this unit by following the steps outlined below:

  1. Read Chapter 3 in the textbook paying special attention to the highlighted terms (definitions are in the glossary at the end of the chapter). It may be useful to keep a list of terms and definitions as you read through the chapter to use as a quick reference later when you are preparing for the final exam.

  2. Read the Unit 5 course notes and complete the exercises. 

  3. Review the list of terms to know at the end of the course notes. These are the only terms from the textbook that you will be responsible for on the final exam.

  4. Answer the study questions provided at the end of the course notes.

  5. Complete the interactive assignment.

Course Notes

Historical development

As a relatively new religious tradition, Sikhism does not have as long and storied a history as, for example, Judaism. Nonetheless, the religious developments that occurred within the history of Sikhism can be discussed in the context of four historical periods:

  • The Social and Religious Context of Northwest India in the 15th century;

  • The Life and Teachings of Nanak;

  • The Period of the Nine Gurus (16th–18th centuries); and

  • The Modern Period (19th–20th centuries)

The social and religious context of northwest India (the Punjab) in the 15th century

Beginning in the tenth century, Muslims began invading the Punjab from their camps in the west. The eventual success of the Muslim invasions resulted in the emergence of the Muslim Mughal Empire, which exercised domination over much of India.

While Muslims, including the Mughal Empire, had at various times penetrated much of India, the Hindu residents of the Punjab, bordering on the Muslim lands of the Middle East, had the most sustained contact with Muslim people. One effect of this contact was that certain varieties of Hinduism and Islam shared their religious practices and ideas with each other. In fact, it was this sharing that had afforded the Sant tradition of North India. The Sants held that the divine is beyond description and that the experience of the divine, without an intermediary, is the key objective of all human religious experience. The Sants also emphasized that the divine was compassionate, and that divine love was manifest both in the created world and within the human heart. The experience of the divine, the Sants suggested, could be facilitated by the repetition of God’s name and through the recitation of devotional poetry.

Although the Sant tradition developed into a unique tradition, it was strongly influenced by the Hindu traditions of Bhakti and Tantric Yoga, and the Islamic sect of Sufism. All three elements emphasized ecstatic practice, devotionalism, and the possibility of divine union.

The life and teachings of Nanak

The founder of the Sikhs, and first in the line of Sikh gurus, or inspired teachers, is Nanak (1469–1539). Nanak was born into a Kshatriya family in the town of Talwandi, which is near the city of Lahore in the Punjab region. At the age of 12 he was married, and by the time he had turned 19 he and his wife had two sons. In order to support his family, Nanak took a job as a steward in a local office south east of Amritsar, which was arranged for him by his brother in law. While Nanak proved to be a more than a capable steward, he had little interest in his job. Instead, he became increasingly pre-occupied with spiritual matters, spending much of his time with the holy men or Sants of the region. Nanak’s disinterest in civic affairs became fully manifest at the age of 20 when he left his job and joined the company of a group of wandering ascetics.

One of Nanak’s first friends in this community of ascetics was a Muslim minstrel named Mardana. Together, the two organized the nightly singing of devotional hymns and daily bathing practices. It was during one of these daily baths that Nanak wandered into the forest and had his first mystical experience. The content of this experience purportedly entailed the divine giving him a cup of nectar (amrit) and charging him with a mission to teach the practice of devotion. In response to these divine charges, Nanak uttered what many Sikhs call the Japji, or, the root statement, a prayer that to this day is repeated by Sikhs in their morning devotions.

While Nanak was experiencing his revelations, the community became increasingly concerned as to his whereabouts; some even feared that he had drowned. However, tradition holds that Nanak emerged from the forest three days after disappearing, and upon returning to the community gave away all of his possessions aside from his basic clothing, and repeatedly proclaimed, “There is no Hindu, there is no Muslim.”

In the years that followed Nanak’s first visionary experiences, he travelled extensively, preaching his revelations. He reportedly had travelled throughout India, north into Afghanistan, and as far west as Baghdad and Mecca. During his travels, Nanak, consistent with his non-denominational bias, sought out both Hindu and Muslim spiritual teachers and clothed himself in a mixture of Muslim and Hindu attire.

Nanak continued to travel until he reached the age of 50, at which point he settled down in the town of Kartarpur, north east of Lahore, about 90 km north of the present city of Amritsar. it was at Kartarpur, where Nanak led a small circle of his followers, now regarded as the first Sikh community (Sikh means disciple), until his death at the age of 70.

Teachings

Nanak’s teachings form some of the basic tenets of Sikhism. Some of these teachings included instructions on the practices of meditation on the divine name and the singing of devotional hymns of divine praise. Nanak also insisted on the importance of practical labour and the maintenance of a regular family life.

Conceptually, Nanak taught that there is but one God, whom he called the True Name, so as to prevent God from being identified with any one particular religion. For Nanak, the divinities of all traditions, such as Siva, Vishnu and Allah, were all manifestations of the True Name. Additionally, Nanak taught a doctrine of maya, but Nanak’s doctrine was not strictly carried over from the Hindu schools, in which maya meant pure illusion. Nanak held that the material world must be real because it is a creation of the True Name, and the True Name cannot be illusory. However, the real world tends to get veiled with maya when one confuses it with one’s own egoistic creations (humai). According to Nanak, The True Name allowed for this veil so that only spiritual minds, free of egoistic desires, could experience the divine.

Two other important facets of Nanak’s teachings were the doctrines of karma and rebirth. Nanak maintained that human beings prolonged the inevitable round of re-birth by accumulating karma. Humai, for example, is a major source of karmic accretions. Therefore, a devotee ought to cleanse humai in order to cut through maya and experience the True Name, thereby freeing her from the rounds of re-birth.

Nanak’s theology and instructions regarding ritual practice are contained in the more than 900 devotional hymns that are thought to have been composed by Nanak. These hymns, as well as those composed by subsequent gurus and various Hindu and Muslim saints, make up the Sikh scripture known as the Adi Granth or Guru Granth.

Exercise #1 – What does Guru Nanak have in common with the two other ‘founding figures’ in Buddhism and Jainism, Siddartha Gautama and Mahavira, respectively? How is Nanak’s critique of Hinduism similar to theirs?

The period of the Ten Gurus (16th-18th centuries)

The Gurus

Prior to Nanak’s death, he appointed a successor to lead the Sikh community. Therefore, there was no disagreement on the issue of who would succeed him. The successor to Nanak, Angad, became the second of the ten Sikh gurus, with Nanak being the first. Through this succession, Sikhs recognize that each of the gurus have transmitted Nanak’s authority and spiritual teachings to the larger Sikh community

The three gurus that followed Nanak; Angad, Amardas, and Ramdas, modeled their own teachings on the life and thought of Nanak. For example, they emphasized the unity of all religions, and encouraged compassion and service to the poor and needy. They also developed new sangats (congregations), as well as supervised the construction of gurdwaras (places of worship) and langars(community kitchens).

In addition to continuing the above mentioned practices, the fourth guru, Ramdas, also founded the city of Amritsar, which was designed as a place were all faiths could live together. The social and religious orientation of the first four gurus was wholly pacifistic, encouraged co-operation among faiths, and assistance to all those in need.

The guruship of Arjan, the fifth guru, can be characterized by three achievements:

  • the final compilation of the Adi Granth;

  • the construction of the temple at Amritsar (later to be termed the Golden Temple); and

  • the re-evaluation of the role of the guru to include politico- military responsibilities.

Arjan became involved in economic and political activities all over the Asian sub-continent, and his involvement in these activities led to his implication in a plot to overthrow the Mughal Emperor, Jehangir. On the basis of this allegation, Arjan was captured by the Mughal authorities, tortured, and executed. Arjan’s death has been conceptualized by Sikhs in two ways; some Sikh’s see his death as martyrdom, while others view it as a call to arms.

After Arjan’s death the Sikhs continued to suffer severe persecution under the hand of the Mughal authorities. Sikhs were executed if they did not convert to Islam, were forced to comply with a strict form of Shari’ah law, had to pay taxes in support of the Muslim state, and had their gurdwaras replaced with mosques. As a result of this persecution, subsequent gurus began to take a militant self-defensive approach to the protection of their tradition. This defensive approach is clearly exemplified in the khalsa, the “Pure Ones,” a division within Sikhism that was instituted by the tenth Guru, Gobind Singh.

In addition to instituting the khalsa, Gobind Singh’s ended the human succession of Sikh guruship and transferred his authority to the Adi Granth, which has since been considered as the embodiment of the guru. Therefore, the Adi Granth is also often referred to as the Guru Granth.

The Khalsa

When Gobind Singh instituted the khalsa in an attempt to defend the Sikh tradition, all initiates into the order were required to drink amrit, a nectar of sweetened water. Amrit is purported to confer symbolic purity and immortality upon initiates, who after taking the amrit, then swore to wear five items of dress in order to indicate their dedication to the faith:

  • kesh–uncut hair and beard;

  • kangha–a comb worn in the hair;

  • kirpan–a steel dagger or sword;

  • kara–a steel ring worn on the right wrist; and

  • kachh–shorts.

As the words for these items begin with the letter “k” in Punjabi they have been termed the 5 ks.

In addition, members of the khalsa were to adhere to the following four prescriptions:

  1. To not cut hair from any part of their body.

  2. To not take alcohol or tobacco.

  3. To not eat the meat of any animal slaughtered by the Muslim method of bleeding to death.

  4. To live in marital fidelity.

These prescriptions became the behavioural guidelines for the khalsa.

The khalsa, from its inception, was open to men and women of all classes. This inclusiveness had a very positive effect on the Sikh population as many low caste Hindus, drawn to the prestige and egalitarianism of the khalsa, were initiated into the order.

At this point it is worth noting that not all Sikhs have opted to become members of the khalsa, and that one may identify oneself as a Sikh without claiming membership in the khalsa. The khalsa and its situation within the Sikh community will be discussed in greater detail in the section on Sikhism and the community.

Exercise #2 – Conduct a google search on Gurbaj Singh Multani, the young man who won the right to wear his kirpan to school in Montreal in 2006. Locate at least two Canadian newspaper articles on this story and see what you find. Are the stories positive? Negative? How do they represent the issue of religious dress in a pluralistic democracy?

The modern period (19th–20th centuries)

After the time of Gobind Singh, the khalsa continued to grow and attract followers, largely from the Hindu lower castes. For example, many Hindu farmers in the lush valleys of the Punjab joined the khalsa. One result of this growth in population was that the Sikhs became numerous enough to successfully defend their declared homeland of the Punjab against invaders, and were no longer subjected to extreme Muslim rule. Indeed, the Sikhs enjoyed a successful defense of their homeland and tradition until the mid nineteenth century when the Punjab, despite a vigorous struggle, fell to the British Empire. After the region fell to the British, the Sikhs pledged their loyalty to the British crown, and many Sikhs went on to serve in the British army and colonial service. The relationship established between the Sikhs and the British crown is one reason why many Sikh communities are found throughout the former British Empire, such as Canada and the United Kingdom.

Despite the Sikhs’ loyalty to Britain, when the British left the Indian sub-continent in 1947 they left the Sikhs in a difficult position. Once the British had left the Punjab, the region was divided into two nations along religious lines, Pakistan and India. Despite Sikh pleas for their own nation, they were ignored and, in 1947, the boundary between Pakistan and India was drawn right through the Punjab, with two thirds of the region falling within Pakistan and the remainder within India. The Sikhs who came under Muslim Pakistani rule were severely persecuted, and many had to leave their homeland and migrate either to the Indian side of the border or abroad. For many years the Sikhs living on the Indian side of the border remained on agreeable terms with the Hindu population, however, in recent decades this situation has changed.

In the early 1980s some Sikhs began advocating for an independent Sikh state of Khalistan. The Indian government, while quite aware of the Sikh agenda, did not take their concerns seriously. Ignorance or inaction on the part of the Indian government, therefore, prompted some Sikhs to seek recourse though domestic terrorist activities. A number of terrorist activities within India and abroad have since been attributed to this small group of Sikh nationalists, such as the 1985 Air India bombing that killed 329 people, many of whom were Canadian Sikhs. Needless to say, these activities have caused a rift in the Sikh community, with those Sikhs loyal to India maintaining that Khalistani Sikhs are terrorists, and those Sikhs in favour of the state of Khalistan asserting that Indian loyalists should not be considered Sikh at all.

Key Concepts

Haumai

Haumai is regarded by Sikhs as the greatest obstacle to realizing God. Haumai can be characterized as ignorance, egoism, immorality, and lack of concern or compassion for other people. Haumai is what separates humans from the experience of God. While haumai shares family resemblances with the Hindu notion of maya, it should not be confused with it. Haumai is the self-imposed ignorance of God. In the Sikh understanding even the material world, because it is a creation of God, shares in his divinity. Therefore, Haumai is generated when one confuses God’s creation with one’s ego and uses the material world as a means to satisfy one’s egoistic desires. Through spiritual practice and striving for unity with the divine, one can begin to break through haumai, and with continued divine guidance, be led along the path of deliverance from karma and re-birth.

The world is viewed in positive terms by the Sikhs, and that they are to appreciate and enjoy it. In addition, Sikhs view the world as existing for human use and enjoyment; therefore, they eat both meat and vegetables because they believe that the lower orders of creation are meant to serve the higher orders. However, Sikhs are encouraged to abstain from substances that harm the body, itself a part of the material world, such as alcohol and tobacco.

Adi Granth

The Sikh scriptures are known as the Adi Granth, which means the “first book.” The Adi Granth is an anthology of medieval religious poetry of Punjabi speaking, non-vedic, devotional Saints who had lived between the 12th and 17th centuries CE The version of the Adi Granth used by Sikhs today was compiled in 1704 by Guru Gobind Singh. It contains hymns and poetry composed by the first five gurus, the ninth guru, Tegh Bahadur, and a host pre-Nanak Saints and contemporary poets. The scriptural poetry is metrical and musical and written in a number of medieval languages and dialects, which further attests to the inclusiveness of the Sikh tradition. When the tenth Guru, Gobind Singh, completed the compilation of the Adi Granth, he made it known that after his death the Adi Granth would serve as guru to the Sikh community. Hence, the Adi Granth is also known as the Guru Granth.

The themes addressed within the Granth are quite varied; however, the most prominent themes are concerned with the following (Singh, 1987):

  • the denigration of religious life and the inefficacy of ritualism symbolism and formalism;

  • the rejection of castes and the division of mankind into sects;

  • the greatness of God, truth, and the supremacy of His will;

  • the problems of egoism and the ways in which this can be obviated by remembrance of the name of the Lord and the grace of the Guru;

  • God is one without second, he is truth, creator, devoid of fear and enmity;

  • God is immortal, unborn, self-existent, true consciousness and utter bliss;

  • the soul is an indivisible part of God, however, it is also manifest in discrete individuals. Therefore, the soul, or the jiva, is able to act with free will and is ultimately the individual’s choice as to whether or not she will live according to the truth and grace of God; and

  • the physical body decays, but the jiva is immortal and continues forever.

Sikhism and gender

Your textbooks do not address the issue of gender in Sikhism explicitly, to account for this absence, this section details an extended discussion of some gender issues in both the Punjabi Sikh community and the Euro-North American Sikh diaspora. Where appropriate, notes within this section will direct you to material related to the topics should you want to explore these issues further.

Gender issues in the Punjab

According to Sikh tradition, Guru Nanak taught that the light of the divine is present in both men and women. Equality among genders is often hailed as one of Sikhism’s key precepts, and, indeed, from a strictly religious or theological standpoint there is no spiritual distinction between the sexes. However, these religious ideals often chafe with the larger social and cultural community in which the tradition is embedded.

The Punjabi society into which Sikhism emerged was strongly patriarchal. Men were leaders of the community and the family. Upon completion of the marriage rites, it was understood that a father’s authority over his daughter was transferred to her husband. In addition, all legal rights regarding her biological family were severed, she could not claim an inheritance, plus, she had little control over the productive resources within her new household.

In addition to the marginal socio-economic status accorded women, they were typically excluded from leadership roles in the religious community that were largely reserved for men, such as gurdwara politics, (Harjot, 1995). Aspects of patriarchal society are still present in certain segments of Punjabi society today. This is evident, for example, in the preference for married couples to have male as opposed to female children, and in the practice of arranged marriages.

The practice of arranged marriages is a cultural practice that is still followed not only in the Punjab, but in many Sikh communities outside of the region as well. While it can be argued that arranged marriages are equally repressive for men and women, the situation for women in arranged marriages is somewhat different than the situation for men. For example, women are typically married at a younger age than men, and once married they are encouraged to start and raise a family. Therefore, the wedding of women to family obligations often happens at the expense of pursuing other goals. While men may have a choice of careers women are often cast into child rearing roles. Moreover, in some contexts, the men stand to benefit financially from the marriage through the inheritance of a dowry paid by his wife’s family. Therefore, one affect of the practice of arranged marriages is that it perpetuates patriarchy by consolidating the economic power in Sikh communities with the male gender.

Gender issues in Euro-North American Sikh communities

When discussing gender issues in Sikhism, or in any other religious contexts for that matter, it is important to remember that understandings of gender are rooted in much broader cultural and social understandings, understandings, which while different than from our own, may not necessarily be morally or socially problematic. It is true that in some cases certain practices may be abusive to women, but by no means is the abuse of certain rights or privileges restricted to any one particular, or foreign, tradition. In any case, the example of arranged marriages provides an example of how an outsider’s perspective of a given cultural practice can distort reality.

In European and North American societies, as well as in other parts of the world, marriage is understood to be predicated on love between two people. However, the concept of love is often construed in very broad terms, and seldom distinguishes between martial fidelity and romantic love, which are, in fact, two very different kinds of love. The Euro-North American history of love suggests that there are distinctions to be made between romantic love and marital fidelity. However, North American understanding of marriage, for the most part, attempts to connect this notion of romantic love with the establishment of long lasting and permanent relationships exemplified by marital fidelity. Marital fidelity, however, is inconsistent with the language of romantic love. On the one hand, marital fidelity is thought of in terms of a long lasting and enduring union, between not only two people, but two families. On the other hand, romantic love is characterized by longing and separation, and is restricted to the love felt between two people. The incapability between romantic love and marriage, despite the tendency to link them together, has been cited as a chief reason for the high North American divorce rate (Grimes, 2000).

Arranged marriages typically do not deal with contrasting ideas of love, particularly because they are oriented towards establishing permanent long lasting relationships not only between two people, but between two families. Marriage in such contexts creates and fosters relationships between two families as much as it does between two individuals, and oftentimes, arranged marriages are thought out quite carefully by all parties involved, including the two people who are to be married. Spouses of arranged marriages often refer to their marriages in positive terms, crediting them for establishing encouraging and beneficial relationships between themselves and their families (Grimes, 2000). Therefore, being duly sensitive to the issue of arranged marriages and other gender issues requires that we do not blindly project our understandings of love and marriage onto others.

While it is important that we, as scholars, not project our own appreciations onto the cultural practices of others, it is also important to note that many Sikhs living in North America and Great Britain are influenced by their surrounding cultures; cultures which diverge in many ways from Punjabi culture. This divergence has prompted much thought and discussion as to how Sikhism, culture, and nation intersect with regards to gender and identity. In some cases, Sikh’s are challenging the institution of arranged marriages by, for example, to looking to find a spouse on Sikh dating websites. Also, some women, in seeking to reclaim or emphasize the proclaimed equality between men and women, have adopted the wearing of the turban and have given up hair plucking, practices traditionally observed by men.

Sikhism and ritual practice

Sikh worship practices, unlike many of the traditions we have covered thus far, are largely decentralized and are followed without the any formal clergy. Communal worship takes place in a gurdwara, which are community kitchens that are open to everyone, and are marked by scriptural readings from the Adi Granth. As covered in the discussion of the historical development of Sikhism, since the time of the tenth guru, the Adi Granth has occupied a central place within the Sikh tradition. In addition to scriptural readings, Sikh services are characterized by the singing of sacred hymns and by the distribution of prashad, or consecrated food. As worship services are largely de-centralized, it is not uncommon for any member of the Sikh community to offer a prayer, a song, or a few words throughout the course of a service.

In addition to communal worship, many Sikhs also worship in their own homes. It is not atypical for Sikhs to reserve a room in their homes for the Adi Granth, and perhaps a picture of one or a number of the gurus. Many Sikhs also take time in the morning and evening hours to recite the Japji, which, it is said, helps to clear the mind of negative thoughts and open oneself up to the divine.

Some Sikhs also say that it is important to make a pilgrimage, or pilgrimages, to the Golden Temple at Amritsar. The Golden Temple houses the original Adi Granth, and some Sikhs feel that it is important to witness this book and to hear readings from it at least once in their life (Hopfe & Woodward, 2005).

Elements of the Sikh community

Since its emergence in the Punjab, the Sikh tradition has fostered the development of substantial Sikh communities in other regions of India, Europe, North America, and Southeast Asia. In some of these communities, Sikh’s maintain their Punjabi identity as an important factor in their connection to the Sikh community.

There are also converts to Sikhism who possess no ethnic link to the Punjab, and assert their identification to the Sikh community through adherence to the beliefs and practices revealed by the gurus. This section will discuss some of those shared beliefs, as well as the Punjabi component of the Sikh community. Lastly, some attention will be played to the community of the khalsa, a sect within the larger Sikh community.

32BThe Panth

The Sikh community is known as the panth. Prior to his death, the tenth guru, guru Gobind Singh, vested worldly authority in the panth, and spiritual authority in the granth. Spiritual and worldly authority in the Sikh community is thus preserved in the Guru Granth-Guru Panth formulation. Identification with the panth entails a recognition of strict monotheism, and the veneration of the ten gurus who are conceived as bearers of the light of God on earth. Additional qualifications for life within the panth are, as one Mahmood (2005) puts it, “work hard, share the fruits of your labour, and remember God always” (p. 55).

Shared ethnicity

In addition to common beliefs, the members of the larger Sikh community share a common history, language and culture. The history of Sikhism, as we have already encountered, is one that is characterized by periods of persecution and suffering, as well as periods of bravery and military valour. This military aspect of Sikh history is viewed as congruent with the spiritual peace and inclusiveness that lies at the heart of the tradition and serves as a touchstone for a shared Sikh history.

Originally emerging in the Punjab, the Sikh tradition, as previously noted, has spread throughout the world. Despite the global spread of Sikhism, Punjabi language and culture still help to define many Sikh communities. For example, Sikh prayer and worship has historically been conducted in Punjabi. However, the Punjabi quality of Sikh life is being lost among certain Sikh converts who have no ethnic, social, or linguistic connection to the Punjab. For example, many Sikh converts in the United States and Canada belong to the 3HO (“Healthy, Happy, Holy Organization”) led by Harbhajan Singh Yoji. These converts often do not speak Punjabi, have no family ties to the Punjab, and are otherwise indistinguishable in dress, appearance, and practices from mainstream North American society.

The Khalsa

There is no generally agreed upon initiation rite for all Sikhs, however, those Sikhs who identify with the community of the Khalsa, or amritdhari, participate in the amrit ceremony. For committed Sikhs, the amrit ceremony is a key ritual moment and marks their “baptism” into the order of the Khalsa. In the amrit ceremony, a bowl of sweetened water (amrit) is stirred with a dagger and then sprinkled over the initiate as he is instructed in the truth and prohibitions of the Khalsa. Not all Sikhs are members of the Khalsa, and there is debate within the Sikh community as to whether the tenth guru intended that the Khalsa should be composed of a select group of individuals within the larger Sikh community, or whether the Khalsa should encompass the entire Sikh community.

Terms to Know

Adi Granth

Haumai

Rahit

Akal Purakh

Karam

Sangat

Amrit

Khalsa

Sansar

Dasam Granth

Langar

Sants

Five K’s

Nam

Sati

Gurdwara

Panth

Vak

Guru

Raga

 

Study Questions

  1. Explain the significance of the phrase "There is no Muslim. There is no Hindu." What did Guru Nanak mean when he said this? How did he attempt to reach out to adherents of different faiths?

  2. What human characteristics did Guru Nanak emphasize?

  3. How did early Sikhism avoid conflict regarding religious authority after the death of Guru Nanak?

  4. How did the third guru change life for Sikh women? In other words, what amendments did he make that explicitly affected women in the Sikh tradition?

  5. What significant contributions did the fifth guru make to Sikhism?

  6. What was the impetus for the creation of the Khalsa? How were the first five members initiated?

  7. Explain the 5 K's and the naming process for initiates into the Khalsa. Be sure to explain the symbolic significance of each "K" and give the English translations for both male and female surnames.

  8. What does the turban represent in Sikhism?

  9. What are the five sins that all members of the Khalsa should avoid?

  10. Explain the main tenets of Sikh religious doctrine. Be sure to comment on the nature of the divine, the concept of karma, the way to spiritual enlightenment, and the 5 sources of evil.

  11. Name and describe the 4 parts of the guru.

  12. What is the significance of the ritual communal meal in Sikhism?

  13. Describe the main components of Sikh worship and liturgy. Why is hymn-singing an integral component to Sikh worship practices?

  14. What is the significance of Divali in Sikhism?

  15. What is the most important festival in Sikhism and what does it commemorate?

  16. How is death viewed in the Sikh tradition?

  17. What has been the root cause of conflict between Sikhs and Hindus in India in contemporary times?

  18. How has the gurdwara been a significant part of the Sikh Diaspora?

  19. What components make up the main tenets of the Sikh ethical system?

  20. Explain the four vows that each couple must take during the marriage ceremony.

Suggested readings

Grimes, R. (2000). Deeply into the bone: Re-inventing rites of passage
Berkeley: University of California Press.

Hopfe, L. M., & Woodward, M. R. (2005). Religions of the world. New Jersey: Pearson.

Koli, S. S. (1987). Adi Granth. In The encyclopedia of religion (Vol. 1), 
New York: MacMillan Publishing.

Mahmood, C. K. (2005). Sikhs in Canada: Identity and commitment.Religion and ethnicity in Canada. 
Toronto: Pearson.

Mahmood, C. K. (2000). The Guru’s gift. An ethnography exploring gender equality with 
North American Sikh women
. Toronto: Mayfield.

McLeod, W. H. (1969). Guru Nanak and the Sikh religion. New York: Oxford University Press.

Oberoi, H. (1994). The construction of religious boundaries: Culture, identity, and diversity in the Sikh tradition.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Singh, G. (2002). The global Indian: The rise of Sikhs abroad. New Delhi: Rupa.

Singh, N. (1994). Canadian Sikhs: History, religion and culture of Sikhs in North America
Ottawa: Canadian Sikh Studies Institute.

Singh, N. G. K. (1993). The feminine principle of the transcendent.<? London: Cambridge University.

Go to top

Copyright © (2016). Minor revisions (2016) All rights reserved. No part of the material protected by this copyright may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior written permission from the copyright owner.

Unit 6 Chinese and Korean Traditions

Introduction

The term dao means “the way,” which refers to both Daoist philosophy and religion. In the past, it has been difficult to uncover the exact nature of Daoism, due to the early secrecy surrounding the tradition. This is the result of early developments in the tradition, when it was viewed as a philosophy consisting of recluses for recluses, as articulated through riddles incomprehensible to those outside of the tradition. Not only was the message a secret during its early formations, but only a few people had access. As a religion, practitioners of Daoism guarded the riddles from outsiders, disclosing information only to the initiated. Only recently have initiates begun to publish the secret teachings of Dao, ultimately sharing it with a wider audience.

Confucianism as a religious tradition is really a culmination of both Confucian philosophy and religion. It represents an ideology developed by a man named Kong (Latin name: Confucius, 552–479 BCE), consisting of ethical mandates that he developed and passed on to his followers. In general, Confucianism offers moral and ethical codes concerned with retaining societal order; these codes are used to create harmony in everyday living. The emphasis is on human conduct that is rooted in rational thought and moralistic rules. The practice of Confucianism does not require, but does not reject ritual practices. However, due to the emphasis on logic and rational thought, one does not have to adhere to concepts such as belief or faith to consider oneself Confucian.

Doaism: Themes

In order to draw attention to the complexities and seeming contradictions found within Hinduism, this unit highlights the following:

Key historical developments

  • Early Chinese religion (1750 BCE)

  • Daoism as a philosophy (beginning in the 4th century BCE)

  • Daoism as a religion (beginning in the 3rd century BCE)

  • Interaction with Buddhism

Basic concepts and terms relevant to Daoism

  • Immortality

Gender and Daoism

  • The Mother of Dao

  • The Celestial Consort

Daoism and ritual practice

  • Meditation as inner alchemy

Daoism and ritual practice

  • Meditation as inner alchemy

Confucianism: Themes

Key historical developments

  • The historical Confucius (551–479 BCE)

  • Historical context from which Confucianism emerged

  • Interaction with Buddhism

Basic concepts and terms relevant to Confucianism

  • The five human relationships

  • Filial piety in early Medieval China (100–600 BCE)

  • Ren/jen

  • Li

Gender and Confucianism

  • The three obediences

Confucianism and ritual practice

  • The Cult of Heaven

  • The Cult of Ancestors

  • Confucianism as a civic religion

  • Spiritual cultivation

Korean Traditions

  • Shared history with Chinese Traditions

  • Interaction between Daoism, Confucianism Buddhism, and folk traditions

  • Recent Developments: Division between the North and South

Learning objectives

By the end of this unit you should be able to:

  1. early Chinese religion and its influence on Daoist philosophy and religion;

  2. the founders of philosophical Daoism and their teachings;

  3. Daoism as a religion and as a mystical tradition;

  4. the importance of immortality as a concept, and the practices related to it;

  5. the role of women in Daoism as it intersects with goddess worship; and

  6. the function of Dao temples within the greater Dao community.

  7. The founder of the Confucian tradition and the historical context from which Confucianism emerged;

  8. Feminist interpretations of Confucianism in relation to women’s place within the social hierarchy; and

  9. Confucianism as a way of life by looking at its distinctive religious ideas, religious practices and religious community.

  10. The interaction between Buddhism and these other religious traditions in both the Chinese and Korean context.

Readings

World Religions: Eastern Traditions 5th Edition, Ed. by Amore, Hussain, and Oxtoby – Chapter 6: Chinese and Korean Traditions

by Terry Tak-ling Woo

How to proceed

  1. Read Chapter 6 in the textbook paying special attention to the highlighted terms (definitions are in the glossary at the end of the chapter). It may be useful to keep a list of terms and definitions as you read through the chapter to use as a quick reference later when you are preparing for the final exam.

  2. Read the Unit 6 course notes and complete the exercises. 

  3. Review the list of terms to know at the end of the course notes. These are the only terms from the textbook that you will be responsible for on the final exam.

  4. Answer the study questions provided at the end of the course notes.

  5. Complete the interactive assignment.

Course Notes

Daoism

Key historical developments

This section sets the stage for understanding the context within which Daoism emerged. In particular, it provides a limited understanding of early Chinese religion, some of which has already been touched upon in unit 4 on Buddhism, and will be further elaborated upon in unit 7 on Confucianism. Chinese religion as separate from Daoism is important to note, as it continues to influence current Daoist practices. However, this section is not limited to providing context only in terms of Chinese religions, but also provides other general historical developments such as the emergence of Daoism as a philosophy in contrast to the emergence of Daoism as a religion. Specifically, this section addresses the following:

  • Early Chinese religion (1750 BCE);

  • Daoism as a philosophy (beginning in the 4th century BCE);

  • Daoism as a religion (beginning in the 3rd century BCE); and

  • Daoism as an institution (2nd century BCE)

Early Chinese religion (1750 BCE)

Spirits

In early Chinese tradition, spirits were viewed as active in every aspect of the universe. In some ways, the early Chinese concept of the universe can be likened to the Jain understanding of the universe, in which everything consists of living organisms. However, there are some differences in how one is supposed to live with these spirits in the Chinese tradition. Rather than an emphasis on the Jain concept of ahimsa, Chinese tradition calls for individuals to work with the spirits as a means of bringing good fortune to the living.

The idea that spirits were all-pervasive was in part a way of explaining suffering in the world. Bad spirits, for example, were responsible for accidents and disease, while good spirits brought prosperity. Acts of nature such as flooding were also attributed to the dissatisfaction of spirits; appeasement of these spirits could bring overall harmony within the universe. Harmony required interaction with the spirits, primarily by way of sacrifice. Sacrifice originally required the use of animals but later, emphasis was placed on offerings of paper, fruit, and cooked food. This emphasis on harmony continues to be prevalent in the Daoist tradition, as ritual offerings still exist, no doubt stemming from these earlier concerns about keeping spirits content.

Tian

During the Shang Dynasty (1751–1123 BCE), popular tradition held that there was a power or a personal god that ruled the world. This god could be contacted by diviners for guidance, a ritual that still exists today, both in Daoism and outside of the tradition. However, with the introduction of the new Chou Dynasty (1122–221 BCE), new rulers ignored this personal god and replaced it with Tian (also referred to as T’ien), or Heaven. In contrast to the personal god, Tian represented an impersonal, divine force that controlled the Earth, as well as a general cosmic principle that determined right from wrong. In Daoism, Tian became viewed as a god that could be worshipped as a being that emanated from the Dao, yet existed as only part of a more systematized pantheon of Dao deities.

Veneration of ancestors

At death, ancestors became spirits who needed to be placated to ensure their positive influence on living family members. People would provide offerings such as food, as well as paper products in the shapes of cars or houses, with the idea that such items could be used in the afterlife. On one hand, living relatives look after the dead by providing them with items to be used in the afterlife. On the other hand, the dead look after the living by bestowing good fortune in return for the items.

Seeing patterns in nature

Chinese people recognized that they could not control nature, but that they could work with it. This concept also influenced Daoism greatly. Rooted in this notion of working with nature are the concepts of yin and yang. Together, they denote opposites working in harmony and the idea that one force cannot dominate the other. The yin represents the female force, that which is dark, moist and passive, while the yang represents the male force, which is light, dry and aggressive. Ideally, all things represented within the yin and yang are found in nature and should be balanced in everyday living.

Daoism as a philosophy (beginning the 4th century BCE)

Daoism, like Confucianism, first developed as a philosophy and then eventually emerged as a religious tradition. Philosophical Daoism is rooted in, but is not limited to, two key Daoist texts: Lao-zi (also called Dao De Jing) and Zhuang-zi, both bearing the names of their alleged authors. It is difficult to determine whether Lao-zi ever lived; however, Daoists treat him as a historical figure and continue to venerate him. If Lao-zi (dating between 600–300 BCE) and Zhuang-zi (365–290 BCE) did exist, it is presumed that they both experienced a lot of suffering due to the era that they lived in. If such dates are correct, both figures lived in a time of war, poverty, and injustice marked by political uprisings, widespread disease, and death. Reaction to the suffering is a marked contrast to Confucian ideals, which emerged from the same context. Confucius and Mencius for example, sought to solve the social problems by appealing to human beings to become better and more benevolent people. This required strict ethical codes and hierarchical standards that could be clearly followed. Lao-zi and Zhuang-zi rejected these prescriptions as rigid, instead concerning themselves with awakening their readers to an inner, spiritual liberation, freeing them from the bondage of conventional ways of seeing things. From a Daoist perspective, the strict societal rules indicative of Confucianism were not of concern; instead, how one responded to these rules were. The response was a ‘go with the flow’ attitude that emphasized flexibility and adaptation.

Lao-zi (between 600–300 BCE)

Although it is debatable whether Lao-zi is a historical figure, scholars have still attempted to piece his life together. This practice is not so much about providing a definitive answer using little evidence, but has more to do with determining how Daoists perceive the founder of the tradition. In this way, it is helpful to review the following information about Lao-zi.

Lao-zi originally means old master in Chinese. As a historical figure, he is considered an older contemporary of Confucius, and it has even been suggested that Confucius went to him for advice. However, scholars tend to place him in a later period than Confucius even though this classification remains dubious, as scholars are not really sure of Lao-zi’s real name or if he even existed. If we assume that Lao-zi did exist, scholars attribute a key Daoist text, the Dao De Jing, to him. The text title literally translates as “classic of the way and its power,” and is a brief and cryptic text, containing only 5,000 words.

Lao-zi argued that humans should return to nature, meaning that they should reconcile with themselves and with nature. It is a vision that carries with it a mystical impulse for communication and union with nature, a vision that has also been described as salvific. Communing with nature requires contemplation the universe. This contemplation ideally leads Daoists to the discovery of the nameless first principle, of the disposition that should accompany such contemplation, and of the whole of life. The term wu-wei, literally meaning, ‘non-action’ expresses the knowledge acquired through this contemplation of nature. The concept of wu-wei does not signify the absence of action, but rather acting without artificiality, without over-action, and without attachment to action. The following is a quote (Chan, 1963) from the Dao De Jing that exemplifies the concept wu-wei:

When worldly people know beauty as beauty,
There arises the recognition of ugliness.
When they know the good as good,
There arises the recognition of evil.
Therefore: being and non-being produce each other;
Difficult and easy complete each other;
Long and short contrast each other;
High and low distinguish each other;
Sound and voice harmonize with each other;
Front and back follow each other.
Therefore the sage manages his affairs without interference (wu-wei) (p. 140).

The process of understanding wu-wei leads to recognizing the dao, or the way. The dao, as found in the power of nature, teaches lessons of survival, and how to keep one’s own integrity in a time of disorder. To survive, Lao-zi suggests a measure of asceticism and of withdrawal from the world because, for the person seeking the knowledge of the Dao, senses and passions should be purified or moderated. For Lao-zi, nature was of the utmost importance, as one sought harmony with nature and nature only.

In this sense, an emphasis on civilization marks a departure from the Dao. The virtues preached by the Confucians, such as benevolence (humanity) and righteousness are rejected in favour of following nature. Yet Lao-zi also offers political readings to the ruler. By establishing a government based on non-action, a ruler could keep the people healthy but ignorant, protecting them from the excesses of knowledge. It is debatable whether such advice would provide an idyllic government.

Zhuang-zi (365–290 BCE)

While Lao-zi was a contemporary of Confucius, Zhuang-zi was a contemporary of Mencius. He is like Lao-zi in his understanding of the Dao in that he saw it as the underlying principle that governs the universe, with the Dao as the way being of the utmost importance. The Zhuang-zi text, dating around the fourth or third century BCE, contains parables and essays that stress spiritual freedom, interpreted as not only freedom of the individual from social conventions and restraints, but also freedom from the limitation of one’s own mind; a mind preoccupied with self-interested inclinations and prejudices. Basically, Zhuang-zi as a text, describes a freedom from mental limits, achieved by transcending self-interest and attaining union with the Dao. According to the text, all forms of freedom can only be discovered by embracing nature.

To live according to nature is to respect its laws, including death. By attaining higher knowledge, that is the Dao, one is no longer affected emotionally by experiences of life in this world. For Zhuang-zi, this did not mean insanity or complete disconnection from the world, for the individual should ideally continue to live in-world. Instead, one should accept nature and adopt an attitude of equanimity regarding life and death, rather than a sole desire to prolong one’s life. However, that said, through Zhuang-zi’s discussion of the ability to become a perfect being, quest for immortality followed in the development of Dao as a religion. Zhuang-zi, for example, describes immortals who no longer eat, yet they have conquered death and are able to help others overcome sickness and other evils. From this developed a cult of immortality closely related to Daoism and dating to approximately second century BCE

Daoism as religion (beginning the 3rd century BCE)

Some date the formal recognition of Dao as a religion within the Han Dynasty (from 3rd century BCE to the 3rd century CE), while at the same time also noting that actual Dao practices as a religion occurred much earlier than this. To separate Daoism as a philosophy and Daoism as a religion is perhaps erroneous, for as a religion, Daoism continued to draw from philosophic principles outlined by Lao-zi and Zhuang-zi. However, philosophy is only one strand of the Dao religion, as there are other outside influences on the religious tradition as well. For example, the Dao religion draws significantly from Yin-Yang schools, which emphasis natural order and the need for two opposites to converge into one.

In the Dao religion, the man Lao-zi as well as his text, were reinterpreted with additional bodies of work, thus adding to a growing corpus. In particular, the Dao religion included the Daoist Canon, a text containing over a thousand volumes and compiled over fifteen centuries. The principal books within the Daoist Canon are alleged to be divine revelations made by Daoist adepts during trance-like states. None of the books take into account the original author or the date of composition; many of the scripts are written in code, a language that could ultimately only be understood by the initiated. Only now are scholars beginning to be able to decipher these texts.

During early developments of Daoism as a religion, Daoism was characterized by magical teachings about immortality in addition to political teachings associated with non-action (wu-wei). As it continued to develop, religious Daoism became a salvation religion, instructing its followers in healthy living habits and providing guidance concerning the afterlife as a means to experience eternal happiness.

Daoism as an institution (2nd century BCE)

Daoism has historically been regarded as a formal institution with the initiation and creation of the Heavenly Masters Sect during the second century BCE (see Fisher). Allegedly, Lao-Zi appeared to a hermit named Chang Tao-ling who lived in a mountain cave in 142 CE, complaining about the world’s lack of respect for the true and the correct, and about people honouring demons. In this alleged revelation, Chang was made the Heavenly Master, with the order to abolish demons and adhere to more orthodox practices.

This sect opposed the animal sacrifices that were offered to the spirits of the deceased, replacing them with cooked vegetables. In order to heal sicknesses, the sect instituted the confession of sins in secluded rooms, where the priests prayed for the sick, who in turn wrote down their sins. The document was then offered to heaven (on mountain tops), to earth (by burial), and to the rivers (by drowning). For services rendered, the sect levied and collected a tax of five pecks of rice from the members of its congregation.

Chang, the founder of the Heavenly Masters tradition, organized the sect into separate parishes, led by male and female priests who posed as representatives of the Dao on earth. Overall, they were ultimately opposed to the shamans and the spirit-mediums who were popular at this time.

Through the teachings of this sect, the invisible world beyond this life came to be represented as a systematic spiritual bureaucracy, with officials to whom prayers were offered for cures of specific sicknesses. This organization gradually served as a superstructure for other local cults, eventually incorporating them into their own belief system. The Heavenly Master sect later became a hereditary institution, with priests viewed as purveyors of the past. This is the way the group continues to function currently.

Key Concepts

Immortality

In Daoism, the mind is viewed as alive after one’s physical death. However, some Daoists do not conceive of eternal life in terms of spiritual immortality alone. As there is no strict separation of spirit and matter in Chinese thought, some Daoists conceive of the survival of the person in terms of both mind and body. This is not enunciated in any doctrine, but rather Daoists talk of the doctrine of the three life-principles, including breath (ch’i), vital essence or semen (ching), and spirit (shen). Each life principle consists of two dimensions, both of which are present at the same time: first, they exist in human beings as microcosm; second, they exist in the cosmos as macrocosm. The Daoist trinity (a pantheon of deities) is therefore represented as a manifestation of these cosmic principles, where spirits reside in individual bodies as well as in the universe-at-large.

As in earlier discussions on spirits, dissatisfied entities were viewed as causing illness, yet practices such as meditation and yoga could counter negative affects. Good health became a way of symbolically acquiring immortality. And as a result of this emphasis on health, the development of Chinese healing techniques such as martial arts and herbal medicine are currently recognized not only in China but also globally. These techniques are part of a holistic healing system dating as far back as the sixth century BCE. This approach specified a clear list of priorities for maintaining health; before healing comes proper nutrition, and before proper nutrition comes the treatment of the spirit.

But proper health was not the only Daoist conception of immortality. There also developed a belief in Immortals, a notion that was elaborated after Daoism became an institutional tradition. Immortals exist in different realms and include heavenly immortals who have ascended to the celestial regions, earthly immortals who roam about in sacred forests and mountains, and human beings who appear to die but actually only leave behind their physical frames. Of particular interest here is the belief that human beings could become immortal. The quest for immortality led to alchemy experiments in an attempt to find the secret to everlasting life. The experiments never led to immortality, but it did lend itself to leading scientific discoveries. For example, certain Dao groups concocted elixir mixtures that frequently contained dangerous compounds derived from mercury, lead, and/or sulfur. Most often, these experiments poisoned and killed those who tasted the mix. Nonetheless, there was hope that such death was temporary, followed by eternal life.

Ironically, alchemical information and experimentation did contribute to the preservation of the physical body. While metallic components like mercury and lead can be fatal when swallowed, they also have preservative qualities and bodies from Ming times and earlier have been discovered well-preserved, with perfumed mercury in the abdomen. Perhaps this knowledge was taken by the Daoists as evidence of an apparent rather than real death.

This quest for immortality, while interesting, was not a view held by all Daoists. Some believed that true immortality could only be attained after death, when the spirit-self allegedly ascended to heaven. While on Earth, however, an aspiring immortal should strive to make progress in meditation and moral teaching in order to meet this outcome.

Immortality

  • Three life principles indicate for some, a view of immortality that occurs after physical death.

  • These life principles include: ch’i (breath), ching (vital essence), and shen (spirit).

  • Good health via meditation and holistic healing are two ways to attain symbolic immortality.

  • The quest for physical immortality led to failed alchemy experiments.

Daoism and gender

Just as in other religious traditions, the role of women and femininity is ambiguous in Daoism. Historical analyses points to difficult times for Chinese women in general, yet Daoism itself venerates women by using the yin principle as a model. Briefly mentioned already in this unit, the yin represents the feminine principle, which, when balanced with yang as the male principle, creates balance and harmony. Yin on its own leads to the veneration of women in many forms, and is especially tied to the idea that Dao is the mother of all things. This section will address only one way in which images of women are uplifted, that within the emergence of goddess worship, first by way of the Mother of the Dao, and second by way of the Celestial Consort. These are only two examples of the way goddesses have been created and sustained within the Daoist tradition.

The Mother of the Dao

The Mother of the Dao is a goddess that represents various stages that women go through in their lives, including roles as daughters, wives, and mothers. As the Mother, she not only undergoes transformation into a human being, but she also transforms into celestial forms. According to legend, throughout these changes, most important is her creation, in which she is described as emerging out of qi, the yin force. After her creation, the Mother of the Dao takes on various identities as she follows a path to enlightenment.

The popularity of this goddess was rooted in the Middle Ages, during the transition from the Tang to Song dynasties during approximately the tenth century CE, Despeux and Kohn (2003) argue that a transition to an emphasis on goddess culture took place after this time, due to changes in political and economic climates. For one thing, merchants prospered, usurping the power of the aristocracy economically and religiously. Despeux and Kohn note that this resulted in an increase in worship of and ritual dedicated to the goddess by the merchant class; previously worship of the goddess was practised solely by nobility. As Despeux and Kohn state, “Daoist goddesses in this climate became a focus of rituals for personal protection and communal benefits, revealing the concrete practices and specific hopes associated with women’s deities” (Despeux & Kohn, 2003, pp. 64–65). They argue that in contrast to living under the Tang dynasty, which operated under stringent rules and moral codes for women, the Song dynasty was marked by women’s responses to this strict regime, including a forum for women to function and worship within cults which were relevant to them. What followed was the emergence of new goddesses at this time.

The Celestial Consort

An example of this new emphasis on the goddess tradition was the emergence of the Celestial Consort. The myths that are associated with her describe the Celestial Consort as refusing to marry, instead honing her meditative skills and eventually attaining the ability to control nature. She is still a popular goddess, and was officially incorporated into the Daoist pantheon during the fifteenth century, although, as noted, she emerged earlier than this. Like Kuan-yin, mentioned in unit 4 on Buddhism, practitioners can go to the Celestial Consort to seek aid, including healing and fertility. In this way, she becomes a much more practical figure for people to worship, as she is viewed as having the ability to help those who make requests to alleviate the suffering experienced in this world.

Daoism and ritual practice

This section deals with specific rituals pertinent to Daoism. There are many, and as alluded to above, can include rituals such as goddess worship. This section, however, will address forms of meditation as a ritual practice, due to the importance of meditation in all aspects of Daosim.

Meditation as inner alchemy

In contrast to outer alchemy, which stressed a means to attain immortality by the consumption of various elixirs, meditation is considered a form of inner alchemy, which can be utilized as a means to create immortality of the spirit. Inner alchemy, for example, can be practised through meditation, which specifically involves visualization. Like the creation of magical elixirs as part of outer alchemy, inner alchemy is also considered a creative process, in which meditation is the process of experimenting with the self, both physically and mentally. In theory, the body is like a furnace, symbolically generating the elixir of immortality, also referred to as the Golden Elixir or the Golden Flower.

Key to understanding the ability of the body to generate its own elixir of immortality is the idea that the human body is divided into three cinnabar fields consisting of bright red mercuric sulfide. These fields are situated within the head, chest, and abdomen. Each of these fields is inhabited by a large number of gods, who provide a constant supply of life and sustenance, though still under the guidance of the Daoist trinity. Through the process of meditation, one can access these gods as a means to ensure good health and everlasting life.

Methods of meditation include visualizing light, which represents the energy or chi. One conducts this light through the three cinnabar fields in a microcosm orbit, or extends this energy throughout the body in a macrocosmic orbit. Information on meditation was formerly quite rare, due to the fact that such information was part of the secret teachings of Daoism, as transmitted from teacher to student. However, these teachings are now starting to be shared and translated, slowly adding to the knowledge about the process of meditation in Daoism.

Nonetheless, it is known that through visualization coupled with chi-kung or breathing exercises, successful meditation can be achieved by emptying the heart of all distractions and attachments. By using visualization, the Daoist practitioner can seek an interior, ecstatic vision that enables a vision of and a visit to the gods within the body. Through contacting the gods in this way, one may find cures for illnesses through them or drive away evil spirits from the body. This might even help one increase spiritual illumination.

While meditation is a traditional practice, present-day Daoist healers continue to use these methods to heal people. Daoist priests are actually licensed to carry out this ritual, though in early centuries this license was actually a fee paid to the empirical head. The decision to grant licensing came after the priest was able to prove himself in ritual knowledge. In addition to healing meditations performed by priests, exorcism rituals are often carried out in cases of sickness, with the exorcist symbolically struggling for victory over the evil spirits.

Exercise #1 – What similarities can you find between Daoist philosophy/practice and Buddhist philosophy/practice? With which branch of Buddhism do you think that Daoist is mot similar or compatiable? Why?

Confucianism: Themes

Key historical developments

  • The historical Confucius (551–479 BCE)

  • Historical context from which Confucianism emerged

Basic concepts and terms relevant to Confucianism

  • The five human relationships

  • Filial piety in early Medieval China (100–600 BCE)

  • Ren/jen

  • Li

Gender and Confucianism

  • The three obediences

Confucianism and ritual practice

  • The Cult of Heaven

  • The Cult of Ancestors

  • Confucianism as a civic religion

  • Spiritual cultivation

Elements of a Confucian community

Key historical developments

Determining the historical Confucius with certainty is virtually impossible. As Noss argues in his chapter, “Confucius and Confucianism: A Study in Optimistic Humanism,” most of what we know about Confucius is derived from an anthology of his sayings called the Analects. The Analects, compiled approximately one hundred years after Confucius’ death, unfortunately provide little biographical detail. Due to the lack of additional primary sources, coupled with the fact that the Analects do not provide comprehensive data on Confucius’ life, scholars question how much the Analects should be relied on as a source of information. Perhaps it is premature to reject the Analects as an unworthy source; instead scholars should be critically aware of who compiled the text and for what purpose. For example, why did the followers of Confucius publish this material and for whom was it published? And why was there a hundred years between Confucius’ death and the compilation of the Analects?

Though the Analects are an important source of his teachings, this document was not meant to be a biography of Confucius. Noss notes that attempts to create a biography of Confucius only occurred after the Analects, and it is doubtful as to how much of this information can be considered accurate. Arguably, scholars can still outline basic events in Confucius’ life, just as Noss does, but it must be done with the understanding that these ‘facts’ may change should more comprehensive evidence become available.

The historical Confucius (approximately 551–479 BCE)

As in previous discussions of the historical Buddha and the historical Mahavira, asserting a historical Confucius is difficult, given the lack of primary texts. It is often considered more important that practitioners of Confucianism accept certain ideas about the historical Confucius rather than an ‘authentic’ historical Confucius, and that these ideas, regardless of their historical accuracy, ultimately add to one’s understanding of the tradition as a whole. Therefore this section on “Key Historical Developments” outlines ideas linked to the historical Confucius, with the awareness that this information may be useful even if flawed.

We do know that Confucius lived from approximately 551 to 479 BCE, but we do not know the exact year of his birth or anything about his immediate family. Some legends describe Confucius as a direct descendent of royalty. Academics seem to accept this view even though there is no historical evidence except the Analects to back this claim,. Even if it is accepted that Confucius was part of a royal family, he did not seem to lead the comfortable life that might be expected of a person from a royal background. He did not obtain a respectable job until the age of 50, and this employment lasted for only one year. The position was the highest public office, in which Confucius functioned like a Police Commissioner in his home state. Before and after this period, he spent years travelling from feudal state to feudal state, seeking royalty who could use him as an advisor, but he never met with success in this venture.

After his position in public office, Confucius devoted more time to teaching his disciples. Even as a teacher, he regarded himself as a student, emphasizing the importance of education at all stages of life. Confucius argued that everyone should have access to an education, subsequently increasing the status of both scholars and students. This change in status meant that scholars became more prominent and upwardly mobile within the existing social hierarchy of which they were part. For Confucius, scholars were the most important figures in Chinese society, as they helped to contribute to societal order overall. For Confucius, the ideal of societal harmony was the primary factor to consider when shaping his own views on ethical and moral codes. Any mandates on how to act were related to the general codes of conduct that were created to instill and maintain harmony in society.

As already mentioned, sources such as the Analects provide inconclusive evidence about Confucius, yet, based on the teachings attributed to him, certain assumptions can be made about his worldview. For example, based on his teachings on ren, it seems fitting to label Confucius as a reformist. Ren, which will be discussed in more detail in section two, Key concepts, contributed to social revolutions through its restructuring of the hierarchy of societal power. Not only did scholars take precedence in Confucius’ view of society, but Confucius also emphasized nobility by virtue over nobility by birth. This new view of the social system meant that anyone could experience nobility by way of his or her moral conduct and education, in contrast to relying on family lineage.

The split between nobility by virtue and nobility by birth also marked the split between scholars and military leaders. Noble families usually dictated military engagements, but as China increasingly adopted Confucian ideals, not only did a military career take second stage to scholarly pursuits, but also noble families tied to the military lost social status.

Historical context

Sacrifice

Sacrifice emerged during the Shang Dynasty (1751–1123 BCE), and remained prominent at the time of Confucius during the Chou dynasty (1122–221 BCE). Actual sacrificial practices were diverse, varying according to the geographical region and the purpose for which the rite was being conducted. For example, sacrifice varied from offerings of food and/or animals upon an altar to more extreme practices of human sacrifice. Despite this diversity however, Julia Ching argues that sacrifice in general represented the holiest of actions by way of connecting humans to the divine. That is, all sacrifices, while varying in nature, have the most important and primary function of connecting humans to deities or ancestors by way of offerings. In performing offerings to deities, humans hoped to gain favour among the gods, while giving offerings to one’s ancestors was a means of providing for the deceased in the afterlife (Ching, 1993).

Divination and ancestral ritual

The notion of family has been a significant aspect of Chinese religion. That is, with an emphasis on honour and duty, the “family religion is basic, while individual and communal religion are secondary” (Thompson, 1975, p. 34). The veneration of ancestors is one aspect of family religion; this practice dictated not only funerary arrangements, but also was closely linked to divination. This is because divination was used as a tool to contact one’s ancestors. For example, kings used oracle bones to contact ancestors and to ask them for advice about the future (Thompson, 1975).

Confucius must have been aware of these facets of belief in China, as they would have been considered the norm during his lifetime. Therefore, it can be inferred that both sacrifice and ancestral worship would have influenced his ideas. For example, Confucius did not reject ritual as long as it was done properly, and his focus on the family as representative of harmonious living was no doubt influenced by his awareness of the importance of ancestor worship in society. However, rather than advocate ideas about external sacred powers (i.e., using oracle bones to call to the dead for help), Confucius argued that power is found within oneself and within human relationships. For Confucius, there was no need for divination, as one could obtain any answer through thoughtfulness and careful study as well as internal contemplation.

Key Concepts

The five (basic) human relationships

Confucius argued that wisdom, or moral perfection, could be discovered in the same social virtues that govern the family. For Confucius, observation and participation within the familial structure could help one attain human perfection, as well as provide an ideal model of how other relationships outside of the family should function. For example, filial piety, an aspect of Chinese familial structures, is the virtue by which the child is not only serving the parents, but also the ancestral spirits. Though the actual practice of filial piety was usually restricted to the family, the respect and loyalty characterized by filial relationships was used by Confucius as a model for more bureaucratic relationships such as between ruler and subject. The five human relationships denote the various relational dynamics of society, and this again points to the Confucian concern for societal order and harmony.

The five relationships are as follows:

  1. Ruler – subject

  2. Father – son

  3. Husband – wife

  4. Elder brother – younger brother

  5. Friend – friend (elders and juniors)

Three of the five relationships are familial, yet the other two—ruler/subject and friend/friend—are founded on the Chinese model of the family, indicating that Confucian society regards itself as a large family. The ruler/subject relationship for example, resembles the father and son relationship, while the friend/friend relationship resembles the brother/brother relationship. These relationships are supposed to be rooted in love, but more importantly, they establish social order within the context of that love. Sometimes in scholarship the order of these relationships differs, yet this matters little, for the overall message is the same. In some cases, for example, the relationship between ruler and subject is relegated to the number five spot, while the father and son is promoted to number one.

These relationships are assumed to be rooted in love as well as in great responsibility. A subject owes loyalty to his ruler just as a child should have respect for his or her parent. At the same time, a ruler must look after his subject like a parent looks after his or her child. Undoubtedly, these relationships define a hierarchy, which even applies among peers. For example, decorum in the relationship between friends is dictated by age, since the younger friend must look up to and respect the older friend. In its ideal form, the five relationships as representing a core concept in Confucianism, is highly accessible. This is because love, respect, and order learned within the nuclear family can be transferred to the society-at-large. Everyone, therefore, has the capability for human perfection by way of practice within the family unit.

Filial piety in early medieval China (100–600 CE)

Confucian concerns for social order always meant adhering to the five human relationships, with one aspect being filial piety. As mentioned earlier, filial piety refers to a child’s reverence for his or her parents. Keith Nathaniel Knapp, in his study on popular filial piety tales in medieval China, argues that filial piety became viewed as a more stringent practice between 100 and 600 CE, where practice meant that respect for one’s elders must take precedence over one’s individual’s wants and desires at any cost.

Knapp argues that these examples of filial piety represent ideals that children were expected to follow, or at the very least aspire to. The ability of a son or daughter to achieve extreme acts of filial piety put them in good favour, as it was this piety that contributed to how others, both inside and outside of the family, rated the goodness of that person. For example, it would not matter that a son had a great career and made enough money to support his children if he was, at the same time, neglecting his parents or not attempting the practice of extreme filial piety.

Filial piety was not restricted to children serving their living parents. As noted in the excerpt above, filial piety included adults and orphans partaking in extreme practices to show devotion to one’s parents even after their deaths. Knapp suggests that this notion of extreme filial piety is related to devotional worship of a god or goddess. Instead of making offerings or worshipping a specific god or goddess, one instead worshiped his or her parents, whether they were dead or alive.

Confucius was not necessarily concerned with making the familial reverence a central practice in Confucianism. Rather than the result of Confucian ideology, the emphasis on extreme forms of filial piety appears to be derived out of changing familial structures (Knapp, 2005). For example, during approximately 300 CE, elite families were losing their political clout at a time when government was unstable and decentralized, and the economy was in decline (Knapp, 2005). Agriculture was also becoming more labour intensive, requiring a larger labour force that could be acquired cheaply by using the extended family. Knapp (2005) argues that because government was essentially ineffectual during this time frame, small groups sought to create stability and achieve power and social status by way of the family. For example, in the Eastern Han between 25–220 CE, elite families originally consisting of four to five members (two parents and two or three children) grew substantially. Not only were parents and children living under one roof, but so too were sons and daughters-in-law as well as the grandchildren that followed. Knapp argues that this was a means to maintain wealth and power within the family, for they “shared a common budget, ate together (the sources stress this by sometimes saying that the family had but one stove), and lived together for generations without dividing the patrimony” (Knapp, 2005).

According to Knapp, these early medieval elite, whose status was solidified by the growing extended family of which they were part, was easily facilitated and supported by Confucian ideals. This class of elite were Confucianized, meaning that they were not only using Confucian ideas about filial piety to support the new familial structures, but they were also perpetuating and spreading Confucian ideals as they gained more status and respect due to their extended families (Knapp, 2005). So, on one hand, Confucian ideals justified the changing family, while on the other, the changing family helped propel Confucian ideals about societal structures onto a larger framework.

Ren

In order to adhere to the five relationships as envisioned in the Analectsren—respect and consideration for others—is key. Confucius argued that ren was a virtue of the superior man, and, as a concept, represented the ideal way of relating to others. Integral to relating to others is loyalty in a personal sense, such as following one’s heart, rather than the narrower connotation of political loyalty.

Ren is a term used to describe the ideal, inner orientation of a person. It can be translated variously as goodness, benevolence, humanity, and human-heartedness. Originally, it meant a kindness that distinguished a gentleman from his inferiors, but now it has a more universal meaning, referring to virtues that make the perfect human being. The multitude of meanings of ren has partially to do with difficulties in translating Chinese terms into English. In keeping with concerns already raised by Tu, the difficulty in translation is also related to the changing Confucian ideals. Just like many other religious traditions already discussed, Confucianism is dynamic and adaptive to societal needs.

Aside from these difficulties in translation, the fact is that Confucius’ concept of ren had an enormous impact on Chinese society. The ability for anyone to hone ren meant that moral character replaced birth as the criterion for being noble. The perfected being is a person who extends love to everybody whether or not love is returned, and as such, denotes a capability irrelevant to nobility by birth.

However, the ability for all to have ren does not mean that ren itself is universal. Ren is not simply an unquestioning love, but a discerning love, one that reserves special love for parents and kin. At the same time, this intimate love among family can be transferred to other aspects of society. For example, a man witnesses a child fall into a well. The first instinct is to save the child. This comes before any feelings of desire for praise, fear or blame. This act is conducted out of love for his neighbour.

Just as in the discussion on the five relationships, the family is the model for social behaviour within the context of ren, ideally creating a sense of community that can be likened to a very large, extended family. As in a family, one may not want to be kind all the time, but in order for the family to function harmoniously, one must put aside personal wants by way of honing ren. By considering ren as a virtue that contributes to human perfection, the individual takes responsibility for the ideal functioning of the group.

Li

It consists of two meanings:

  • “Propriety, correct moral and ceremonial order;” and

  • “principles, together with qi, material force.”

This section is concerned with the former meaning of the term.

Ritual propriety is not simply a matter of conducting rituals according to tradition. For example, in conducting sacrificial rites, li is not about one following the rules and regulations of that prescribed ritual, but is instead an emphasis on the inner disposition of the one practising that rite. Confucius argued that all ritual must be conducted with sincerity or the proper disposition. Conducting rituals without this positive frame of mind only means that, “ritual propriety becomes hypocrisy” (Analects 15:17). Confucius did not see the point in the external acts of ritual if one was not internally aware or ready to partake in those rituals.

Confucianism and gender

This section addresses gender in terms of Confucian rules and how they have traditionally impacted women. The discussion then moves from more traditional ideas found in Confucianism to modern interpretations of the role of women in Confucian society. The second section, in particular, outlines theoretical concerns in terms of women’s power within the household.

The three obediences

The role of women in Confucianism is problematic because of the value placed on hierarchical relationships. The hierarchy is, in theory, fixed and rigid. Those situated higher in the hierarchy, such as fathers, husbands, and rulers, had more rights and privileges. Those situated lower in the hierarchy were expected to be more dutiful and submissive, regardless of gender.

Over time, however, it was the women who were increasingly relegated to subordinate roles. For example, a woman’s primary obligation and duty was to provide her husband with a male heir while at the same time ensure the maintenance of the ancestral cults. Should she find herself unable to fulfill these functions, her husband could take on secondary wives. In order to justify this position, a woman’s place in Chinese society has been traditionally defined by the Three Obediences. They are as follows:

  1. She is to obey her father while she is at home.

  2. She is to obey her husband while she is married.

  3. She is to obey her son if widowed.

These rules are not unlike expectations for Hindu women in colonial India, where the female was defined strictly in relation to the role of her male counterpart. Interestingly, women usually enjoyed more freedom during periods of disunification, while under alien rule, or under the influence of non-Confucian teachings, due to the fact that decentralization meant a lack of hard and fast rules. By the Sung Dynasty (960–1280 CE), with the restoration of an ethnic Chinese dynasty as well as more ‘civilized’ moral principles, women became largely confined to the home. For example, although no law forbade a widow to remarry, women who lost their spouses were encouraged to remain unmarried, especially in certain schools of thought. In addition, female chastity in the form of loyalty to one’s husband paralleled a man’s political loyalty to one dynastic government.

Yet it is not enough to simply argue that women were always secondary to men, as the nature of relationships and gender is complex. Knapp (2005), for example, argues that women were included in acts of filial piety, but usually within families who had no son. Though she would not have performed tasks, such as looking after and protecting her parents if she had had a brother, the fact is she performed them if she had no son. For Knapp, there seemed to be little differentiation between sons and daughters until the creation of early medieval filial piety tales. In these texts, women had to prove themselves to be worthy by performing more extreme forms of filial piety than their male counterparts. Knapp argues that this had to do with the nature of the familial structure, as a bride lived with her husband’s family. As Knapp (2005) states: “Since they [women] abandoned their natal family and entered their husband’s family as strangers, females ultimately were viewed as more filially suspect than males. As a result, they had to go to greater lengths to establish their filiality (p.185). This in turn was a possible contributing factor to the secondary status of Chinese women within the Confucian tradition. This is because the ideal Confucian family did not account for the shift in perceived loyalties when a woman got married.

Confucianism and ritual practice

Confucianism thus far has been discussed in terms of ideas and ethical codes of conduct. However, as suggested in the discussion of the term li, Confucianism can also function as a ritual tradition. For example, Confucius noted the importance of adhering to both doctrine and ritual as part of proper behaviour in family and society. Below are some examples of how Confucian ideals were incorporated with earlier Chinese rituals.

The cult of heaven

This was an ancient Chinese religious practice that Confucians adopted and incorporated into their own system of thought. The phrase refers to annual sacrifices offered by an emperor to heaven and earth. In particular, it is associated with the Temple of Heaven, which originated during the time of the Ming Dynasty (1368–1661) and continued to exist up until the 20th century. Some designate this temple as a Confucian temple, rather than belonging to the cult of heaven, yet texts that existed at the time of Confucius point to the fact that ritual sacrifice to heaven existed prior to the Ming dynasty. The ritual, therefore, had existed before the time of Confucius. The sacrifice of burnt offerings was conducted in a private ceremony, as the population in general was not admitted to attend. Instead, it was viewed as the privilege and duty of the emperor to perform. Within the temple compound, the annual sacrifice took place during the winter solstice.

The cult of ancestors

Any religion that focuses so much on ancestors presupposes some belief in the afterlife. The Confucian belief was that a human being is comprised of two souls: an upper intellectual soul; and a lower animal soul. The hun becomes a spirit and ascends to the world above, while the lower soul becomes a ghost and descends with the body into the grave.

These services were held at ancestral temples, at gravesides, or at home. Wine and food was generally offered, accompanied by silent prostration in front of ancestral tablets. The idea was that the ancestors would taste the food before the whole family partook in the meal. The cult of the ancestors goes back to the very beginnings of Chinese religion, although originally it was exclusively reserved for nobility.

Confucian as a civil religion

Ritual in Confucianism also took a more public form, with feasts, rituals, dogmas and creeds used to celebrate civic values and traditions. State religion, which overlaps with Confucianism as the state ideology, actually embraces the tenets and practices of Daoism. Confucian teachings are oriented to improving the political order as a means of achieving human-heartedness. The teaching of ren is extended to the political order, where it is defined as benevolent government, a government of moral persuasion, in which the leader gives the example of personal integrity, and selfless devotion to the people.

Confucian teaching prompted generations of scholars to strive for participation in government, for the human is never regarded as dualistic, as matter and mind, body and soul. It is always accepted as one, as existing in society, and seen as striving as well for physical well-being, for social harmony, and for moral and spiritual perfection. While Confucian teachings were originally aimed at advising the rulers, they became increasingly applied to the training of those who would act as the rulers’ advisors. The Confucian tradition was to include political conservatives as well as moderate and radical performers; there were those whose priority was to serve the state; there were also those who remained independent of the state, while seeking to change or transform it. Confucian scholars were usually activists, by serving the government, advising and admonishing the ruler or engaging in reforms, or even protesting against tyranny through passive or active resistance.

Exercise #2 – Based on the textbook and course readings, would you classify Confucianism as a partriarchal system? Why or why not?

Terms to Know

Mandate of Heaven

Mencius

Han Dynasty

Five Classics

Xunzi

Six Dynasties Period

Filial Piety

Chi

Ban Zhao

Yin/Yang

Dao

Guanyin

Wu-wei

Inward Training

Highest Clarity school

Five relationships

Lao-Zu

Numinous Treasure school

Confucius

Zhuangzi

 

Study Questions

  1. How are women viewed in Confucianism and Daoism?

  2. What are the main goals of human life outlined by Confucius?

  3. What is the Mandate of Heaven?

  4. Explain the doctrine of complementarity.

  5. Describe the five relationships that make up the majority of human interaction according to Confucius.

  6. How did the philosophies of Mencius and Xunzi differ from Confucius?

  7. What are the two main branches of Daoism? Explain the differences.

  8. Outline the concept of wu-wei. Why is this concept not taken literaly but rather as a state of mind?

  9. What is the Dao? Explain the various ways in which the Dao is conceptualized in Daoism.

  10. What are some of the critiques leveled at Buddhism after this tradition was introduced in China?

  11. Which Chinese religious tradition was most prominent during the Han dynasty? Did this change during the Six Dynasties period?

  12. Name and explain the most central ideas found in Chinese Buddhism.

  13. Why did Buddhism fall out of favour toward the end of the Tang Dynasty? What action did the emperor take against institutional Buddhism?

  14. What happen to religion in China after the Maoist Cultural Revolution?

  15. Explain this motto popular during the Han Dynasty: Economic prosperity is the basis for morality and ethics.

  16. Explain how Daoism, Shamanism, Buddhism, and Confucianism have all contributed to religious identity in Korea.

  17. How is the role of women understood in both Daoism and Confucianism?

Suggested readings

Ching, J. (1993). Chinese religions. NY: Orbis Books.

Despeux, C., & L. Kohn. (2003). Women in Daoism. Cambridge: Three Pines Press.

Ebrey, P. (2000). Foreword. In C. Li. (Ed.), The sage and the second sex, Confucianism, ethics, and gender
Chicago and La Salle, IL: Open Court.

Goffman, K., & Joy, D. (2004). Leap into the boundless: Taoism. Counterculture through the ages, from Abraham to Acid House
New York: Villard.

Knapp, K. N. (2005). Selfless offspring, filial children and social order in medieval China.
. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

Molloy, M. (2005). Experiencing the world’s religions, tradition, challenge, and change (3rd ed.).
New York: McGraw-Hill.

Neville, R. C. (2000). Boston Confucianism, portable tradition in the late-modern world.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Thompson, L. G. (1975). Chinese religion: An introduction (2nd ed.). California: Dickenson Publishing.

Tu, W. (2000). “Foreword,” Boston Confucianism, portable tradition in the late-modern world,
Robert Cummings Neville, NY: SUNY.

Wing-tsit, C. (1963). A sourcebook in Chinese philosophy. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Go to top

Copyright © (2016). Minor revisions (2016) All rights reserved. No part of the material protected by this copyright may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior written permission from the copyright owner.