Primary Source Documents After reading the three primary source documents labeled #1, write an essay that engages with how some Americans thought about race in the American South after the Civil War. What do these documents say about both white and Afric

A word as to the charge itself. In considering the third reason assigned by the Southern white people for the butchery of

blacks, the question must be asked, what the white man means when he charges the black man with rape. Does he mean

the crime which the statutes of the states describe as such? Not by any means. With the Southern white man, any misal-

liance existing between a white woman and a colored man is a sufficient foundation for the charge of rape. The southern

white man says that it is impossible for a voluntary alliance to exist between a white woman and a colored man, and

therefore, the fact of an alliance is a proof of force. In numerous instances where colored men have been lynched on the

charge of rape, it was positively known at the time of lynching, and indisputably proven after the victim’s death, that the

relationship sustained between the man and the woman was voluntary and clandestine, and that in no court of law could

even the charge of assault have been successfully maintained.

It was for the assertion of this fact, in the defense of her own race, that the writer hereof became an exile; her

property destroyed and her return to her home forbidden under penalty of death, for writing the following editorial which

was printed in her paper, the , in Memphis, Tenn., May 21, 1892:

“Eight Negroes lynched since last issue of the one at Little Rock, Ark., last Saturday morning where

the citizens broke (?) into the penitentiary and got their man; three near Anniston, Ala., one near New Orleans; and three

at Clarksville, Ga.; the last three for killing a white man, and five on the same old racket-the new alarm about raping white

women. The same programme of hanging, then shooting bullets into the lifeless bodies was carried out to the letter. Nobody

in this section of the country believes in the old threadbare lie that Negro men rape white women. If Southern white men

are not careful, they will overreach themselves and public sentiment will have a reaction; a conclusion will then be reached

which will be very damaging to the moral reputation of their women.”

But threats cannot suppress the truth, and while the Negro suffers the soul deformity, resultant from two and a half

centuries of slavery, he is no more guilty of this vilest of all vile charges than the white man who would blacken his

name.

During all the years of slavery, no such charge was ever made, not even during the dark days of the rebellion. . .

. While the master was away fighting to forge the fetters upon the slave, he left his wife and children with no protectors

save the Negroes themselves. . . .

Likewise during the period of alleged “insurrection,” and alarming “race riots,” it never occurred to the white man

that his wife and children were in danger of assault. Nor in the Reconstruction era, when the hue and cry was against

“Negro Domination,” was there ever a thought that the domination would ever contaminate a fireside or strike toward the

virtue of womanhood. . . .

It is not the purpose of this defense to say one word against the white women of the South. Such need not be said,

but it is their misfortune that the . . . white men of that section . . . to justify their own barbarism . . . assume a chivalry

which they do not possess. True chivalry respects all womanhood, and no one who reads the record, as it is written in the

faces of the million mulattos in the South, will for a minute conceive that the southern white man had a very chivalrous

regard for the honor due the women of his race, or respect for the womanhood which circumstances placed in his power.

. . . Virtue knows no color line, and the chivalry which depends on complexion of skin and texture of hair can command

no honest respect.

When emancipation came to the Negroes . . . from every nook and corner of the North, brave young white women

. . . left their cultured homes, their happy associations and their lives of ease, and with heroic determination went to the

South to carry light and truth to the benighted blacks. . . . They became the social outlaws in the South. The peculiar sen-

sitiveness of the southern white men for women, never shed its protecting influence about them. No friendly word from

their own race cheered them in their work; no hospitable doors gave them the companionship like that from which they had

come. No chivalrous white man doffed his hat in honor or respect. They were “Nigger teachers”-unpardonable offenders

in the social ethics of the South, and were insulted, persecuted and ostracized, not by Negroes, but by the white manhood

which boasts of its chivalry toward women.

And yet these northern women worked on, year after year. . . . Threading their way through dense forests, working

in schoolhouses, in the cabin and in the church, thrown at all times and in all places among the unfortunate and lowly

Negroes, whom they had come to find and to serve, these northern women, thousands and thousands of them, have spent

more than a quarter of a century in giving the colored people their splendid lessons for home and heart and soul. Without

protection, save that which innocence gives to every good woman, they went about their work, fearing no assault and suf-

fering none. Their chivalrous protectors were hundreds of miles away in their northern homes, and yet they never feared

any “great dark-faced mobs.” . . . They never complained of assaults, and no mob was ever called into existence to avenge

crimes against them. Before the world adjudges the Negro a moral monster, a vicious assailant of womanhood and a menace to the sacred precincts of home, the colored people ask the consideration of the silent record of gratitude, respect,

protection and devotion of the millions of the race in the South, to the thousands of northern white women who have

served as teachers and missionaries since the war. . . .

These pages are written in no spirit of vindictiveness. . . . We plead not for the colored people alone, but for all

victims of the terrible injustice which puts men and women to death without form of law. During the year 1894, there were

132 persons executed in the United States by due form of law, while in the same year, 197 persons were put to death by

mobs, who gave the victims no opportunity to make a lawful defense. No comment need be made upon a condition of

public sentiment responsible for such alarming results.