FOR "NICOLE TUTOR" ONLY

1 Contribution"s to· a radical practice in social work RoyBailey andMike Brake Thequestion is often asked, somewhat scepticallY, 'what is radicalsocialwork?' More oftenthannotthequestioner isnot really expecting ananswer. Thequestion isposed asasure way of changing thesubject. Clearly, it isdifficult anditcertainly does not lend itself toan easy answer. However, before we gettoo worried thatmaybe there isnosuch thing asradical socialwork and that maybe we areallchasing shadows, we shouldremember that justabout thesame nervousness andanxiety iscreated by the question, 'what issocialwork?' Most of thepeople we know who are either engaged inthe process of teaching socialworkstudents, or employed asprofessional socialworkers, steerclear of the question. Thehesitation is often withgood reason: afterall, anyone whoconfronts itand attempts ananswer leavesthem­ selves opentoattack andcriticism In the brief introduction toour first volume (BaileyandBrake 1975) we made itclear there werenoeasy answers. Thisremains our position. However, what is clear is that we haveraised an issue which hasfound itsplace quiteunambigously into professional debatesandinto most, if notall,professional courses in Britain andtheUnited States. Iftranslations andpub­ lication inSweden andNorway areanything togo by, then in those countries tooradical socialworkhasestablished itselfasa legitimate object of debateandconsideration. It is nolonger possible todismiss criticalquestions fromstudents aboutthe general purposes of socialworkorabout aparticular practice.

Social workers, likeother workers, aretrapped inasocial 7 ------------------------ Text continues after this page ------------------------ This publication is made available in the context of the history of social work project. See www.historyofsocialwork.org It is our aim to respect authors’ and publishers’ copyright. Should you feel we violated those, please do get in touch with us. Deze publicatie wordt beschikbaar gesteld in het kader van de canon sociaal werk.

Zie www.canonsociaalwerk.eu Het is onze wens de rechten van auteurs en uitgevers te respecten. Mocht je denken dat we daarin iets fout doen, gelieve ons dan te contacteren. ------------------------ Tekst gaat verder na deze pagina ------------------------ 8Radical socialworkandpractice structure whichseverely delimitstheirpower andhence their ability toinitiate significant change.Socialworkers, unlikeother workers, confront daily,astheir job,thevictims of aneconomic and political structure thatcreates poverty andhumiliation.

Social workers andclients alikearebemused by forces beyond their control buttowhich we are allsubject. Thevery weight of theinstitutional arrangements thatbind us results inour hesitancy tomake anygrand-sounding claimsforradical social work asaframework forpractice thatmight resolve anything.

Nevertheless, this is thetask that radical socialworkers set themselves. The issues of social workremain ideological. Theoriesand practices insocial workarenot detached propositions andtech­ niques. Thecriticisms arenot of case-work orworking with individuals, not of groupworkorworking withthefamily, not of youthworkorworking withandwithin acommunity: the criticisms aredirected at thepurposes towhich thesetheories and methods areput. Atthe same timesocial workers arenot above criticism byclaiming thattheconsequences of their action were not intended bythem. Most if notallour actions resultincon­ sequences eitherinaddition toour intentions orinspite of them. We cannot abdicate responsibility forthe consequences of our actions even ifwe didnot initially desireoranticipate theresults.

No matter how well meaning asocial worker, a criticism is justifiedif,asaresult of dealing withaclient, thatclient remains unaware of the public dimension of hisorher problems. The problems anddifficulties thatareassociated withaperson becoming aclient should beidentified andlocated withinsome structural andpolitical process.This is nottoenable anyone, client orsocial worker, toavoid ordeny responsibility fortheir personal decisions andchoices, butrather tomake itclear that their decisions andchoices weremade incircumstances not of theirownchoosing.

This criticism remainseven ifaclient ceases tobe aclient. For example, aperson abouttohave thegas orelectricity cut off after failure topay thenecessary billsgoes toasocial worker, whowith the best will inthe world understands theproblem andhow it arose, canusehisorher influence andpersuade theappropriate authority nottotake theaction. This,coupled withsocial security payments, may'resolve' theclient's problem. The'client' Contributions toaradical practice insocial work 9 becomes aperson again,albeitnotquite thesame person thathe or she was before. Thesocial worker canfeel pleased witha job well done. Fortheclient, however, theproblem wasexperienced as personal andremains so. Other people, however, wereandare facing thesame problem. Circumstances out oftheir control,and common tomany individuals andfamilies, arerendered private and personal. (Fordiscussion of thisissue, seeforexample Mills 1959, Pearson 1973.)Thevery commonality andpublic nature of theconditions thatcreate thepoverty leadingtoa denial of fuel are not exposed. Thesocial worker knowsaboutit, of course, but so should theclient. Introducing theclient toothers inlike cir­ cumstances, or at leastoffering theintroduction, assistsinno small wayinsustaining theindividual's selfrespect and potentially makeshimorher aware of wider problems associated with theproduction, distributionandconsumption of fuel. It may further contribute tothe arguments concerning theRight to Fuel asasocial service. Socialworkasan institutional processcan simultaneously assistpeople andrender themlessable tohelp themselves. Socialworkers cannotavoidcriticisms of their practice bypleading thataconsequence of their action wasnot their intention, indeedwasnobody's intention. Thefocus onthe public andcollective nature of privateandpersonal difficulties is left to thesocial worker. Eachparticular casehastobe handled within thecontext of thesensitivities of both client andsocial worker. For radical practice, however, suchconnections should be taken forgranted asdimensions of daily practice.

Radical practice ismorethandealing withclients. Thepossi­ bilities of doing muchinthe way of creating theconditions for real structural changeareseverely limitedinthe day-to-day working withclients, whether conceived of asindividuals, groups, families orcommunities. Assistinginapositive fashion, trying tosustain mutual respectandself-respect, andtrying to locate aclient's position andproblems withinwidersocial groups and political processes areallimportant momentsinaradical social worker's task.Sotoo isthe awareness of thesocial worker's own position withinthestructure, andtherecognition of the many things theyhave incommon withclients themselves. For example, government policydecisions mayfreeze localauthority employment, whichpotentially throwsnewly-qualified social workers ontotheunemployment queueswheretheyfindthem- 10 Radicalsocialworkandpractice selves alongside otherswhomight well have been, indifferent cir­ cumstances, theirclients. Thecrisis facing capitalism istranslated into theconsciousness of professionals andthemiddle classesin ways thathave longbeen commonplace forsignificant proportions of the working class.Indeed, it islikelythatonetalks of thecrisis of capitalism onlywhen theuncertainties andinsecu­ rities thatarenormal experiences forsocial workclients are experienced bymiddle-class professionals. Onlythendo we read of the'current crisis of capitalism'. Formany the'current crisis' has been withthem forasas long asthey canremember.

Working withinaunion andhence within thecontext of organized labour isimportant. Strengthening thecollective social workers' voicewithin thelabour movement is of considerable importance. Afterall,which otherworkers havefirst-hand knowledge of the consequences of theworkings of our economic system foranincreasing proportion of thepopulation?

The director-designate of theChild Poverty ActionGroup is recently reported assaying, 'It's going tobe particularly hardon the unemployed tohave agovernment whichthinks theyare already toowell off and even workshy' (Community Care, 19 May1979, 2).The review of supplementary benefitscurrently being considered (DHSS1978a) at oncerecognizes thatan increasing proportion of thepopulation is going tobe needing and claiming assistance; italso begins aprocess of amending the regulations whichwillundoubtedly creategreater hardship for those leastable to bearfurther difficulties. Workingwithinthe trade union movement is of growing importance, notonly to protect theinterests of social workers themselves, butequally, if not more importantly, toinform themovement of thegreat hardship andsuffering beingexperienced bythose whofind themselves thevictims of aharsh andexploitative system.Social work hasanaccumulation of experience andinformation that is of criticalimportance tothe labour movement. Socialworkers must make connections withthetrade union andlabour move­ ments asawhole, anditmust inform thosemovements of the harsh consequences of capitalism. Nogroup of workers know better thansocial workers of theappalling consequences of an economic systemthat,asitfaces crises of itsown construction, creates moreandmore hardship formore andmore people, and simultaneously is forced tocut thevery welfare resources that Contributions toaradical practice in socialwork 11 make atleast some contribution toan amelioration of that hardship.

In recent yearsthechanges thathave taken place, andare continuing, servetofocus theattention of allsocial workers on the dilemmas theyface. Thereorganization of social services into large departments withinthestructure of local authorities continually threatenstobureaucratize anddepersonalize a personal service.Massive cutsinwelfare resources ineducation, in the health andhospital servicesandinhousing, coupledwith the failure bymany authorities tofill vacant postsinattempts to economize, hasresulted insocial workers carrying heavierand heavier loadswithinsufficient timetoconcentrate onmany important problemswhichdemand timeabove allelse. The structure of social workasan occupation andacareer hasresulted in social workers leaving'thefield' andmoving intoan administrative machine.This isregardedbymany asan unsatis­ factory careerprocess. Tobecommitted tothe social worktask and toobtain rewards meansceasing topractise socialwork. The rights andwrongs of these changes andexperiences areless sig­ nificant thantheresulting unrestamong socialworkers, bethey radical ornot. Thelong industrial disputeatthe end of 1978 and continuing well into 1979 was anexpression of frustration with social work, withinadequate resources,withthestructure of social services andwith theoperation of theunion towhich most social workers belong.Thestrike action united anddivided social workers. Itraised important questionsaboutthenature of the work andtheplight of clients. Theconsequences of theaction will be far-reaching, notonly forclients but,very importantly, forthe development of the profession itself.

Since theimplementation of theSeebohm Report at the beginning of this decade, thesocial services havegrown extra­ ordinarily fast.Thedrive totrain, educate andprepare peoplefor the social worktaskhasbeen associated withtheinvestment of considerable sums of money.Tosocial workers, whoexperience ever mounting caseloadsandseemingly intractable problems, such anobservation mayseem adenial of their experience. Yet this money will certainly bereferred to again andagain during the coming debateonthe future of social work. Thelongest strike of thewinter of 1978/79 passedwithlittle attention bythe media and hence theappearance of little effect onthe lives of most of 'the 12 Radicalsocialworkandpractice people'. Afterall,thereal effect wasonthose whoareindanger of being castinto thebracket of the 'undeserving', andthey are not inaposition toinfluence eitherthe media orpublic con­ sciousness. Theissue willberaised asto whether socialworkers are really necessary.

Arguably, aradical practice of socialworkandanovert admission bysocial workers of thepolitical processes inwhich they areinextricably involved is not,inour terms, merely desirable, butintheir terms urgently necessary. If 'It's alrightfor you totalk' wastheexpression thatpossibly enabledsocial workers toavoid somedifficult questions inthe seventies, then 'Whose sideareyou on?' isthe question thatmust re-emerge and be confronted inthe eighties. Theneed toobtain somesecurity from thetrade union movement wasnever moreimportant.

Social workers committed to aradical stancemustinvolve them­ selves intheir union branches andwork on behalf of their union in those places wheretheyhave access, intrades councils andin social services committees of thelocal authorities.

They should not,however, losesight of their day-to-day work as social workers withclients. Aradical socialworkcanbe practised withclients andconsiderable helpcanbegiven topeople who, atthat moment, arguablyneeditmost. Topractise radically is topresent oneselfwithconsiderable difficulties. It is not enough tohave 'inone's head' atheoretically-refined view of the class structure of oursociety andpossibly, asaconsequence, sympathy forand sensitivity towardsclientsandtheir problems.

From different or indeed incompatible worldviews, similar sentiments maybeexpressed.

The difficult questions areconcerned withpractice as socialists. These we suggestarethe critical issues.What if anything arethe distinctive modes of social workpractice froma marxist andasocialist perspective? Thetask forthose engaged in the issues fromaposition of sympathy isto raise andhopefully to answer suchquestions.

Social workers, liketherest of us,are entering aperiod where profound changesinthe occupation structure of oursociety are likely tooccur, coupled withcultural andpolitical change.

Problems andsevere hardships willpersist andintensify. New problems will confront us. We haven'tyetlearned howtodeal with existing ones. We havetotranslate ourtheories of society Contributions toaradical practice insocial work 13 intoapractice that at oncehelps andassists thevictims of our system, andsimultaneously, contributestothe creation of conditions whichwilltransform thatsociety intoasocialist democracy. Theidea thatourtask isnottounderstand theworld but to change it iscrucialtosocial workpractice and,atthe same time, acentral dilemma forthat practice.

Since we have introduced theissues concerning radicalsocial work and,withothers, helpedtolegitimize and popularize the term, aconsiderable debatehasgrown upwithin socialwork concerning thepolitical function of welfare, andthepractice of radical socialwork. Theserangefromthecautious liberalism of Halmos(1978)tothe openly marxist practice of Corrigan and Leonard (1978).Socialworkers havebecome aware of their historical roleinthe political economy, andinthe politically important issuesinvolving thedebate andstruggle between con­ servative andsocial democratic politicaltraditions (pritchard and Taylor 1978).Therehasbeen aresponse bothinthe practice and teaching of social work. Statham (1978)suggests thatradical social workneeds todraw upon already existing radicalalter­ natives insociety, andsuggests thepractising socialworker needs to be involved in these. Theimportance of feminism hasbeen emphasized, andtherelation socialworkhastodomestic labour and thesocial relations of reproduction (Wilson1977,Mayo 1977). Theincreasing influence of urbanmanagement onthe everyday andfamily life of thecommunity hasbeen indicated as an increase inthe powers of thelocal state(Cockburn 1977).The debate hasbeen raised inthe professional journals.The importance of social workers developing apower basethrough the use of their trade unions toinfluence departmental management concerningclient'sneeds(Davey 1977) hasbeen suggested. Therelation of thesocial worker tothe prevalent ideologies inthe social relations of production (Wardman 1977) andtheneed forsocial workers tojoin 'with allthose whoare exploited inan organized massmovement' (Simpkin 1979) have been raised, andthedangers of anabstracted radicalismwhich loses sight of theclient definition of thesituation hasbeen warned against (Tasker andWunnum 1977).Thesesorts of discussion were unheard of adecade ago,andthenature andpractice of radical socialworkseems tohave beentaken seriously bysocial work students andbasic grade workers. Despitethedifficult con- 14 Radicalsocialworkandpractice tradictions facingsocialworkers inacapitalist economywitha welfare system, anddespite theserious publi~ spend~n~ cuts asa result of the crisis incapitalism, thedefensIve cymcism of the profession hasbeen absent andthere has been an opti~istic and comradely support. It is withinthiscontext that thIS volume attempts to look atmodels of practise inaradical paradigm, or the experience of social workers tryingtopractise inthis frame­ work. Welfare stateworkers inparticular areonly tooaware of the present crisisincapitalism (DHSS1978b). Theapparatus of the State approaches welfareinavery different wayfrom that adopted inaperiod of economic growthandfullemployment.

Historically, duringthepre-war periodthedemand formoney wages washeld down byaperiod of mass unem'pl~ymeIlt, but !he post-war period of fullemployment meanta ShIft In power WhICh gavethetrade unions alever togain money wageincreases which were greater thanproductivity increases.

The tradition of monopoly conditions inthe market protected profit margins forthe employers. The'affluent' 1950s were a period wheninvestment inindustry waslowand when output was low' thisresulted inaserious declineinprofit, whichledtoa stru~gle for the existing resources betweencapitalandlabour.

The multinationals evolvedasadominant force,abletoswitch investment andplant fromsector to sector, andeven toanother country iffaced withmilitant trade u~ion resista?ce. Dur~ng t~e post-war periodtherearose increasIng StateInterventIOn In production, nationalizing heavy ~ndustries (coal~ pow~r, ~t~el, andtherailways), andtaking anIncreased share In ~aIntaInIng anddeveloping serviceswhichbecame part of the 'SOCIal wage'­ health, education andsocial services (aswell asattempts to control consumption anddemand inthe economy). Thedevelop­ ment of the welfare statewas,Saville argues(Fitzgerald etal. 1977) acombination of working-class stru~g.le and !he requir~­ ments of industrial capitalism foramore effICIent enVIronment In which tooperate. Therewasadistinct needforahighly productive labourforce,andarecognition thatwelfare was !he price tobe paid forpolitical s~curity. The ~elfare s~ate was trYlI~g ­ tooperate inan economy whichhadtoohIgh profIts extrac.ted In private industry combined withtoolittle investment, leadIng.to the crisis inprofitability inthe 1970s. Oneresult, WhICh Contributions toaradical practice insocial work 15 hasserious consequences forsocial work, isincreased unemploy­ ment andthecutting of public expenditure. Thishasaffected future development andtheexisting resources of thepublic sector. We have seenthelack of nurseries, thefailure toimprove housing stock,andtheclosure of hospitals, withthemultiply­ deprived inner-city working-class communityparticularly affected. AreassuchasLondon's Dockland showtheexample of atraditional industrydeveloped duringtheimperial economy of thelast century, benefiting fromlittlereinvestment, thenbeing phased outwhen unprofitable. Theonce thriving shipping and docking industries werereplaced bywarehousing, requiringonly a small labour force,withtheloss of thousands of permanent jobs. Theskilled workers leftthearea tothe unskilled, the very youngandtheelderly. Suchareas werepromised redevelopment 'in the near future' andsowere lefttobecome rundown. Now because of public expenditure cuts,housing andschools havenot been built, health andpersonal socialservices havebeen over­ stretched andsuch districts haveshown ahigh incidence of disease, povertyanddelinquency, allmade worse bychronic unemployment. Tosave money, therehasbeen anappeal to community care,which hasmeant thatsections of theelderly, the handicapped andthementally ill have beendependent onthe 'reserve army' of voluntary femalelabour, appealed tounder an ideological concept of theirnurturing nature.Suchneighbour­ hoods havebeen thetraditional homes of immigrants for decades, andoneconsequence of thecrisis hasbeen anugly increase inracism.

The welfare statefaces contradictions arisingfromitsneed to reproduce notonly theforces of production -the accumulation of capital, increased profit,stock,plantandthe actual labour force -but also therelations of production. Thewelfare state's influence onthe former wasinitiated bythe pre-war introduction of national insurance schemesandthebuilding of council houses, and was extended bythe post-war nationalhealthandState education schemes.Theseservices weregained byworking-class organised militancy, butatapace largely setbythe bourgeoisie.

The State is provided withahealthy, efficient andcompetent workforce inaquiet political atmosphere, andtheworkforce has gained genuine material benefitsanddemocratic rightsby collective action.Cockburn (1977)hasinterestingly arguedthat 16 Radicalsocialworkandpractice thereproduction of therelations of production isalso apotential arena forstruggle. TheState hasdeveloped specificlocalforms of power through thelocal State -the increased citymanagerial teams andtheir elected officers. Theinfluence of these onevery­ day lifeand socialization intolabour isfarreaching. Notonly has welfare definite progressive elements,italso possesses repressive features, asfor example, theuse of thebenefits systemtoinduce labour discipline, orthe cohabitation ruletopolice themorality of single mothers. Cockburn suggeststhatthisextends tothe covert requests toteachers andsocial workers toregulate behaviour. It is important tonote firstthatsocial workers and teachers comefromdifferent organizations andtraditions than those of social security officers, andsecondly thattherole of the former isconceptualized morereadily asbeing onthe pupils' or clients' sidethan onthat of local government officers.Finally,the teaching andsocial workprofessions haveradical elements in their history, andoperate inacompletely differentorganizational tradition withdifferent organizational goals.Nevertheless, ifthis tradition hadbeen absent, onecould seethe teaching andsocial work professions beingusedmore overtly asagents of social control. Thecityis,for Cockburn, aform of organization ideally suited tothe collective reproduction of thelabour forcein partnership withthefamily. Thedifficult task of managing scarce city resources and of makingunpopular increasesinlocal rates and taxes palatable ledtocorporate management encouraging community organization andcommunity development. The community wasencouraged toparticipate inlocal affairs, buton the terms of the urban managers. Wherethecommunity workers in alocality havebecome involved inconflict withurban manage­ ment theconflict hasoften beenmoderated andhandled byastyle of management thathastheadded bonus of displaying and reinforcing apparentdemocratic control.Community action isa spur intomodernity forlocal authorities, whichcanbeused to manage unrestinurban areas.Thisunrest is notalways containable, ascan beseen from theCommunity Development Projects documents (fundedbythe Home Office nationally and the local authority), whoseanalysis of theinner citysetitnot ina bourgeois pluralismbutfirmly inclass struggle. Cockburn suggests thatthere arethree areas of possible actionconcerning the reproduction of therelations of production. Thesearethe Contributions toaradical practice in socialwork 17 localState workforce, theclients of the various socialservices, and thearea of privatized reproduction orfamily life.The struggle inthe industrial workplace isparalleled inthe struggle for conditions inhousing estates,schools, streetsandforbetter conditions forthe impoverished family.Thisconcept extendsthe terrain of the class struggle fromtheworkplace tothe home, and necessarily involvesthepublic services andtheir workers. To organize onlyinthe workplace leavesouthalf of theactual experience of exploitation. Theextension of thisstruggle opens up anarena of great importance tosocial workers, andinvolves the conditions of the wageless, thesick, theold and the unemployed. FollowingonDavey's (1977)suggestion of developing apower basethrough strongunionization, social workers caninvolve themselves aswelfare stateworkers inthe local political economy. Theycanprovide information about resource allocation anddefend community needs.Thismaybring them intoconflict withtheir ownmanagement, withsenior bureaucrats andelected officers, butthey may drive animportant wedge between groupswhicharetoo often politically indistinct from eachother intheir conservatism inthe corporate manage­ ment structure of thecity. During scarcity anddecline, the demand formanagerial efficiencyandcontrol willincrease, and what needs tobe resisted is the replacement bytechnocratic efficiency of the humanistic moralityessentialinsocial work.

The crisis andpossible decline of thepolitical economy in which socialworkoperates presentstheprofession withitsown contradictions. There isavery realpossibility thatsocial work's traditional role of mediationbetweentherich andpowerful and the poor anddeviant maybecome replaced QY aninsistence onits social control function. Theresistance tothis canonly come collectively fromtheprofession itself.There may well pe acrisis in the ideology of social workwhich needstotake note of attempts tomanipulate socialworktoassist thestate rather than its citizens. Theextension of thestate's participation insociety means thattheopportunity of social control through ideology has increased andthat ideology needstobe given moreemphasis in analysis. Marxinafamous passage reminds us (1939,39), ... the ideas of the ruling classinevery epoch aretheruling ideas ....theclass which istheruling forceinsociety isatthe 18 Radicalsocialworkandpractice same timeitsruling intellectual force.Theclass which hasthe means of material production atits disposal hascontrol atthe same time \overthemeans of mental production, so that thereby,generally speakingtheideas of those wholackthe means of mental production aresubject to it .... Gramsci inparticular developed thisconcept to suggest hegemony, whereinrulingclasses insociety control thelegiti­ mation of the social structure, notbythe coercive means of force (which remains inthe background) but byideology, and the acceptance (butnotnecessarily theapproval) of ruling classideas, not theleast being that theruling classrules. Oneelement of bourgeois hegemony is,asCorrigan andLeonard suggest,that social workers shouldnoteven conceive of their work asbeing related to working classstruggle. Atthis moment inhistory the appeal to a 'common interest' is thestrongest sincethesecond world war,asthe national press'union bashing' reveals.Social work has an important roletoplay notonly asakey sector within the welfare state, but alsoas an important counterargument to welfare stateideology. Inthis way itcan radicalize concepts of socialchange inthe welfare statesystem.

One difficulty thatarises forsocial workers whowish to develop aradical form of practice is that theyneed to develop their political andsocial analysis of therole of their profession and itshistorical development. Havingunderstood thatthe problems whichtheirclients experience arefundamentally related to the political economy, and facedwithdifficulties like structured unemployment, whatcanthey dofor individuals to relieve theirexploitation and pain? Therest of thisarticle will attempt to deal with this. Implications for thepractice of aradical social work Because of the nature of social workpractice and thetradition of itstraining, socialworkers constantly appeal to thepragmatic practice of their day-to-day caseload, asking forarecipe to help them dealwith it. Itisnotpossible to give arecipe forindividual cases, but what isimportant isnot somuch thetechniques used, but theanalytical framework inwhich theyarepractised. There is aplace forsocial worktechniques traditionally used,suchascase- Contributions toaradical practice in socialwork 19 work, group work or community work, but theseneed to beused by asocial worker whohasanalysed his/herrelation to theState and hasdeveloped someform of political understanding of his/herrole.Theplace todo this isduring training, andtheuse of political andmoral philosophy, socialpolicy, sociology, economics andpsychology isof primary importance inthis. (At present thesocial workpostgraduate coursesinWarwick University inBritain andCarleton University, Ottawa,Canada, see Moreau, M.1979 (andpresumably inother places) aremaking serious attempts to evolvethisbasis forradical socialwork practice.) Thepractice of social workneeds to bedivided intotwo forms of activism -collective actionandindividual practice 1Collective action It is important to avoidtheindividualism evolvedfromthe heritage of social worktraining. Basically, andideally, thenotion of acollective de-hierarchized practice of teams, and of teamsand consumers, is important. This is nottosay that theone-to-one situation isto be abandoned, but that thenotion of theindivid­ ualism of social workpractice and decision-making needstobe resolved bymore collective action.

It is extremely difficultto work radically withoutinvolving theteam, andother welfare state workers. Ideallycollective workinvolves theconsumers in policy decisions. Thecommonsense view isthatmost social work consumers aretoo damaged or 'inadequate' to beinvolved. One method of practice isto organize theteam so that afew regular meetings arearranged to discuss policy(andalsofrank inter­ personal teamdynamics), andthat-separately atfirst ­ meetings areheld with client groups andteams toassess whatthe former feeltheir needs areindividually andinthe community.

The community hasgotconsiderable resources,asany community worker or voluntaryworkerfindsout.There is no reason whyconsumers andworkers shouldnotwork towards the breaking down of theprofessional hierarchyascommunity projects do.

The second area of collective action is that of welfarestate trade union politics. Thesocial worker notonly needs to build up trade union consciousness withinhis/her ownsection, butalso needs to develop linkswithother welfare statetrade unions. This 20 Radicalsocialworkandpractice trade union basecanbeused todevelop aninformed opinion concerning theneeds thatwelfare services consumers feelthey need. Thismeans thatthisbase canbeused toimprove the position of basic grade workers inthe corporate management of localauthority services.Following onfrom this,representation can beforcefully madeabout public expenditure cuts,andstrong resistance encouraged. Thetrade union canbeused toimprove conditions bothforthe worker andforthe consumer.

The third area isinvolvement incommunity issues,particularly community politics.

It iscertainlyimportant, asStatham (1978) suggests, todevelop involvement inradical alternatives whichare occurring outside social workpractice, asthey willhave relevance for that practice. Theyofferalternative views of reality,and emotional andideological support. An obviousexample isinthe area of sexual politics, eitherinfeminism orgay liberation. There are other groups involved inclass politics, fightingracism,or sexual politics. Feminism is important because of itsuseful insights intothepolitical importance of womeninservicing the economy. Cockburn quotesthecouncil's use of thefamily (Le.

women) tokeep their children fromgetting intocare andbeing a burden onthe rates, of defining squatters onlyasafamily, andas such qualifying forrehousing if they begot children, aswell as labelling familieswhowere administrative problemstothe council as'problem families'. Wilsonalsosuggests thatthe welfare statecanbeseen asthe state organization of domestic life, with thewoman actingasunpaid domestic labourertoservice the wage labourer, andthewage labourer beingmotivated byhis dependants' relation to himtowork regularly andhard. Statham has suggested thatthere is,for example, analternative tothe traditional familywhichcanbeused toexplore thealternatives to ideological concepts of thefamily. Involvement inthese alter­ natives meansthattheir example canbeused ininfluencing the practice andtheory of social work. Again thedevelopment of groups suchasthe Gay Social Workers Grouporthe Gay Probation OfficersGrouphashad important effectsonthe con­ sciousness of gay people atwork and on alternative concepts of sexualorientation whichchallenge heterosexual hegemony.

The fourth area of collective action is involvedinthe decentralizing anddemocratizing of team work. Itisimportant to develop amode of operation whichcounteracts hierarchical Contributions toaradical practice insocial work 21 structures inthe team. Oneimportant element is toset aside weekly anallotted timetodiscuss whatthegoals of the team are, and towhat extent thesehavebeenprevented byintra-group dynamics andbyorganizational problems.This isessential ifthe team isto be developed inany collective sense. Italsosaves timein the end, because itcan beused todelegate work,andtoprevent the endless meetings thatoften bedevil socialwork. Theactual work of the team needs tobe community-based asfar aspossible, and obviously thisraises problems forateam withstatutory duties. Thislatter point is animportant areaforcollective decisio~s. Inattempting togain acommunity-based socialwork, the socIal worker needstoknow thearea, rather inthe way of the old 'patch system'. Thisasystem of dividing upanarea into neighbourhoods withagroup of workers attached tothis patch.

The gro~p work fromalocal sub-office inthe neighbourhood, and oneImportant element istheuse of sub-office premisesfor community purposes.Thebenefits of thislocalization, Thomas and Shaftoe (1974)suggest, arethat theworker gainsanintimate knowledge of community resourcesand sees themulti-faceted view of theconsumer groupinthe neighbourhood, andthat this acts against apathological orinadequate view of consumer groups. Theworker isable todevelop amore informal relation with theclient, whichhastheadvantage of breaking downthe impersonal bureaucratic face of socialservice departments, and also provides theworker withmore information about community needs.This isimportant indeveloping therole of the social worker inan educational roleconcerning resourcesand benefits. It also assists theworker tobuild upcontacts between isolated casessharing thesame problems andexploring withthem what theyrequire asasolution. Itisimportant forthe worker to develop networks andcontacts, usingsuchdiverse resources as sympathetic voluntaryworkers,clergy,tradeunion organizations and thelocal trades council. Thesub-office canbecome ameeting place, community centreandresource centreoffering advice, information andlegal aid.

One advantage is thattheteam canbeinvolved inbroader community issuesthrough contacts. Forexample, severalyouth workers haveformed agroup of workers withyouth against fascism aimed at combating racismandtheNational Front's attempt torecruit youngpeople. Asimilar grouphasbeen formed 22 Radicalsocialworkandpractice by feminists againstsexism in youth work. Thesehavelinks with broader based political movements involving the Jewish Board of Deputies, the BritishCouncil of Churches, the Anti NaziLeague, trade unions and the trades councils. Other issues can be organized around homelessness, fuel for the elderly and similar campaigns. An important area of collective work is welfare rights and advocacy, although this should not beseen as the only area of work for radicals. Itisimportant that consumers understand their position, and this means assisting them to getall the benefits they are entitled to, and helping them agitate in the community for more. Schragg (1977)suggests that hiding the availability of benefits isone of the most important mechanisms that the State has to reduce demands made on it, and that fighting for these benefits is an aspect of political struggleforsocial work. The social worker should not be manipulated asa buffer between the client and the bureaucracy whichhas the power to grant benefits, but should usethis situation asapolitical leveragainst the State.

Schragg suggests that one strategy isto document the socialcost of concrete resources, and provideevidence to the State that it might forexample bewiser to invest in perhaps nursery resources which willrelease peoplefor work at areasonable level of wages.

In Britain the Acode (a Department of Health and Social Security guidelines codecontaining details of therights of supplementary benefits claimants and the strategies open to officials) iscarefully kept secret from anyone exceptsupplementary benefitsofficers. The present political climate is obviously aimed at labour discipline, and is characterized byattempts to drive people to work at menial tasks, the wageforwhich compares un favourably with welfare benefits. The prevailing ideologymeans that these jobs areeulogized bythose who do not have to perform that labour, and who extoll itsdignity aspreferable to living on welfare benefits. Thisreactionary backlashwillhave to be resisted as the crisisdeepens and as the economy isgeared to even more public sectorcutbacks. Socialworkers need to resistthis and to maintain thisposition - that welfareispaid for by the working class and assuch remains aright for the poor. 2Working withconsumers in individual practice. No matter howcollective team work is, the social worker isalways Contributions toaradical practice insocial work 23 facedwith the one-to-one situation.Whilst itisessential to collec­ tivize problems, it isworth noting that itisimportant not to use individuals or groups of the most vulnerable sections of society in confrontations against the state where they can bedestroyed. This practice is cruel and dangerous. Aradical political perspective and aradical concept of psychology need to beused as an analytical base to build from, and not used to manipulate the powerlessina confrontation in which theyloseconsiderably, and which leaves the socialworker unscathed. Any confrontation needspowerful allies in the community and in organized labour. Any politicalcampaign for changeneedslong and careful pre­ paration, otherwise social work becomesasubstitute forpolitical work. Itisimportant to politicize social work, but thisisdifferent from being involved in political activistmovements. Thisis not to suggest that social workers should not developissue-based groups as far aspossible with the intention of developing self-helpgroups and pressure groups. Aradical, political framework suchas socialism can be used to sensitize the social worker to theactual definition of the situation by the client, and also to sensitize the client to problems due to contradictions in the system.This is particularly true in the area where the clienthaslapsed into self­ blame, aswith racism or unemployment or depression inwomen.

In work withfamilies, for example, it isnecessary to understand how the reproduction of socialrelations of capitalism involve family members in everyday oppression. Corrigan and Leonard make apragmatic attempt to deal with family dynamics within this framework to gain an insight into all the members of afamily, and this makes avaluable starting-point for socialworkers and social work students. Thismeans that traditional techniques such as casework, group work and family work, and such traditional humanistic conceptsas the autonomy of the client,aregiven a new meaning and anew dimension whenaffiliated to aradical socialist perspective. It is important to retain the client'spers­ pective, including how the clientseestheworker, and one important lesson is, to seetheir relation to the wider social structure, and not to romanticize them,which helpsneither client nor the worker. It is important to make adistinction between radical work and the radicalization of consumers. The consumers of social services are not the vanguard of therevolution, and they mostly hold a mixture of reactionary and progressive views. They 24Radical socialworkandpractice aretheleast likely group tobe involved inprogressive action,but at thesame timetheymust notbewritten off.They often havea very realistic appraisal of theirsituation andwhat theyfeelthe social services shouldprovide. Radicalsocialwork is notan evangelical campaign,andmany people whoseek help areata moment intheir liveswhen theyaretoo brutalized ordesperate to be reached. Thedanger isthat thismay provoke acynicism inthe worker, whichhasitsbasis indespair overthedifficulty of the situation, andeventually acontempt forthe consumer.

It is essential thatthis isresisted, which iswhyinvolvement inan alter­ native movement inthe wider society isimportant. Itisessential to work through people's feelings of depression, aggressionor despair withtheaims of helping thematboth anindividual anda collective level.Thismeans starting withtheir definition of the situation andtheir values, andthen trying to extend theseintoa wider understanding of selfand of society. It means tryingto understand andwork through theroots of depression or hostility, and using thistoprepare theperson to become wholeenough so that they canengage instruggle againsttheirsituation individ­ ually andthen, perhaps, collectively. Societyhasdeveloped a competitive ethosforscarce resources whichaccepts thatthere must bydefinition becasualties. Consequently failure is per­ sonalized bythe most dispossessed andpowerless groups.

Consumers need to behelped tounderstand theirposition, and their feelings, andgiven insight intotheir motivation. Caremust be taken thatthisdoes notbecome aform of social control, or used asasubstitute to meeting material deprivation. .

Radical socialworkneeds todevelop anorganizational context which provides aspace tocollectivize practiceasfar aspossible.

For this reason we suggest thatthelibertarian socialisttradition may have much tooffer forabasic democratic structure.Within this space theremustberoom forwork withindividuals which is basedonaradical theory of being,involving asocialist analysis both of the political economy and of humannature. Social workers arecaught upinacontradictory role,asimplementers of state aidwhich theyarepowerless tochange asindividuals, anda mediators againsttheextreme forms of injustice of thisaid.

Social workers needtouse their training coursestodevelop analysis andtowork outstrategies whichwillgenuinely enable them tobe activists ontheir consumers side.Schragg has Contributions toaradical practice insocial work 25 commented onthe necessity tobring together clientswith common needsandproblems toengage incollective actionon their ownbehalf. An important steptoo is tobreak downthe isolated individualism of the problem tocollectivize it, to drawon resources amongtheconsumers, andtoinitiate acampaign to resolve thatproblem. Thebasis of thisproblem is apolitical analysis, preferably developedintraining andcontinued during practice, whichcanassess theconsequences of different forms of actionandpractice. Thesolution liesnot inarecipe bookfor individual problems, butindeveloping throughpracticeways of working whichwillgive support tosocial change andwhich will genuinely affectthelives of consumers. Radical social work and practice Edited by Mike Brake and Roy Bailey (j) Edward Arnold © EdwardArnold(Publishers) Ltd 1980 Firstpublished 1980 by Edward Arnold(Publishers) Ltd 41 BedfordSquare,London WCIB3DQ British Library Cataloguing inPublication Data Radical socialworkandpractice. 1. Social work I. Brake, Mike II.Bailey, Roy 361' .001 HV 40 ISBN: 0-7131-6280-5 All rights reserved. Nopart ofthis publication maybereproduced, stored in aretrieval system,ortransmitted in any form orby any means, electronic, photocopying, recording or otherwise,withouttheprior per­ mission of Edward Arnold(Publishers) Ltd. ,i,"'It: '.'" •.(.':'f rf):*,';:,': '"t, ," ,,' :', ''',f:'' ~rtte-J"1k:-Jf( ;~! .~;·,}4~.i ~!t\~'t:rr.-, Printed in Great Britain by, Richard Clay(TheChaucer Press)Ltd., Bungay, Suffolk Contents Contributions toaradical practice insocial work 7 Roy Bailey and Mike Brake 2 Feminism andsocial work 26 Elizabeth Wilson 3 It's just astage we're going through: thesexual 43 politics of casework John Hart 4 Culture, contextandpractice: racisminsocial work 64 Charles Husband 5 Radical residential childcare: Trojan horse or 86 non-runner?

Phil Lee andDavid Pithers 6 Radical practice inprobation 123 Bruce Hugman 7 Thesub-office: ateam approach tolocal authority 155 fieldwork practice BillBennett 8 Beyond CDP:reaction andcommunity action 182 MarjorieMayo 9 Theproblem withauthority 197 Myra Garrett 10 Social workers: pawns,policeoragitators? 215 Ron Bailey Notes on contributors 228 References ,232 Index 245 ------------------------ end of text ------------------------ This publication is made available in the context of the history of social work project. See www.historyofsocialwork.org It is our aim to respect authors’ and publishers’ copyright. Should you feel we violated those, please do get in touch with us. Deze publicatie wordt beschikbaar gesteld in het kader van de canon sociaal werk.

Zie www.canonsociaalwerk.eu Het is onze wens de rechten van auteurs en uitgevers te respecten. Mocht je denken dat we daarin iets fout doen, gelieve ons dan te contacteren. ------------------------ einde van de tekst ------------------------