History
1
WOMAI SONG
Student ID No: 00000000
Course & Section No: 00000000000
The DISSEMINATION OF THE BLACK POWER IDEOLOGY
Course Instructor: Dr. W omai Song
DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY
Semester: Spring 2016 2
Born in the United States of the late 1960s as a natural response to centuries of various
economic, social, political, and cultural challenges faced by people of African descent, the Black
Power Movement which constituted the roots of the black power ideology came to represent the
hopes and dreams of a majority of blacks in various spaces in both the African dia spora and in
the African continent. Instinctively uttered by a famous Trinidadian -born black activist in the
heat of racial tension in Greenwood, Mississippi, and which was later to be epitomized by the
likes of Malcolm X, Amiri Baraka, Maulana Karenga, Hu ey Newton, Amilca r Cabral, Safiya
Bukhari, Pauulu Kamarakafego, and Walter Rodney, the words “Black Power” soon
metamorphosed into an ideology that articulated the nee d of the blacks to work as a united front
in a world in which they had been and were still not only marginalized but treated as second -
class citizens by the predominantly white culture that exerted its superiority via White Power
which was implicitly, selfishly, and ignorantly supported by the bl ack compradors . Despite the
audios challenges faced by the movement such as the assassinations of some of its vanguards and
the half -hearted suppor t by the black middle class, the black power ideology become very
popular not only in the United States but i n the rest of North America, the Caribbean islands, the
Middle East, Australia, and Africa. Located in black racial history and in the context of a
historiographical review, this study investigates the ways by which the black power ideology
spread from Gre enwood to other parts of the world . It establishes that its dissemination was
largely thanks to black power conferences, the media, black power organizations, black power
literature, black activists, black culture, black resistance, and socio -cultural inst itutions.
The origins of the Black Power ideology in modern historical lexicon can be traced to the
Mississippi Delta in June 16, 1966. Reacting to police harassments on black demonstrators
demonstrating against white violence in the context of the James Meredith‟s “March Against 3
Fear”, a twenty -seven year Trinidad -born chairman of the Student Non -violent Coordinating
Committee (SNCC) by name Stokely Carmichael (later called Kwame Ture) had stated that “this
is the twenty -seven time that I have been arrested. I ain‟t going to jail no more. The only way we
gonna stop them white men from whuppin‟ us is to take over. What we gonna start saying now is
Black Power.” 1 & D U P L F K D H O Z R U G V R I % O D F N 3 R Z H U D U H V D L G W R K D Y H E H H Q L P P H G L D W H O \ S L F N H G X S
by Willie Ric ks, a twenty -three year fiery SNCC veteran orator who in coordinator with his
chairman, instantaneously made them the signpost of a new African American militancy. In a
vivid description of the spirit of the moment at the time that these words were uttered at
Greenwood, Edward Peeks that :
his [Willie Ricks] actions and his voice brought him and the [black] audience together in a unity that merged
personal identity and group recognition; they shared an emotion forged out of long suffering and undying hope. T he
audience knew the words by heart, pitched as they were on a high moment of expectancy. „what do you want?‟
Ricks asked them. „Black Power!‟ they roared back. The exchange turned into a chant carrying through the night
across the Mississippi bayous . The Greenwood Negroes were expressing their sense of togetherness, their endurance
against the odds stacked against them, and their determination to do better for themselves and for the next generation
of blacks .2
There is no doub t that in the context of such unison of rhythmic call and response in
Greenwood, a turning point in black freedom struggle was inaugurated. While the black power
slogan had been used before by some African American activists such as Richard Wright and
Adam Cl ayton, it was Carmichael and his SNCC comrades who not only popularized it but gave
it a new and nationalistic meaning. 3 As Peeks further asserts, “it was from Mississippi that the
slogan sizzled and moved into the public mind across the land, conjuring up ideas of everything
1 Joseph, E. Peniel ed., The Black Power Movement: Rethinking the Civil Rights – Black Power Era . (New York, 2006),
P. 2 2 Peeks, Edwards, The Long Struggle for Black Power. (New York, 1971), P.362 -363. 3 Ibid., 370. 4
from black revenge against whites to a new day of Negro self -help and self -determination. . . .
Given the setting and the time, the SNCC leaders had all the requisites of audience and
excitement on the Mere dith March to make the slo gan burn across the land as never before. They
put the band wagon of black consciousness on the low road of Mississippi and let it rip into the
catcalls and missiles hurled by angry whites along the way.” 4
In the highly charged atmosphere that characterized its inception in 1966 , the black
power movement was interpreted differently by different people based on their ideologies and
objectives. To the Caucasian -Americans, the bla ck power movement was defined as a violent
black philosophy that espo used white hatred and was on a mission to destroy the political and
economic institutions of the United S tates. While others saw it as a pressure group tactic in the
accepted tradition of American politics, others took it as a long overdue attempt at insti lling
dignity and pride in black people. 5 Although Charles V. Hamilton claims in Rhetoric of Black
Power (1969) that it was impossible to come up with a single definition of black power, it s most
authentic and original definition can only be crafted from h is co -authored 1967 publication with
Stokely Carmichael that provided a compressive pioneer survey of the movement. Insisting that
the adoption of the concept of black power was one of the most legitimate and healthy
developments in race relations, Hamilto n and Carm ichael stated that it was “a call for black
people. . .to unite, to recognize their heritage, to buil d a sense of community, . . .to define their
own goals, . . . to reject the racist institutions and values of . . . society, . . ., to consolidat e behind
4 Ibid. , 363 -370. It is important for this to be emphasized given the view by some scholars such as John T.
McCartney that the black power movement had started before 1966. All related black struggles before then could
be considered as its antecedents . For these black power antecedents, read his book entitled Black Power
Ideologies: An Essay in African -American Political Thought (1992 ) 5 McCartney, T. John, Black Power Ideologies . (Philadelphia, 1992), P. 112. 5
their own, . . . [and to attain] the goal of black self -determination and black self -ident ity.” 6 The
authors further emphasized that the racial and cultural personality/integrity/identity of the black
community had to be preserved in the context o f the community‟s search for freedom. To them,
integrity include d pride – in the sense of self -acceptance “in being black, in historical
attainments and contributions of black people.” 7
Three major characteristics of the black power ideology loomed larger in Hamilton and
Carmichael‟s definition of Black power. These included: self -determination as a people, the
blacks taking the lead in its struggle for freedom, and the necessity of a united front. As far as
taking the lead in its struggle for freedom, the black power ideology rejected the notion that by
appealing to the consciences of the rest of society, blacks could bring about the necessary
changes that were needed to eradicate the legacies of racism or to overthrow the colonial
structure in the African continent and in the western hemisphere .8 Emphasizing black unity as a
fundamental premise of the black power ideology in a multi -racial world, Hamilton and Stokely
insisted that “before a group can enter the open society, it must first close ranks. By thi s we mean
that group solidarity is necessary before a group can operate effectively from a bargaining
position of strength in a pluralistic society. Traditionally, each new ethnic group in this society
has found the route to social and political viability through the organization of its own
institutions with which to represent its needs within the larger society . . . . Black power therefore
calls for black people to consolidate behind their own, so that they can bargain from a position of
strength.” 9
6 Carmichael, Stokely and Hamilton, V. Charles, Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America. (Toronto, 1967),
pp. 44 -47. 7 Ibid. , 55. 8 McCartney, 124. 9 Carmichael and Hamilton, 44 -47. 6
It was some of these distinguished and well -articulated ideological underpinnings that
popularized the black power movement and propelled its staunch advocates to the front pages of
not only African American history but the post Second World War history of t he people of
African descent the world over. With a special vocabulary reinforced by a set of physical
responses, including a clenched fist raised overhead and punctuated by advocates saying “power
to the people”, the black power ideology soon became rally force for most of black conscious
African descendants of the world. While there is a plethora of literature on the movement, no
single volume has been dedicated to an examination of the dissemination of the black power
ideology. Consequently, a study of its spread can only be done in the context of a review of
publications that has touched this angle of the black power movement.
The first of such publications came barely three years after the birth of the black power
movement. In his 1969 book entitled The Groundings with My Brothers , Walter Rodney is
located and presented as major vehicle of the dissemination of the black power i deology. Despite
the fact that he was Guyanese, he was a foot soldier of the black power ideology in Jamaica.
Within his nine months teaching sojourn in the University of West Indies (UWI), this intellectual
giant did hi s utmost best in sensitizing not onl y the students of the university community but
even ordinary Jamaicans on the meaning and relevance of the black power mov ement to the
black Struggle. In his Sunday morning open talks to hundreds of blacks at Wembley Sports
Ground, Rodney is said to use Af rican history to instill pride and confidence in his brethren. As
he puts it, “Africans in the West have been deliberately kept ignorant of African achievements by
the white men for centuries. The purpose of their policy was to build up a picture of a barb arous
Africa, so that we Africans who had been removed from our homes and made into slaves would
be Afraid to admit even to ourselves that we were Africans . . . . In order to know ourselves we 7
must learn about our history and culture. This is one of the mo st important steps towards creating
unity amongst Africans at home and abroad.” 10
Evidence of his role in disseminating the black power ideology is further elucidated when
he states in one of his addresses that “black power is a doctrine about black people, for black
people, preached by black people. I‟m putting it to my black brothers and sisters that the color of
our skin is the most fundamental thing about us. I could ha ve chosen to talk about people of the
same island, or the same religion, or the same class – but instead I have chosen skin color as
essentially the most binding factor in our world. . . . I am simply recognizing the real world –
that is the way things are . Under different circumstances, it would have been nice to be color
blind, to choose my friends solely because of their social interest coincided with mine – but no
conscious black man can allow himself such luxuries in the contemporary world.” 11 In his
speeches, Rodney also sanctions violence as tool of enforcing black power on the grounds that
slavery was founded and maintained by the whites in the Americas with the use of violence.
Given that the UWI was the melting point of the Caribbean emerging black intelligentsia , those
students that came from other Caribbean islands and were touched by the teaching of Rodney,
ultimate ly carried the ideology to their respective black island spaces.
Mention is also made in this monograph of the role of Eric Sealy in Barbados. A former
boxing promoter from a working class family, he is said to have travelled around the West Indies
holding meetings at street corners and at squares speaking about black power. In as much as the
author‟s speeches presented in this book sit uate him and Eric Sealy as a major black activist s
who disseminated the black power ideology in the C aribbean, the direct link of their teachings
10 Rodney, 34. 11 Rodney, Walter, The Groundings with my Brothers , (London, 1969), p. 16. 8
beyond their respective spaces of operation are not examined. This constitutes the only
shortcoming of this co mpelling monograph as far as the dissemination of the black power
ideology is concerned.
The historiography of the dissemination of the black power ideology was also informed
by the contribution of The Long Struggle For Black Power in 1971. Though very cri tical of
Carmichael and the black power movement, the author of this book celebrates the role of some
organizations and social institutions in the dissemination of the black power ideology in the
United States. Under the successive chairmanships of Carmichael , H. Rap Brown, and Paul
Hutchings, the SNCC is said to have succeeded in raising the number of black voters in eleven
Southern states to a total of 3,112,000 by 1969 . The SNCC as a black power organization was
theref ore very successful in appealing for black voters registrations in an attempt to show case
the power of the black constituency in the American political equation . Unfortunately, the book
does not only suffer from the limitation of being very skeletal on th e role of the most recognized
black power organization – the Black Panther Party in the dissemination of the black power
doctrine but seems to buy it to the notion that the corner stone of the black power movement was
violence. The author‟s assertions that the Panthers “engage in cruel self -deception with their gun -
power tactics”; that “black history teaches that Nat Turner and other slaves insurrectionists did
not find power in the barrel of the gun”; that blacks “ expressed no hope or thought that violence
held the keys to political and economic power”; and that “the United States itself has not found
power in the barrel of the gun, not even during the colonialist‟ successful fight for 9
independence” 12, is not only a demonstration of intellectual dishonesty b ut a clear indication that
he lacked a understandin g of the concept of black power movement in America at the time.
Peek‟s monograph was closely followed in 1972 by William R. Lux‟s article entitled
“Black Power in the Caribbean.” Published in the Journal of Black Studies , the author examines
the salient facets of the concept of black power and attempts an explanation of its appeal in the
Caribbean sub -region of South America. William aptly defines black power as “a movement of
international dimensions whic h results from the affinity that black people in disparate parts of the
world feel for each other. It is a tie that bridges the gap between the peoples of the industrialized
and the emerging nations.” 13 After a concise definition, the author then points to the print media
as a tool of the dissemination of the black power philosophy in the Caribbean. He begins by
demonstrating for instance that in Jamaica of at that time where Marcus Garvey Jr. was leading a
wing of the Jamaican Black Power Movement, advocates of black power published their own
newspaper, Abeng which is said to have had a circulation of about 15,000. This newspaper was
made palatable and a ttractive to prospective converts by injecting revolutionary jargon into its
pages. The article further demonstrates the prominence of the print media in the popularization
of black power in this region by stating that “in Trinidad, James Millete leads the Black Power
struggle and publishes a newspaper called the Moko . In St. Kitts, a small Black Power group has
been founded by a young University of West Indies graduate named Eustace Estaille. In
Barbados, there is the Black Star ; and in British Honduras, a young Dartmouth -educated man
leads the Black Power movement.” 14
12 Peeks, 401 -402. 13 Lux, R. William, “Black Power in the Caribbean.”, Journal of Black Studies (December, 1972), 207 -225, p. 218. 14 Ibid., 221. 10
It is very evident that the identified newspapers were very successful in fetching black
power converts as the author admits that despite the failed attempts to hold two black power
conferenc es in the second half of 1970, the future of the movement in the region was very
promising. But as impressive as the article is in discussing the centrality of the print media in the
dissemination of the black power ideology in the Caribbean, it fails to s how the challenges that
the newspapers faced in this black power crusade. An examination of their struggles against
censorship by the power structure would put their role in their proper perspectives.
Edward A. Alpers and Pierre -Michel Fontaine‟s 1983 edit ed volume entitled Walter
Rodney, Revolutionary and Scholar: A Tribute constituted another addition to the historiography
of the dissemination of the black power ideology. The contributors bring us face to face with
many of Walter Rodney‟s essential qualities as one of the greatest disseminators of the black
power doctrine out in the Caribbean. The contributions by Edward Alpers rightly lays emphasis
on Rodney‟s crucial discussions with the Rasta farians and other Jamaicans enshrined in The
Groundings with my Brothers, which incidentally were in some ways foreshadowed by his
participation in the debates at Hyde Park during his time at UWI. The only criticism of this
collection of the January 1981 m emorial symposium papers at the University of California, Los
Angeles was the argument of C. L. R. James that Rodney‟s failure to study the question of the
taking of power was a grievous miscalculation that was partly responsible for his early death.
This was a selfless black power activist who put his people ahead of his personal interest. The
paradox of this argument is that James himself did very little to take power.
In Robert W. July‟s An African Voice: The Role of the Humanities in African
Independenc e (1987 ), Kwame Nkrumah‟s, Julius Nyerere‟s, and Sekou Toure‟s black power
strand of the “African Personality”, in post -colonial Africa was emphasized. Nyerere‟s 11
conception of an indigenous African Socialism in the spirit of Ujamaa was black power at its
best as it sought to disentangle his country from western capitalism and eastern communism by
stressing black initiatives. 15 Toure in particular asserted the distinctiveness of the African
cultural identity. Unfortunately, this book does show the extent to which these African leaders
were influenced by the black power ideas of the African diaspora and the extent to which their
ideas were indigenous.
Lewis C. Rupert provides a more comprehensive and near -exhaustive investigation than
earlier publications on Rodney as ground soldier at the service of black power around the world
in his 1998 publication, Walter Rodney’s Intellectual and Political Thought . Insisting that the
roots of his black power dedication was rooted in hi s educational background and United States
black power activists, Rupert narrates and analysis his movements in the diasporic locations of
Guyana, Jamaica, London, Canada, and Tanzania in the years before his assassination in 1980.
The author‟s chapters on Rodney‟s involve ment with t he cultural politics of Rastafarianism and
his black power groundings in Tanzania are pointers to his relentless efforts of propagating the
black power ideologies of black self -determination, black pride, and black cultural identity. The
greatest strength of this book as far as the issue at stake is concerned is that it includes accounts
people who saw Rodney in action. The author‟s own diary entry as a student connected to the
black power movement in the UWI campus in 1968 speaks volumes of Rodney‟s black pow er
messenger. As Ru pert puts it, “students are talking about Black Power and assessing the validity
of the concept to the WI and themselves . . . . Dr. Rodney, a history lecturer, has been
responsible for bringing this debate to the open. . . . . Outsid e his office bearded men,
Rastafarians await entrance to speak with him as students leave. There is no doubt that he will
15 July, W. Robert, An African Voice , (Durham, 1987), p. 22. 12
soon be deported and made persona non grata.” 16 How ev er, the book could have included a
survey of the reaction of the Caribbean black p ower exponents to his assassination in 1980 for
the reader‟s evaluation of his weight as a black activist in general and a black power messenger
in particular.
The historiography of the dissemination of the black power ideology was further enriched
with th e publication of Stephen A. Kings Reggae, Rastafari, and the Rhetoric of social control
in 2002. In this book, we are exposed to the Rastafarian religion, the reggae songs, and the print
media as mediums through which the black power ideologies reached a larger black audience. As
the author states, “ the ideology of Black Power became associated with the Rastafarian
movement, and the Black Power ideology remained alive in the weekly newspaper, Abeng ,
which was first published in February 1969 and continued for ten months. In the first issue, the
editors noted the connections between their Black Power philosophy and the community of
oppressed Jamaicans coalesced by the increasing songs of Jamaica‟s popular musicians ,”17 the
effecti veness of the Rastafarian religion as a black power recruitment institution is further
illustrated when the author states that “by the late 1960s, the Rastafarian movement had begun to
attract the attention of students, radical academics, and some middle -class youths in Jamaica
because of its association with Black Power.” 18
Mention is also made of the Rasta Voice and Bongo -Man as some of the newspapers that
conveyed the ideas of black power to Jamaicans. The reggae songs that reflected on the
sufferings of the blacks in Jamaica and the world was listened in most black spaces and inspired
many to identify with the black course as a united front. The visit of Emperor Haile Selassie to
16 Lewis, C. Rupert, Walter Rodney’s Intellectual and Political Thought , (Detroit , 1998), p. 108. 17 King, pp. 55 -51. 18 Ibid., 51. 13
Jamaica in 1966 can also be seen as to have further galvanized the blacks a round the black
identity which he symbolized. In the context of these mediums of black power, the author
examines the challenges that they faced in the form of state control strategies. The greatest
weakness of the book is the impression it leaves at its c onclusion that the rastafari movement has
been completely co -opted to serve the neo -colonial structure. By implication, the author
underestimates the power of consciousness in the black power movement.
Writing in an article entitled “Seizing the Time: Aust ralian Aborigines and the Influence
of the Black Panther Party, 1969 -1972”, Kathy Lothian further enriches the historiography of
black power by highlighting some of the ways by which the black power ideology. This is done
in the context of the author‟s rev iew of the development of black power consciousness among
Australian Aborigines. The Australian Black Panther Party is said to have been formed in
December 1971 in response to the social, economic, and political discrimination against the
Australian Aborig ines. The author points to the role of the media and black liberation literature
as an influence in the black power consciousness in Australia when he states that “Aborigines
had become acquainted with the black power phrase in the late 1960s through wide exposure to
African American activism in n ewspapers and on television. . . . Victorian indigenous activist
Bruce McGuinness urged all Aborigines to buy a copy of Stokely Carmichael and Charles
Hamilton‟s Black Power, one of the fundamental texts of Black P ower in America. . . . It was
Malcolm X‟s autobiography and speeches though, that most captured the imaginations of some
of the younger activists, with his uncompromising militant rejection of white culture, his pride in
being black, his belief in black na tionhood, and his call for self -defense by any means ”19
19 Lothian Kathy, “Seizing the Time”, Journal of Black Studies , Vol. 35, No. 4 (March, 2005),179 -200, p p. 183 -184. 14
This article shows in detail the fact that the writings of black Americans greatly enriched
the reflections of Aborigines on their own society, worked to stimulate pride in Aboriginality,
and offered useful strategies for combating oppression. At demonstrations and marches of the
Australian Black Panther Party under Chairman Bobby Seale and in numerous speeches, articles,
and pamphlets between 1969 and 1972, Aboriginal activists consciously and explici tly deployed
aspects of American Black Power. In the place of white superiority, they advocated “black is
beautiful” and “power to the people” 20 This article is indeed very informative on the
dissemination of the black power ideology in Australia.
Furtherm ore, the most recent scholarship that touches on the spread of the black power
ideas was that of Quito Swan, Black Power in Bermuda: The Struggle for Decolonization . In the
context of situating the Black Power Movement in the decolonization process in the British
Caribbean colony of Bermuda in the second half of the twentieth century, Swan highlights the
activism of Roosevelt Pauulu Nelson Osiris Brown Kamar ka afego and the role of the most
celebrated black power conference that held in Bermuda in propagatin g the black power
philosophy. Most worthy of note was the First International Regional Black Power Conference
that held in Bermuda from July 10 to July 13, 1969. Chaired by Kamarkafego, the conference is
said to have drawn about 1,5000 representatives from the Americas, Europe, Asia, and Africa.
The author asserts that that conference “critically impacted the Black Power Movement
in Bermuda and the wider Caribbean. Its impact in Bermuda was most overtly witnessed by the
emergence of the Black Baret Cadre in its aftermath, which attempted to implement a number of
the BPC‟s resolutions.” 21 Predominantly aged between the ages of sixteen and thirty, the Cadre is
20 Ibid., p.184. 21 Swan, Quito. Black Power in Bermuda , (New York, 2009), p. 35. 15
said to have been formed in response to the intransigence of the establishment in Bermuda to
address t he racial and class issues. Formed shortly after the conference and acting as the
vanguard or cornerstone of Black Power in Bermuda, it expressed its mission, spread its gospel,
and sensitized the public through the Black Baret‟s Voice of the Black Communi ty, the Invisible
Governm en t, and the Black Bare t Manifesto . Despite its branding as a communist branch by the
government of Bermuda and in spite of draconian and subtle measures employed to destroy it
including intimidations, harassments, propaganda, arrests, trials, and executions of some of its
members , the Cad re contributed enormously to the spread of the ideology of the black power
movement in Bermuda in the years following the conference. Though some may criticize black
power conferences for having achieved nothing, the impact of the Bermuda conference on the
popularization of the black power ideology in the country and the region was very concrete.
From the forgone discussion, it is evident from the examined historiography and others
not included that the words “black power” uttered in Greenwood in 1966 did n ot only develop
into an ideology but be came the rallying points of a majority of black people around the world
thanks to black power conferences, black power activists, black power organizations, the media,
black culture, just to name a few . Amongst these vehicles, the role of black power activist was
very instrumental. Although one of its major objective of self -determination was achieved by the
close of the twentieth century with the independence of almost all colonial territories, black
power continuous to advocate for black pride and black solidarity in confronting the continuous
political, social, and economic marginalization of the black people. Given the fact that each
generation charts its course, it is imperative to know the challenges that have mil itated against
the popularity and spread of the black power ideology in recent times.
16
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Articles
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Tradition in Canada.” The Journal of African American History , Vol. 92, 2007 No. 4, pp.
516 -539.
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Lothian, Kathy. “Seizing the Time: Australian Aborigines and the Influence of the Black Panther
Party, 1969 -1972.” Journal of Black Stud ies , Vol. 35, No. 4 (March, 2005), PP. 179 -200. 18
Lux, R. William. “Black Power in the Caribbean.” Journal of Black Studies , ( December, 1972),
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