History from 1945-Present Discussion week 1

The Truman Doctrine, from Sage American History , is available under a Creative Commons Attribution -

The Truman Doctrine

March 12, 1947

President Harry S. Truman learned most of what he knew about the Cold War on the job, starting with

his meeting with Stalin at Potsdam outside Berlin in July, 1945. By 1947 he, like many Americans, saw

Commun ism as a threat to international peace and stability that had to be contained. Here is the speech

to Congress in which he outlined his "containment doctrine."

The gravity of the situation which confronts the world today necessitates my appearance before a joint

session of the Congress. The foreign policy and the national security of this country are involved. One

aspect of the present situation, which I wish to present to you at this time for your consideration and

decision, concerns Greece and Turkey.

The United States has received from the Greek Government an urgent appeal for financial and economic

assistance. Preliminary reports from the American Economic Mission now in Greece and reports from

the American Ambassador in Greece corroborate the statement o f the Greek Government that

assistance is imperative if Greece is to survive as a free nation.

I do not believe that the American people and the Congress wish to turn a deaf ear to the appeal of the

Greek Government.

The very existence of the Greek state is today threatened by the terrorist activities of several thousand

armed men, led by Communists, who defy the Government's authority at a number of points,

particularly along the northern boundaries. A commission appointed by the United Nations Security

Co uncil is at present investigating disturbed conditions in Northern Greece and alleged border violations

along the frontiers between Greece on the one hand and Albania, Bulgaria and Yugoslavia on the other.

Meanwhile, the Greek Government is unable to cope with the situation. The Greek Army is small and

poorly equipped. It needs supplies and equipment if it is to restore the authority to the Government

throughout Greek territory.

Greece must have assistance if it is to become a self -supporting and self -respe cting democracy. The

United States must supply this assistance. We have already extended to Greece certain types of relief

and economic aid but these are inadequate. There is no other country to which democratic Greece can

turn. No other nation is willing and able to provide the necessary support for a democratic Greek

Government.

The British Government, which has been helping Greece, can give no further financial or economic aid

after March 31. Great Britain finds itself under the necessity of reducing or liquidating its commitments

in several parts of the world, including Greece.

0014 We have considered how the United Nations might assist in this crisis, But the situation is an urgent one

requiring immediate action, and the United Nations and its related organizations are not in a position to

extend help of the kind that is required. . . .

Greece's neighbor, Turkey, also deserves our attention. The future of Turkey as an independent and

economically sound state is clearly no less important to the freedom -loving peoples of the world than

the future of Greece. The circumstances in which Turkey finds itself today are considerably different

from those of Greece. Turkey has been spared the disasters that have beset Greece. And during the war,

the United States and Great Britain furnished Turkey with material aid. Nevertheless, Turkey now needs

our support.

Since the war Turkey has sought additional financial assistance from Great Britain and the United States

for the purpose of effecting the modernization necessary for the maintenance of its national integrity.

That integrity is essential to the preservation of order in the Middle East.

The British Government has informed us that, owing to its own difficulties, it can no longer extend

financial or economic aid to Turkey . As in the case of Greece, if Turkey is to have the assistance it needs,

the United States must supply it. We are the only country able to provide that help.

I am fully aware of the broad implications involved if the United States extends assistance to Greece and

Turkey, and I shall discuss these implications with you at this time.

One of the primary objectives of the foreign policy of the United States is the creation of conditions in

which we and other nations will be able to work out a way of life free from coercion. This was a

fundamental issue in the war with Germany and Japan. Our victory was won over countries which

sought to impose their will, and their way of life, upon other nations.

To ensure the peaceful development of nations, free from coercion, the United States has taken a

leading part in establishing the United Nations. The United Nations is designed to make possible lasting

freedom and independence for all its members. We shall not realize our objectives, however, unless we

are willing to help free peoples to maintain their free institutions and their national integrity against

aggressive movements that seek to impose on them totalitarian regimes. This is no more than a frank

recognition that totalitarian regimes imposed on free peoples, by direct or indirect aggression,

undermine the foundations of international peace and hence the security of the United States.

The peoples of a number of countries of the world have recently had totalitarian regimes forced upon

them against their will. The Government of the United States has made frequent protests against

coercion and intimidation, in violation of the Yalta Agreement, in Poland, Rumania and Bulgaria. I must

also state that in a number of other countries there have been similar developments.

A t the present moment in world history nearly every nation must choose between alternative ways of

life. The choice is too often not a free one.

0015 One way of life is based upon the will of the majority, and is distinguished by free institutions,

representative government, free elections, guarantees of individual liberty, freedom of speech and

religion, and freedom from political oppression.

The second way of life is based upon the will of the minority forcibly imposed upon the majority. It relies

upon terror and oppression, a controlled press and radio, fixed elections, and the suppression of

personal freedoms.

I believe that it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting

attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outs ide pressures,

I believe that we must assist free peoples to work out their own destinies in their own way.

I believe that our help should be primarily through economic and financial aid which is essential to

economic stability and orderly political proces ses,

The world is not static, and the status quo is not sacred. But we cannot allow changes in the status quo

in violation of the charter of the United Nations by such methods as coercion, or by such subterfuges as

political infiltration. In helping free and independent nations to maintain their freedom, the United

States will be giving effect to the principles of the charter of the United Nations,

It is necessary only to glance at a map to realize that the survival and integrity of the Greek nation are of

grave importance in a much wider situation. If Greece should fall under the control of an armed

minority, the effect- upon its neighbor, Turkey, would be immediate and serious. Confusion and disorder

might well spread throughout the entire Middle East.

More over, the disappearance of Greece as an independent state would have a profound effect upon

those countries in Europe whose peoples are struggling against great difficulties to maintain their

freedoms and their independence while they repair the damages of war.

It would be an unspeakable tragedy if these countries, which have struggled so long against

overwhelming odds, should lose that victory for which they sacrificed so much. Collapse of free

institutions and loss of independence would be disastrous not only for them but for the world.

Discouragement and possibly failure would quickly be the lot of neighboring peoples striving to maintain

their freedom and independence.

Should we fail to aid Greece and Turkey in this fateful hour, the effect will be far reachin g to the west as

well as to the east. We must take immediate and resolute action.

I therefore ask the Congress to provide authority for assistance to Greece and Turkey in the amount of

$400,000,000 for the period ending June 30, 1948.

In addition to funds, I ask the Congress to authorize the detail of American civilian and military

personnel to Greece and Turkey, at the request of those countries, to assist in the tasks of

reconstruction, and for the purpose of supervising the use of such financial and mate rial assistance as

0016 may be furnished. I recommend that authority also be provided for the instruction and training of

selected Greek and Turkish personnel.

Finally, I ask that the Congress provide authority which will permit the speediest and most effective use,

in terms of needed commodities, supplies, and equipment, of such funds as may be authorized. . . .

The seeds of totalitarian regimes are nurtured by misery and want. They spread and grow in the evil soil

of poverty and strife. They reach their full g rowth when the hope of a people for a better life has died.

We must keep that hope alive. The free peoples of the world look to us for support in maintaining their

freedoms.

If we falter in our leadership, we may endanger the peace of the world -and we shall surely endanger the

welfare of this nation.

Great responsibilities have been placed upon us by the swift movement of events. I am confident that

the Congress will face these responsibilities squarely.

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