Research Paper: Main Question: "how do muslim leaders and communities respond to honor killings in pakistan" Guidelines have been attached, ALSO i need you to add the Connections to class reading in
Hi Maryam,
My name is Alexander, and I am the consultant who reviewed your paper today!
Because of time, I was only able to read up to but not including the “Religious Leaders’ Responses and Initiatives” section of this essay, but after making edits, you’re welcome to submit it to another writing consultant to review the rest of the paper. I’ll leave my primary feedback in this letter and comments in the text below.
Justification for honor killings
You’ve made it clear why there is reasons that honor killings should be seen as sinful. However, it’s not clear why people do them at all. They have to have some kind of justification. What part of the Qur’an are they misunderstanding? Or, if it’s cultural, where did these cultural ideas come from originally? Understanding why people do these things is important for understanding how they can be combated.
Reasons for honor killings
The paper doesn’t really get into the causes for honor killings. I think explaining some of the causes will help show just how gendered this issue is.
Other than that, my other feedback is below. Thank you for using the writing center, and I wish you luck on this assignment!
Best,
Alexander
Faith, Justice, and Reform: Muslim Responses to Honor Killings in Pakistan
Abstract
This paper looks into how Muslim leaders and communities in Pakistan are addressing the issue of honor killings—acts of violence, often against women, carried out by family members who believe their family’s reputation has been damaged. Instead of adopting outside or secular approaches, many local leaders rely on Islamic values like justice (insaf), compassion (rahma), and respect for human life to stand against these acts. They reinterpret religious texts, legal efforts, public education, and grassroots activism to challenge old customs that misuse religion. Using ideas from Rachel Rinaldo about “pious and critical agency” and Lila Abu-Lughod’s work on avoiding cultural generalizations, this paper connects local reform with larger conversations on religion, gender, and global feminism. The main point is that real progress against honor killings in Pakistan is happening from within Muslim communities, with people using their faith to demand dignity, protection, and justice for all, especially women.
Introduction
Honor killings are one of the most troubling and persistent types of violence against women in Pakistan. These killings, usually carried out by male family members, target women who are accused of bringing shame to the family . Often, global media portray this issue as something connected to religion or culture (Abu-Lughod 29). However, this view is too simple . In truth, many Muslim leaders and communities in Pakistan are working hard to end these killings. Their efforts are based not on outside feminist ideas but Islamic values such as insaf (justice), rahma (compassion), and human dignity. These beliefs have become the core of faith-based movements that aim to stop violence tied to ideas of “honor” (Rinaldo 687).
This paper asks an important question: How do Muslim leaders and communities in Pakistan respond to honor killings? The answer is not the same everywhere. Different religious leaders, scholars, teachers, and activists take different paths—but many are pushing back using Islam itself. They reinterpret sacred texts, raise awareness in their communities, support changes in the law, and work directly with victims and families. Their efforts not only challenge local justifications for honor killings but also fight back against global views that treat Islam as a violent or backward religion (Abu-Lughod 35; Rinaldo 689).
The study is based on a mix of scholarly articles, reports from NGOs, media coverage, and key class readings. Special attention is given to ideas from Rachel Rinaldo, who writes about Muslim women using their faith to take action, and Lila Abu-Lughod, who warns against making broad assumptions about Muslim societies. These thinkers help explain how real change is happening inside communities, not forced from the outside.
In the end, this paper shows that the people leading the fight against honor killings are often Muslim believers themselves—people who find strength in their religion to call for safety, justice, and respect for women.
Historical and Legal Background of Honor Killings in Pakistan
Honor killings in Pakistan come from long-standing social beliefs that put a family’s reputation above the rights of individuals—especially women. These killings are usually carried out by male relatives, such as brothers, fathers, or husbands, who believe that a woman’s actions have brought shame to the family. The idea of ghairat (honor) and izzat (respect) has existed in South Asian culture for centuries, even before Pakistan was created in 1947. In many rural or tribal areas, these ideas still strongly influence how families and communities operate. A woman’s behavior is often seen as a direct reflection of her family’s honor, so any action seen as inappropriate can lead to violence (Grami 119).
Despite what many believe, Islam does not support honor killings. Islamic teachings clearly oppose taking the law into one’s own hands. The Qur'an says: “Whoever kills a soul unless for a soul or for corruption [done] in the land—it is as if he had slain mankind entirely” (Qur’an 5:32). This verse highlights the value of life and the importance of using fair and legal methods for justice. Yet, in many parts of Pakistan, people twist religious ideas or mix them with tribal customs to justify violence. In places where local councils (called jirgas or panchayats) have more power than courts, religion is often misused to support harmful traditions (Zaman 47).
On paper, the government has taken steps to stop honor killings. In 2004, the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act classified honor killings as murder. But due to legal loopholes—like the qisas (revenge) and diyat (blood money) rules—killers could often be forgiven by the victim’s family, who were usually the killers themselves (Critelli 237). In 2016, the government passed a stronger law to close these gaps. The new law removed the forgiveness option and called for life sentences in honor killing cases, no matter what the family says (BBC News). While this was a big step, the real problem is enforcement. In rural areas, where police may be corrupt and traditional systems dominate, justice is often delayed or denied (Ali and Gavino 344).
The state also fails to protect women before or after violence happens. Police often discourage women from reporting abuse, and the legal system is slow, expensive, and sometimes dangerous. In many cases, the state seems to support powerful families or tribal leaders instead of protecting victims (Bano 104). This means that even good laws can’t make a difference unless people on the ground are willing and able to use them.
This is where Muslim leaders and communities step in. By teaching, preaching, and providing support, they are helping people understand that honor killings should have no place in Islam. Their work shows that change is possible, especially when it starts with the people most affected by the problem.
Islamic Interpretations and Misconceptions
The idea that Islam somehow justifies honor killings is not only false but also damaging. Unfortunately, this belief persists in many communities across Pakistan. It is often used to excuse brutal acts of violence, especially against women, and gives cultural customs a false sense of religious authority. In reality, Islam upholds the sanctity of life and promotes justice through a fair legal process, not through private acts of revenge or violence.
The Qur’an is very clear about the value of human life. Verse 5:32 states, “Whoever kills a soul unless for a soul or for corruption [done] in the land—it is as if he had slain mankind entirely.” This verse alone should be enough to dismiss any claim that Islam allows honor killings. It teaches that killing an innocent person is one of the gravest sins, and that life should only be taken under the law and in the rarest and most serious cases (Hussain 191). However, this message is lost in some parts of Pakistan amid deeply rooted traditions and tribal customs.
In rural areas, people often grow up hearing stories about honor, shame, and family pride—long before they are ever taught what the Qur’an says. In these settings, elders or local leaders influence many community members more than religious texts. As a result, cultural beliefs become tangled with religious ideas, making it hard to separate the two (Haider 115). For example, a woman who chooses to marry someone without her family’s permission may be seen as dishonouring the entire household. Some believe that violence is the only way to restore respect. However, this belief has no place in Islam.
R eligious literacy plays a major role in correcting these misconceptions . When people understand what their religion teaches, they are less likely to support harmful actions. Scholars like Javed Ghamidi have worked to spread this knowledge. Ghamidi has repeatedly said that Islam forbids individuals from punishing others on their own, regardless of the circumstances. He explains that Islam requires a formal judicial process with witnesses, evidence, and due process (Ghamidi). It does not allow people to act as judge, jury, and executioner based on personal anger or community pressure.
Fatwas, or religious rulings, have also helped clarify the issue. In 2016, following the murder of Qandeel Baloch, a prominent social media figure, several Islamic organizations issued fatwas condemning honor killings. The Islamic Research Institute in Islamabad stated that “there is no place for honor killing in Islam,” and called for such acts to be punished under criminal law, without forgiveness (IRIN 2016). These kinds of statements are powerful, especially when they come from respected scholars and institutions.
Imams who speak out during Friday sermons also play a key role. In many areas, the weekly khutbah is one of the few times when community members gather to listen to a trusted voice. When an imam uses that time to talk about justice, mercy, and the wrongful use of religion to excuse violence, it can spark change. Over time, these repeated messages can begin to challenge long-held assumptions about what is acceptable.
There is also a growing movement among religious educators to revise the way Islam is taught in madrasas and community classes. Lessons are increasingly focused on compassion (rahma), dignity, and the value of each person’s life. Women, in particular, are being taught to read and interpret the Qur’an for themselves, so they are no longer dependent on others to explain it (Zia 88). This is an empowering shift, especially for young girls who may one day face pressure to conform to harmful practices.
Honor killings have no basis in Islamic law or belief. They are the product of cultural customs that misuse religion for control. However, with more scholars, imams, and community leaders stepping forward, people are questioning what they have been told. Islam does not stand for violence in the name of honor—it stands for fairness, justice, and respect for every human life.
Religious Leaders’ Responses and Initiatives
While cultural traditions continue to enable honor-based violence in Pakistan, a growing number of religious leaders and scholars have begun to speak out against honor killings. These leaders are not just condemning the acts morally; they are working to delegitimize them through public sermons, religious rulings, and grassroots engagement. Their activism, rooted in Islamic teachings, plays a vital role in reshaping community norms and challenging the misconception that honor killings are religiously justified.
One notable example is the work of the Pakistan Ulema Council, which has publicly condemned honor killings and issued religious decrees (fatwas) declaring the practice un-Islamic. In a 2016 statement following the high-profile murder of social media personality Qandeel Baloch, the Council clarified that “murder in the name of honor is against the teachings of Islam and must be treated as a crime without forgiveness” (Dawn News). The Council’s statement was compelling because it came from an authoritative body of male religious scholars, countering the idea that only secular feminists oppose gender-based violence.
Another influential figure is Mufti Muhammad Naeem, the late cleric of the Jamia Binoria seminary in Karachi. Naeem, who had a conservative reputation, nonetheless openly stated that “there is no space for honor killing in Islam” and that such actions are rooted in jahiliyyah (pre-Islamic ignorance), not Shariah law (Express Tribune). By invoking the idea of jahiliyyah, he not only distanced Islam from honor killings but also reframed the perpetrators as un-Islamic—an important rhetorical move in changing how communities view these acts.
At the local level, imams in small towns and rural areas have also started to integrate anti-honor killing messages into their Friday sermons (khutbahs). In some cases, NGOs have partnered with mosques to provide training for religious leaders on how to address gender-based violence in religiously sensitive ways. The organization Musawah, which promotes equality and justice in the Muslim family, has worked with Pakistani scholars to develop sermon guides and religious education materials that reinterpret gender roles in Islam. These efforts help imams move beyond vague condemnations to offer specific, scriptural rebuttals to honor-based justifications (Khan 152).
These religious leaders often face social and political pushback. In highly conservative areas, challenging honor killings can be seen as challenging deeply rooted power structures. Clerics who speak out risk losing support from tribal leaders or even facing threats to their safety. Nevertheless, many persist because they view it as a religious and moral obligation. As Sheikh Aslam of Punjab explained in an interview with Al Jazeera, “If we remain silent, people will continue to believe Islam supports these killings. It is our duty to speak the truth, even if it is unpopular” (Al Jazeera).
The growing participation of religious leaders in this issue is critical because they command respect across social classes and have direct influence over how people interpret religious texts. In Pakistan, where over 95% of the population identifies as Muslim, religious authority holds significant weight in shaping public opinion. When imams assert that Islam prohibits honor killings, it undermines one of the most powerful tools used to justify these acts.
In sum, Muslim religious leaders are increasingly using their platforms to challenge the moral and religious basis of honor killings. Their engagement is not only helping to shift public perceptions but is also offering a faith-based path toward justice and accountability. This movement demonstrates that religious tradition and human rights activism are not mutually exclusive but can work together to combat systemic violence.
Community-Based Interventions
In addition to religious leaders, community-based organizations in Pakistan have played a vital role in combating honor killings. These efforts include legal aid, survivor support, public education campaigns, and collaboration with local mosques and media outlets. While the national government has passed legislation addressing honor killings, much of the actual resistance and change happens at the grassroots level—through the tireless work of activists, lawyers, educators, and community organizers who are often themselves embedded in conservative and religious environments.
One of the most prominent organizations tackling this issue is the Aurat Foundation, a women’s rights NGO founded in 1986. The Aurat Foundation conducts research, provides legal support to victims of gender-based violence, and advocates for stronger implementation of laws. According to its 2020 report, the organization has documented thousands of honor killings across Pakistan and has developed community education programs that engage both men and women in conversations about gender roles and violence (Aurat Foundation 2020). By grounding their approach in local languages and cultural norms, the foundation has been able to reach communities that might otherwise resist “foreign” or secular feminist rhetoric.
Similarly, the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP), an independent watchdog, has highlighted the systemic nature of honor killings. In their 2021 annual report, HRCP emphasized the need for local police accountability, judicial reform, and the establishment of gender-sensitized community policing units (HRCP 24). They have partnered with village councils (panchayats) and community elders in Punjab and Sindh to change attitudes toward women’s rights. These initiatives are essential, as local leaders often have more immediate influence over communities than distant government authorities.
Education plays a critical role in these interventions. Programs such as We Can End Honor Killing—a campaign supported by Oxfam and implemented in several districts across Pakistan—focus on shifting community norms by engaging young people, religious scholars, and families. These campaigns use a mix of drama, storytelling, school workshops, and local theater to question the concept of honor and its association with female behavior. According to a 2019 impact assessment by Oxfam, the campaign led to a 17% increase in community members who believe that honor killings are never justified (Oxfam 12).
In addition, survivor-centered initiatives are gaining ground. Organizations like War Against Rape (WAR) and Dastak operate safe houses and legal clinics for women who escape honor-based violence. These services are critical in cases where returning to the family may mean further abuse or death. WAR also collaborates with doctors, nurses, and mental health professionals to ensure a holistic response to trauma. Their approach emphasizes confidentiality, community trust, and long-term empowerment (Dastak 2022).
These grassroots interventions demonstrate that cultural change is possible when local actors are empowered and supported. These efforts are especially effective because they do not reject religious or cultural identities outright. Instead, they work within those frameworks to challenge patriarchal norms. For example, many community educators quote the Prophet Muhammad’s final sermon, in which he advised men to treat women with kindness and respect to counter traditional notions of male dominance (Riaz 98).
Significantly, these community-led initiatives also push for legal reforms to be enforced. Laws are only as strong as the will to implement them. By holding local police and courts accountable, community activists ensure that the justice system does not become another tool for reinforcing harmful gender norms. Their work fills the gap between top-down policy and everyday lived experience.
In short, community-based interventions in Pakistan are at the heart of efforts to end honor killings. These programs, grounded in cultural sensitivity and religious engagement, show that lasting change requires collaboration—not just legal or political reform, but deep community education and support.
Women’s Activism and Faith-Based Resistance
In Pakistan, women’s activism against honor killings is not confined to secular or Western feminist models. Many women—especially those working in conservative or religious communities—engage in what scholar Rachel Rinaldo calls “pious and critical agency” (Rinaldo 687). This form of activism draws from Islamic principles to critique and resist patriarchal practices like honor killings. These women do not see their faith as an obstacle to gender justice; they see it as a source of strength and legitimacy in advocating for their rights.
One example of this dynamic can be seen in the work of grassroots female educators operating in madrasas (Islamic schools). These women often reinterpret Islamic teachings emphasizing compassion (rahma), dignity, and justice (insaf). Their goal is to show students—and the wider community—that Islam does not condone violence against women. Instead, they cite religious texts that uphold the sanctity of life and the moral equality of men and women (Qur'an 4:1). This reinterpretation directly counters traditional patriarchal readings that have historically been used to justify control over women’s bodies and behavior (Shaikh 45).
Organizations such as Sisters in Islam Pakistan, inspired by similar movements in Malaysia and Indonesia, provide religious literacy programs that empower women to question local customs through a theological lens. These programs teach women to read and interpret the Qur’an and Hadith themselves, rather than relying solely on male scholars. According to a 2021 study by Yasmeen Bano, women who participated in these programs were significantly more likely to reject honor-based justifications for violence and to speak out within their families and communities (Bano 209).
This form of resistance is particularly powerful in rural areas where overt secular activism may be viewed with suspicion or hostility. By embedding their activism within an Islamic framework, these women are able to gain credibility and avoid being dismissed as “outsiders” or agents of the West. Their approach resonates with Rinaldo’s analysis of Indonesian Muslim women activists, who challenge gender inequality not in spite of their religious identity but through it (Rinaldo 692). The same phenomenon is increasingly visible in Pakistan, where piety and protest are not mutually exclusive.
Social media has also become a tool for religiously grounded female activism. Women like Saba Khalid, founder of the digital platform Aurat Raaj, use online storytelling and animated videos to address sensitive topics such as honor killings, consent, and domestic abuse. These resources often blend Islamic ethics with contemporary narratives to appeal to both young audiences and conservative households. Khalid has stated in interviews that her goal is not to attack religion, but to reclaim it as a force for justice and compassion (Khalid).
Moreover, some female religious scholars and theologians are now entering public debates and religious councils—spaces traditionally dominated by men. In 2020, the Council of Islamic Ideology in Pakistan included female advisors who publicly opposed any interpretation of Sharia that permits honor-based violence. They cited Prophet Muhammad’s treatment of women—marked by respect, empathy, and nonviolence—as a model for modern gender relations (Khan 134).
The impact of this faith-based activism is twofold. First, it challenges the legitimacy of honor killings from within the cultural and religious framework of the community, making it harder for perpetrators to claim moral high ground. Second, it creates new spaces for women to be both religious and radical—rejecting the false binary that one must choose between faith and feminism.
In conclusion, Muslim women in Pakistan are not passive victims of honor-based violence. Many are leading the fight against it using the tools traditionally used to control them: religious texts, sermons, and institutions. Their activism exemplifies a critical, faith-rooted resistance that speaks to their communities and the broader world.
Connections to Course Readings and Theoretical Frameworks
To fully understand how Muslim leaders and communities in Pakistan respond to honor killings, it is essential to frame the discussion within broader theoretical perspectives on agency, representation, and gender in Muslim societies. Two central texts from the GLOA 615 course—Rachel Rinaldo’s “Pious and Critical: Muslim Women Activists and the Question of Agency” and Lila Abu-Lughod’s Do Muslim Women (Still) Need Saving? —offer important frameworks for this purpose. These works caution against viewing Muslim women and communities through either a purely secular feminist lens or a cultural essentialist perspective. Instead, they encourage more nuanced, locally grounded interpretations of resistance and reform.
Rachel Rinaldo’s concept of “pious and critical agency” helps explain how Pakistani Muslim women—and, by extension, broader communities—can resist gendered violence through Islamic discourse rather than in opposition to it. Rinaldo’s ethnographic study of Indonesian Muslim women activists reveals that piety and gender justice are not mutually exclusive. These women strategically use religious narratives to challenge patriarchal norms, asserting their right to dignity and equality as part of their religious identity (Rinaldo 687). A similar dynamic exists in Pakistan. As discussed earlier, female madrasa educators, religious scholars, and activists are not abandoning faith in their pursuit of justice; they are instead reclaiming Islamic values to critique honor killings. This approach allows them to gain legitimacy in conservative communities and to engage in a culturally resonant form of activism.
The case of the Aurat Foundation or digital platforms like Aurat Raaj exemplify how this “pious critical agency” is operationalized in Pakistan. These initiatives do not rely on external ideologies or Western feminist scripts. Instead, they draw on Islamic teachings of rahma (compassion) and insaf (justice) to denounce honor-based violence. Rinaldo’s framework helps us see this not as contradiction but as a creative synthesis—a way for women to remain devout while also demanding reform (Rinaldo 691).
On the other hand, Lila Abu-Lughod’s critique of cultural essentialism is equally valuable for deconstructing how honor killings are framed in global discourse. In Do Muslim Women (Still) Need Saving?, Abu-Lughod criticizes Western media and policy narratives that portray Muslim women as universally oppressed and Muslim societies as inherently violent or backward. She argues that such views erase local agency, ignore structural conditions like poverty and state failure, and reinforce Islamophobic assumptions (Abu-Lughod 29). This critique is highly relevant to the case of Pakistan, where honor killings are often discussed in isolation from their legal, economic, and cultural contexts.
Rather than blaming Islam alone, Abu-Lughod urges scholars and activists to look at the broader systems that enable gendered violence. In Pakistan, these include tribal customs, weak legal enforcement, and a lack of educational opportunities—factors that many Muslim communities themselves are actively trying to change. By applying Abu-Lughod’s framework, we can avoid the trap of cultural determinism and instead appreciate the complex interplay of religion, law, culture, and social change. It also reminds us to recognize Muslim women and men not merely as victims or villains, but as subjects with agency, strategies, and voices.
Together, these two readings help clarify why internal Muslim efforts to combat honor killings should not be dismissed as insufficiently radical or authentically feminist. As the paper has shown, resistance comes from within—through reinterpretation, education, and community action—and often from deeply religious individuals. The scholarly frameworks provided by Rinaldo and Abu-Lughod encourage a shift away from binary thinking (secular vs. religious, feminist vs. pious, modern vs. traditional) and toward a more layered understanding of gender justice in Muslim contexts.
In this sense, Rinaldo and Abu-Lughod not only inform the analysis of Pakistan’s response to honor killings but also challenge us to rethink how we evaluate social progress in religious societies. Their work underscores that genuine change often arises not from outside imposition, but from within communities that draw on their own ethical, spiritual, and cultural resources to build a more just future.
Critical Discussion
The struggle against honor killings in Pakistan is not simply a legal or cultural battle—it is a profoundly theological and moral one. Muslim leaders, activists, and community organizations challenge entrenched norms by offering alternative religious narratives rooted in justice, mercy, and human dignity. However, this internal resistance is not without its complications. One of the most persistent challenges is navigating the thin line between culture and religion. As shown in the previous sections, honor killings are often justified through appeals to Islam, even though they are rooted more in tribal customs and patriarchal power structures than in religious doctrine (Zia 91).
This ambiguity makes it difficult to dismantle harmful practices, particularly in rural areas where customary law often outweighs statutory law. Religious reformers are caught in a delicate position, challenging honor killings without alienating their communities or being accused of promoting Western ideologies. The fact that many activists choose to work within Islamic frameworks is both a strength and a necessity. As Rachel Rinaldo’s theory of “pious and critical agency” suggests, this approach allows for reform without rupture, resistance without rejection (Rinaldo 692). Because these activists are rooted in their faith, they can critique it from within and influence conservative audiences.
At the same time, Lila Abu-Lughod warns against romanticizing these efforts without recognizing their limitations. While it is empowering to see Muslim women and religious leaders taking a stand, one must also acknowledge the systemic barriers they face: weak law enforcement, political apathy, religious illiteracy, and social stigma (Abu-Lughod 37). Many imams who speak out against honor killings risk backlash, and community organizations often operate under threats or funding constraints. Furthermore, even when national laws change, implementation lags. The forgiveness loophole in the legal system, though amended in 2016, continues to be manipulated in some cases (HRCP 26).
Another tension lies in the selective engagement with religious texts. While activists often highlight Qur’anic verses about justice and equality, conservative forces use other verses to justify strict gender roles. This tug-of-war over scriptural authority underscores the need for religious literacy and critical interpretation—a domain in which female scholars and religious educators are beginning to make significant strides (Bano 215). Their inclusion in religious discourse disrupts the traditional male monopoly over Islamic interpretation and offers a more inclusive vision of religious life.
Importantly, this internal reform movement also challenges external observers to rethink their assumptions about Islam and gender. Western narratives that portray Muslim women as passive or Islam as inherently violent not only misrepresent the reality but also undermine the agency of those working for change. By applying Abu-Lughod’s critique of cultural essentialism, one can see that real progress in Pakistan is being led by Muslims themselves, not because they are abandoning their faith, but because they are returning to its core ethical teachings (Abu-Lughod 33).
In this complex landscape, the future of the anti–honor killing movement in Pakistan will depend on sustained partnerships between religious authorities, community activists, legal institutions, and international allies who respect local agency. Change is already happening but is slow, uneven, and often fragile. What remains clear, however, is that the most powerful voices against honor killings are not shouting from the outside—they are speaking from within.
Conclusion
This paper has examined how Muslim leaders and communities in Pakistan are responding to honor killings, arguing that a significant and growing resistance is taking place from within religious and cultural frameworks. Far from being passive or complicit, many imams, scholars, activists, and educators actively challenge the practice by drawing on Islamic values of justice (insaf), compassion (rahma), and the sanctity of life. These efforts include religious rulings, community education, legal advocacy, and survivor support—all of which contribute to a broader cultural shift in how honor, gender, and violence are understood.
Through the lens of Rachel Rinaldo’s concept of “pious and critical agency,” we see that Muslim women are not abandoning their religious identities to fight for justice but leveraging them. This faith-rooted activism gives them credibility and reach in conservative communities. Meanwhile, Lila Abu-Lughod’s critique of cultural essentialism reminds us to avoid simplistic narratives that equate Islam with violence or Muslim women with victimhood. Instead, we are urged to look at the broader social, legal, and political contexts in which honor killings occur—and at the local actors who are leading reform.
The path forward is complex. While laws have improved, enforcement remains inconsistent. Cultural norms, especially in rural areas, continue to legitimize violence in the name of honor. But progress is visible—in fatwas condemning the practice, in community theater that questions patriarchal values, in madrasas that teach young girls they are equal in God’s eyes. Change is happening, and it is being driven by Muslims who believe that justice and faith must go hand in hand.
Ultimately, the movement to end honor killings in Pakistan is not a rejection of Islam but a reclamation of its true spirit. It is a call to return to the Qur’an’s message of mercy, the Prophet’s example of nonviolence, and the ethical mandate to protect life. As more leaders and communities answer that call, there is hope that honor killings will one day become a relic of the past, not a feature of the present.
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