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Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rers20 Download by: [Brunel University London] Date: 18 April 2017, At: 05:50 Ethnic and Racial Studies ISSN: 0141-9870 (Print) 1466-4356 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rers20 Creating the conditions for peacemaking: theories of practice in ethnic conflict resolution Marc Howard Ross To cite this article: Marc Howard Ross (2000) Creating the conditions for peacemaking: theories of practice in ethnic conflict resolution, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 23:6, 1002-1034, DOI:

10.1080/014198700750018397 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/014198700750018397 Published online: 07 Dec 2010.Submit your article to this journal Article views: 1081View related articles Citing articles: 22 View citing articles Creating the conditions fo r peacemaking: theories of practice in ethnic con ¯ ict resolutio n Marc Howard Ros s Abstract Establishing the conditions for effective intergroup peacemaking is a for - midable task in severe ethnic con icts. Con ict resolution practitioner s argue that a critical Ž rst step is developing preconditions which convinc e competing groups that there are opponents to whom it is worth talking, tha t it is possible to create structural changes conducive to a stable peace, an d that an agreement is possible which can meet each side ’s basic concerns an d needs. This article compares six theories of practice of ethnic con ict reso - lution: community relations, principled negotiation; human needs; psycho - analytically rooted identity; intercultural miscommunications and con ic t transformation, examining how each understands ethnic con ict; the goal s it articulates; the effects of good practice on participants in interventions ; the mechanisms by which the project achieves its impact; and the dynamic s of transfer affecting the course of a wider con ict. It is argued that cleare r articulation of these assumptions will improve both theory and practice in the search for settlements to severe ethnic con ict . Keywords : Ethnic con ict; con ict resolution; ethnic identity; theory and practice . Introduction Destructive ethnic con ict is a prominent feature of the post Cold Wa r world. Rendering ethnic con ict less virulent and Ž nding ways to permi t groups at odds to coexist in the same state or as peaceful neighbourin g states is a powerful challenge. Designing appropriate constitutiona l arrangements and effective institutional practices is particularly dif Ž cul t in settings where group con ict is high and trust low . Many con ict resolution practitioners argue that a two-step approac h is needed. The Ž rst is developing preconditions which convince compet - ing groups that there are opponents to whom it is worth talking, that it is possible to create structural changes conducive to a stable peace, an d that an agreement is possible which can meet each side ’s basic concern s Ethnic and Racial Studies V olume 23 Number 6 November 2000 pp. 100 2 – 1034 © 2000 Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Lt d ISSN 0141-9870 print /1466-4356 onlin e and needs (Kelman 1987) .

1 The second step is a more of Ž cial process in which representatives of different groups hammer out constitutional an d other arrangements which address the basic fears and meet the cor e interests of the parties. My attention here is on less formal (sometime s called track 2) procedures intended to get the parties to where they ca n negotiate effectively, not on the substantive, constitutional proposals fo r ongoing management of ethnic con ict. Federalism, consociationalism , regional autonomy, vote pooling, power sharing arrangements an d political separation can all be examined as alternative theories of ethni c con ict management in the way I treat theories of practice. They are , however, possible outcomes to intergroup negotiations and not pro - cesses for reaching an outcome which are my concern here . The focus of this analysis is on the Ž rst step – creating the condition s so that groups in con ict can move towards developing a settlement . 2 Two hypotheses are at work here: 1) that until key preconditions ar e met, competing groups are unlikely to make effective progress toward s an agreement; and 2) that the development of cooperation betwee n small groups in local settings can produce changes which spill over an d produce a shift in the larger con ict. This impact results from th e development of politically and culturally appropriate metaphors an d models of intergroup cooperation and the transfer of knowledge, skill s and new perspectives from the relatively few people directly involved in con ict resolution initiatives to others through face-to-face conversa - tions with relevant actors and the media . Establishing the preconditions for effective intergroup dialogue an d negotiations is a formidable task. In severe ethnic con icts, parties an d their representatives often go years refusing to recognize, let alone tal k with, opposition leaders and groups. For this reason, what is so strikin g about the 1998 Northern Ireland agreement is not the content of the con - stitutional and institutional arrangements. In fact, one can argue that th e basic framework for the Good Friday Agreement was predictable year s earlier. Rather, what was equally important, but not well understood, is that the stakeholders in the region were Ž nally willing to sit down wit h their opponents, George Mitchell, and the British and Irish government s over a period of months to negotiate future arrangements . 3 Theories of practice of ethnic con ict resolution differ in the link tha t they conceptualize between an initiative ’ s speci Ž c activities and th e settlement of the wider con ict (Bloom Ž eld 1997). Some practitioner s focus their efforts directly on getting the contending parties to the tabl e and being able to talk constructively when they get there. Others ar e much more concerned with community disputes such as contentiou s parades in Northern Ireland, the language of street signs in Hungaria n towns in Slovakia, or policing in South Africa and believe that address - ing these issues constructively creates the conditions where successfu l political negotiations are more likely to occur . Creating the conditions for peacemakin g 1003 This article examines the theories of practice of six differen t approaches to ethnic con ict resolution: community relations, principle d negotiation; human needs; psychoanalytically rooted identity; inter - cultural miscommunications; con ict transformation. While these ap - proaches seek to achieve distinct objectives, all share the goal of movin g intransigent con icts towards a just and peaceful settlement. I compar e the core assumptions of the six theories of practice in terms of how eac h views: the nature of con ict, with an emphasis on the speci Ž c domain s or ‘ problem areas ’ to which the theory pays particular attention; th e speci Ž c effects that good practice are expected to have on participant s in interventions; how each practice is supposed to impact the course of a con ict beyond its direct effects on the participants in an intervention ; images of what a successful settlement looks like; and hypotheses abou t the mechanisms by which the project achieves its impact. This examin - ation of theories of practice will help us to better understand the possi - bilities and limits of con ict resolution, the range of goals associated wit h different approaches, and how con ict resolution practitioners under - stand the wider relevance of their work . The six theories of practice are selected because of their prominenc e in the Ž eld of con ict resolution today. In seeking analytic clarity, I emphasize distinctions among theories although at a few points I comment on areas of overlap. In addition, it is important to keep in min d that certain techniques, such as problem-solving workshops, are used by more than one approach, and that some formats address more than on e dimension of any single con ict. In the presentation which follows, I Ž rs t discuss the evaluation of success and failure in con ict resolution work , asking how we should conceptualize the impact on those people partici - pating in speci Ž c initiatives and on the larger con ict in which it is embedded. I then examine the notion of theories of practice befor e turning to six speci Ž c con ict resolution approaches. The last section of the article offers an explicit comparison of the six theories of practic e and argues that greater attention to their underlying assumptions wil l make for better theory and improved practice and possibilities fo r developing contingency models of con ict resolution which link differ - ent approaches together (Fisher 1997) . Large-scale con ict and small-scale intervention s The ethnic con icts of interest here are those which involve large groups , often millions of people, at odds with each other and engaged in mutually destructive actions. Obvious examples include Israelis an d Palestinians in the Middle East, Sinhalese and Tamils in Sri Lanka , Protestants and Catholics in Northern Ireland, and Serbs and Albanian s in Kosovo. None of the groups involved in these con icts is so central - ized that a single leader can be said to fully represent the group. Rather , 1004 Marc Howard Ros s in these con icts there is signi Ž cant intragroup social, cultural and politi - cal diversity which can be a signi Ž cant barrier to reaching intergrou p agreements. 4 Central to deciding whether a con ict resolution initiative has bee n successful, is the connection between its speci Ž c programmatic goals an d changes in the long-term relationships between large groups. T o addres s this link, it is analytically useful to distinguish between internal an d external criteria of a project ’ s success and failure. Internal criteri a concern the impact on those participating in an initiative, while externa l criteria link a project ’s activities to the con ict as a whole . 5 For example , an intervention which brings together Israeli and Palestinian school - children might de Ž ne success in terms of internal criteria such as th e extent to which they learn about each other ’s traditions, develop a mor e nuanced appreciation of the other side ’ s values, and treat members of the other group differently than they had in the past. External criteri a of success would ask if such an intervention affects group relations in th e communities where it occurs or if it moves the Middle East con ict close r to settlement. It is based on a theory of linkage which hypothesizes tha t changes in individual and small group beliefs and behaviours, such as those of the schoolchildren in this hypothetical project, can eventuall y affect the political agreements that political leaders make . 6 Internal criteria of succes s Internal measures of success and failure might be changes in attitude s among workshop participants, increasing knowledge and skills, settle - ment of local disputes, sporting events for children in two communities , or negotiated agreements for sharing use of a public facility. Behavioura l changes are particularly good indicators of an intervention ’s effect – or its absence. These can range from dramatic political steps by leaders to shifts in the daily routines of ordinary citizens and often involve th e creation and institutionalization of new practices. The crucial point is that there is no single list of criteria of success useful in all interventions , what is important are multiple context-based criteria which make sens e to, and can be developed by, the people in con ict in speci Ž c setting s (Ross and Rothman 1999b; Chataway and Kelman forthcoming) . External criteria of succes s External criteria of success link the speci Ž c effects of an intervention to the wider con ict in which it is embedded – what Kelman calls transfer . While many con ict resolution projects have a good sense of thei r internal criteria of success, there is also a need for explicit articulatio n of the link between these goals and the impact they expect achievin g them to have on the wider societal con ict. While no single, small-scal e Creating the conditions for peacemakin g 1005 intervention can be expected to end a long-term intransigent con ic t itself, one can ask a project ’ s initiators to hypothesize what its particu - lar contribution might be . Likewise, in settings where there are multiple , simultaneous interventions with some communication and coordinatio n among them, we might ask projects to spell out what they envisage thei r joint activities could be . Explicit hypotheses about spillover and multiplier effects or idea s about when to engage governmental authorities in formal negotiation s are rarely found but are needed so that we can better understand ho w and when intense investment in a local project involving relatively fe w individuals might have a signi Ž cant impact on the wider con ict. Fo r example, are interventions most useful as steps to get a community to the point where it is willing to consider a political settlement, or are the y to be valued for the changes in people ’s daily lives irrespective of ho w political leaders react? Spelling out these hypotheses is often less dif Ž - cult than practitioners believe and could lead to important learning s about project impact which improves the design of future interventions . Developing explicit external criteria of success can be dif Ž cult. An important methodological problem is that a core goal in many con ic t resolution efforts is to prevent undesirable events, such as tit-for-ta t reprisals between groups, from occurring. Since the aim is to prevent an outcome, such as retaliatory violence, how are we to decide the exten t to which the groups ’ intervention is the reason why the event does no t occur? 7 T o decide whether a project wanting to prevent escalation of violence in a community is successful or not, we have proposed thre e different tests (Ross and Rothman 1999a). Although none of these test s is infallible, agreement across them might provide a strong basis fo r assessing an intervention ’ s impact . Face validit y Is it plausible that the activities of a project are likely to have con - tributed to an outcome (or a non-outcome)? For example, Kelma n (1995) suggests it is likely that problem-solving workshops and variou s Track 2 efforts significantly contributed to the 1993 Oslo Accord an d subsequent Israeli-Palestinian Agreement. He argues that over twent y years these interventions significantly altered the frames of referenc e of political é lites and the mass public on each side. In addition, he argues that these workshops: (1) showed key Israelis and Palestinian s that there was someone on the other side with whom they could talk , and (2) provided participants with a more precise idea of what the sub - stance of a future agreement might look like. While Kelman does no t assert that his workshops were necessarily more important than the en d of the Cold War and the PLO ’ s weakened political position followin g the Gulf War, he does make a plausible case for the claim that conflic t 1006 Marc Howard Ros s resolution mattered – a claim which has face validity to many familia r with the conflict . Consistency with theor y A second test is whether an outcome is consistent or not with one or more accepted social science theories. This test can be particularly usefu l in raising questions about well-intentioned, but naive, interventions. Fo r example, claiming a signi Ž cant impact as a result of short-term inter - ventions, such as week-end training sessions, ies in the face of what is widely accepted about the need for long-term, ongoing social support fo r attitude and behaviour change, the sometimes negative effects of inter - group contact, and the problems that people in emotionally charged situ - ations have in transferring learnings across social settings or individuals . 8 Similarly, methodological problems such as selection bias, reactivity, an d instrumentation can lead wishful-thinking interveners to believe that th e impact of micro-level interventions on macro-level events is greater tha n it is (Campbell and Stanley 1963) . Consensus among the disputing partie s Face validity and consistency with theory are judgements that imple - menters and outside observers make. Another useful test of a project ’ s impact could come from the people in the disputing communities them - selves. Two different kinds of evidence might be sought. One would tr y to collect local perceptions about why particular outcomes had or ha d not come about. Learning what people think is at work can be useful , particularly if the answers are consistent with the Ž rst two tests. Second , one might try to get the reactions of a more focused sample of com - munity leaders, political or security of Ž cials to determine the extent to which they think speci Ž c interventions were effective in achieving thei r goals. While such reactions may be coloured by political perspectives , detailed local descriptions of initiatives should teach us a good dea l about what makes an initiative effective or ineffective . Theories of practic e All practice is grounded in beliefs about the nature of social, politica l and psychological reality. These core beliefs, which explain why and ho w practitioners expect to produce their intended effects, are more ofte n implicit than explicit. Making them explicit permits us to identify th e core assumptions of speci Ž c theories of practice, to articulate indicator s which could help us evaluate if given theories are correct, and to revis e practice if the core assumptions on which it is based are found to be imprecise or unwarranted . Creating the conditions for peacemakin g 1007 My working hypothesis, following LeVine and Campbell (1972), is that most theories of ethnic con ict resolution do not directly contradic t each other. Rather, speci Ž c theories emphasize somewhat differen t sources of con ict. What this means is that while practitioners followin g particular approaches engage in different actions, it is also the case tha t the practices of one approach are not often directly at odds with what a different theory of practice advocates. There are, however, importan t differences worth emphasizing among major theories of practice in thei r focus, priorities, timing and organization of activities . The capacity to process information from one ’ s environment as par t of choosing among action alternatives is a central feature of huma n behaviour. T o do this requires a model of the world – what many socia l psychologists and cultural anthropologists call a schema – which is use d to interpret the new information and its signi Ž cance for action (D ’ An - drade 1992). The schemas that social psychologists describe contai n assumptions about how the world one lives in works, about the motive s of different social actors and about the consequences of action on others . All social actors possess such schemas, or theories about the world, an d the ones of particular interest here concern assumptions about th e nature of ethnic con ict, what can be done to manage it constructively , and judgements about what constitutes success and failure in ethni c con ict resolution .

9 An examination of different theories suggests a wid e range in the criteria of success which each does (or could) articulate an d in how approaches to con ict resolution differ in how they envisage th e transfer process . While it is possible to identify speci Ž c practitioners associated wit h each of the theories I consider, I do not stress this linkage here (or nam e the theories after individuals) for two reasons. First, giving each theor y of practice a proper, rather than substantive, name risks inappropriatel y personalizing and caricaturing each; and second, deemphasizing th e linkage between the theories and speci Ž c practitioners avoids th e problem of critiquing speci Ž c projects (which is not my goal here) an d recognizes that many interventions in ethnic (and other) con icts ar e both eclectic and opportunistic in what they actually do and do no t necessarily Ž t neatly into just one of the theories of practice I discuss . Six theories of ethnic con ict resolutio n Theories of practice are the core assumptions with which practitioner s approach ethnic con ict. Here I describe six theories, emphasizing differ - ences among their core propositions while recognizing that in actua l practice elements of more than one approach are often combined .

10 In addition, I should note that the six theories of practice considered her e are not mutually exclusive and that there are some common themes to be found in all of them. Most important is the idea that effective con ic t 1008 Marc Howard Ros s resolution requires the empowerment and active participation of th e parties to the con ict. In addition, while all recognize that there is ofte n a signi Ž cant role that third parties can play, none of the theorie s reviewed here looks to third parties to devise or impose solutions them - selves. Similarly, these theories do not give an important role to authori - tative third parties such as judges or administrative of Ž cials. The reaso n for this is simple: the issues at stake are not ones which can be settle d by reference to a general rule or law. It is, in fact, the contested natur e of such rules and the absence of a shared frame of reference which gener - ally make these con icts so bitter in the Ž rst place . Because of my concern with practice, I focus on theories of con ic t and con ict resolution which are the basis for speci Ž c con ict resolu - tion approaches to ethnic con ict. For example, even though there ha s been widespread interest in Osgood ’ s Graduated and Reciprocate d Initiatives in Tension-reduction [GRIT] (Osgood 1962; Lindskol d 1986), and Larson (1987) argues that GRIT usefully explains cases of international negotiation, there is no systematic effort to build an approach to ethnic con ict resolution around it (although Kelma n (1982) draws on it in designing proposals to advance the Middle Eas t peace process). However, it is important to note that many practitioner s use GRIT ’s insights to get opposing groups to undertake small con Ž - dence-building measures as a step to de-escalating tensions, increasin g trust and moving towards an agreement on outstanding issue s (Rothchild and Lake 1998). Similarly, while game theoretic analyse s point to strategies for developing long-term cooperation betwee n adversaries, to date they are not the basis for con ict resolution initiat - ives in the ethnic area . 11 Finally, although traditional diplomacy consti - tutes a theory of practice for settling ethnic con ict, I shall not examin e it here for two reasons: Ž rst, because the practice of diplomacy ha s received extensive analysis elsewhere, and second, because most recen t work in ethnic con ict has emphasized the need for approaches to res - olution which go beyond the instrumental agreements that are at th e core of of Ž cial diplomacy . 1. Community relation s I begin with the most general theory of practice, community relations , one which has been the basis for action in a wide range of settings. It s core principle is that effective intergroup con ict resolution requires sig - ni Ž cant changes in how people from different communities interact wit h each other at the local level. Fitzduff describes the overall aim of com - munity relations as increasing ‘ . . .understanding, respect, and cooper - ation between communities . . . in the belief that such development ca n assist communities in working together to develop a solution to . . . con ict that is both just and sustainable ’ (Fitzduff 1993, p. 34). Th e Creating the conditions for peacemakin g 1009 speci Ž c activities consistent with this general principle vary greatly acros s contexts. 12 Frazer and Fitzduff (1994, p. 25) emphasize three key aspects of com - munity relations in ethnic con ict resolution: improving communication s and understanding between communities; promoting a tolerant accept - ance of the existence of a diversity of traditions and cultures; and encour - aging structures which safeguard the rights of all members of society . They propose a two-stage theory of action which posits that communit y development projects are Ž rst needed so that groups can begin to tak e control of decisions affecting their own lives, and then the resulting self - esteem will leave them less fearful and threatened, and therefore enabl e them to meet with representatives from other communities to pursu e matters of common interest (Frazer and Fitzduff 1994, p. 31) . The starting point for community relations work in this two-stag e theory is the development and nurturance of local organizations whic h will articulate the needs and concerns of their community in such a wa y that they can be addressed through institutional channels. Particularly in divided societies where minorities ’ rights have been abridged an d economic discrimination has been common, organizations aimed at th e empowerment of minorities (or even numerical majorities as in Sout h Africa under apartheid) can be highly controversial and raise the leve l of short-term con ict. As a result, some community relations effort s begin by building organizations within single communities. Effectiv e community-based groups are felt to improve communication with publi c or private institutions, increase the visibility and understanding of com - munity grievances, and provide services meeting important local needs . The second phase of community relations work is developing con - structive local-level interaction and cooperative relationships betwee n people from different groups. While speci Ž c interactions can vary widel y – from sporting encounters, to school and cultural exchanges, or discus - sions of joint concerns such as children ’s safety or clean water – the core assumption is that functional cooperation around substantive matter s can contribute to the breakdown of negative images and diminish inter - group hostility. One interesting way community relations work in Northern Ireland has tried to develop a tolerance of diversity among th e different groups is by providing contexts in which contested identitie s could be af Ž rmed, as Protestants and Catholics learn more about eac h other ’ s beliefs and traditions (Fitzduff 1996, pp. 36 – 43). Clearly this is in striking contrast to efforts that deny group differences or play down thei r signi Ž cance. Community relations work is interested in helping group s to live in the same society and manage con ict constructively. However , it is important to point out that it is not premised on the idea of assimi - lation and ending intergroup differences . In Northern Ireland, in 1989, the government (through the Centra l Community Relations Unit) began providing funds for local councils to 1010 Marc Howard Ros s initiate and implement community relations programmes as a way of building cross-community cooperation and power-sharing. Knox an d Hughes (1995, pp. 57 – 59) suggest a number of ways in which they hav e been successful, including the establishment of contact in a favourabl e social climate, the placement of community relations on to local polic y agendas and in increasing power-sharing at the local level. The justi Ž - cation for these programmes is twofold: Ž rst, the direct effects they migh t have in local communities, and second, their potential impact on th e ability to tackle the underlying divisions in the region . The community relations approach to peacemaking and con ict res - olution has been particularly prominent in Northern Ireland in recen t years and the Community Relations Council ’ s 1998 guide listed wel l over 100 community relations projects – a large number indeed con - sidering that the region ’ s population is only a million and a half peopl e (Bloom Ž eld 1997, pp. 13 3 – 68). The list shows the very different kind s of sponsorship that these projects have and the very different goals tha t they pursue in trying to alter intergroup relations. Some projects see k to alter people ’ s daily lives, while others emphasize long-term question s in trying to bring peace to the region (Mulvihill and Ross 1999). Thi s project diversity is not best understood as disagreement over priorities , but as a division of labour needed to alter long-standing local pattern s of prejudice, discrimination and distrust. At the core of this approac h is the hypothesis that ‘ as community relations work operates to develo p more inclusive communal relationships, that will facilitate politics in working out more inclusive political settlements ’ (Bloom Ž eld 1997, p. 185).

2. Principled negotiatio n Principled negotiation is both a speci Ž c technique and a genera l approach to con ict resolution. It is a method of negotiation offered as an alternative to positional bargaining ‘ explicitly designed to produc e wise outcomes ef Ž ciently and amicably ’ (Fisher and Ury 1983 , pp. 10 – 11). Principled negotiation, Fisher and Ury argue, has four basi c points which ‘ can be used under almost any circumstance ’ : separate th e people from the problem, focus on interests, not positions; generate a variety of possibilities before deciding what to do; and insist that th e result be based on some objective standard (Fisher and Ury 1983, p. 11) . At the core of the theory of principled negotiation is the hypothesi s that once each side can articulate its core interests and understands thos e of the other parties, a creative solution to bridging differences can be generated (Fisher, Kopelman and Schneider 1994). The keys to develop - ing a good outcome are twofold. First, there is a belief that the parties ’ low-keyed exploration of their differences will reveal a disparity in th e relative prioritization of interests which enhances the opportunities fo r Creating the conditions for peacemakin g 1011 a mutually bene Ž cial outcome (Raiffa 1982; Fisher, Kopelman an d Schneider 1994, p. 39) : . . . A wise outcome is not determined by how much the parties ca n be persuaded to compromise on their positions, but rather by th e extent to which the outcome takes care of the underlying interests . Many people become so locked into a position that they forget th e very interests that led them to take that position in the Ž rst place. The y overlook the fact that those interests can often be met in other way s (Fisher, Kopelman and Schneider 1994, p. 36) . Second, an effective con ict resolution process is more likely when th e parties ’ emotional attachment to speci Ž c positions and intense person - alization of a con ict diminishes. ‘Anger over a situation may lead yo u to express anger toward some human being associated with it ’ (Fishe r and Ury 1983, p. 20). Therefore, one of the goals of principled negoti - ation is getting the parties to recognize how their relationship is en - tangled with substantive issues so that the two can be separated. ‘ Free d from the burden of unexpressed emotions, people will become mor e likely to work on the problems ’ (Fisher and Ury 1983 p. 31) . While the theory of principled negotiation was not proposed speci Ž c- ally with ethnic (and other deep identity) con icts in mind, its advocate s argue that it is relevant to all disputes including ethnic ones. The centra l points of principled negotiation – especially the notion of focusing on the interests which underlie seemingly incompatible positions – are widely seen as helpful in many different approaches to negotiation an d ethnic con ict resolution even those which emphasize needs and moti - vations over interests (for example, Rothman 1997) . Principled negotiation, with its emphasis on mutual gains, is seen as particularly useful in large-scale, multi-party con icts which wast e resources and provoke public alienation when con ict spins out of control (Susskind and Cruikshank 1987; Susskind and Field 1996). In such con icts, Susskind and Cruikshank (1987) argue tha t consensus building requires informal, face-to-face interaction amon g specially chosen representatives of all “ stakeholding ” groups; a volun - tary effort to seek “ all-gain ” rather than “ win-lose ” solutions or watered-down political compromise; and, often, the assistance of a neutral facilitator or mediator ’ (Susskind and Cruikshank 1987, p. 11) . Principled negotiation seeks agreement which involves all stakeholder s and addresses their key concerns. Susskind and Cruikshank (1987, p. 17 ) argue that principled negotiation will be particularly relevant in distri - butional disputes – those which are about the allocation of resources – rather than values disputes which focus on constitutional or legal rights . 1012 Marc Howard Ros s The key to the success is that ‘ most public disputes are not of the zero - sum variety, even though they may be framed that way at the outset. Al l too often, disputants conclude that there is nothing to trade simpl y because they have not been thinking along these lines ’ (Susskind an d Cruikshank 1987, p. 245) .

13 3. Human needs theor y In sharp contrast with the theory of principled negotiations, huma n needs theory argues that there is a class of deep-rooted con icts in whic h ‘ there are frustrations and concerns under the surface that are not nego - tiable and cannot be repressed, adjudicated by the courts or negotiated ’ (Burton 1990, p. 13). This is because ‘ there are limits to the extent to which the human person, acting separately or within a wider ethnic or national community, can be socialized or manipulated . . . there ar e human development needs that must be satis Ž ed and catered for by insti - tutions . . .’ (Burton 1990, p. 23) . In spelling out human needs theory, Burton distinguishes betwee n needs which are universal human motivations conditioned by biology ; values , which are ideas, habits, customs and beliefs characteristic of par - ticular social communities; and interests which are the aspirations of indi - viduals or identity groups within a social system (Burton 1990, pp . 36 – 38). Only interests can be negotiated, while ‘ needs will be pursue d by all means possible ’ (Burton 1990, p. 36). Although needs are at th e core of his theory, Burton is not particularly precise about which speci Ž c needs are universal or the theoretical basis for how one answers thi s question (Avruch and Black 1990, p. 227). Among the needs that he identi Ž es are recognition, valued relations, distributive justice, identity , autonomy, dignity, belonging, security, physical needs and perhap s personal development .

14 Because unmet, or frustrated, core human needs are the causes of deeply-rooted con ict, Burton has sought to develop an approach to con ict resolution to meet them. At its core is getting the parties to recognize their common needs (shared goals and objectives), and he argues this is something which is best achieve d when parties to disputes are brought together in a face-to-face ana - lytical dialogue, facilitated by a third party. Inevitably they soo n discover that they have the same ultimate goals . . . [and] Once it is discovered that goals are held in common, the stage is set for a searc h for means that satisfy all parties to a dispute (Burton 1990, p. 42) .

15 Needs theory uses analytical problem-solving workshops as th e primary method for the resolution of deeply-rooted con icts such as those between ethnic communities (Burton 1990; Mitchell and Bank s Creating the conditions for peacemakin g 1013 1996; Fisher 1997). Analytical problem-solving brings the partie s together ‘ in a setting that enables them to check on their perceptions of each other, and on the relevance of their con ictual tactics in terms of possible consequences, and to explore alternatives that are availabl e once reperception and reassessment have taken place ’ (Burton 1990, p. 204). These workshops require a third-party ‘ observer in a scienti Ž c rol e . . . [who] play[s] an active and greatly in uential role by communicatin g relevant patterns of behavior drawn from other situations and fro m theoretical knowledge ’ (Ibid). Central to analytical problem-solvin g workshop is the hypothesis that once the relationships between th e parties ‘ have been analyzed [ sic ] satisfactorily, once each side is accu - rately informed of the perceptions of the other, of alternative means of attaining values and goals, and of costs of pursuing present policies , possible outcomes are revealed that might be acceptable to all parties ’ (Burton 1990, p. 205) . Mitchell and Banks ’ (1996) handbook of con ict resolution (actuall y a treatment only of analytical problem-solving workshops) identi Ž es si x steps in the sequence: analysis, access, preparation, workshop, re-entr y and effects. In organizing a workshop, third parties are faced with crucia l choices involving the structuring of the issues, the choice and recruit - ment of participants, the setting where the workshop will be held, th e nature of communication that will occur between the parties, th e development of a new, deeper understanding of the con ict and idea s about how it might be moved nearer a solution and how the participant s can diffuse their understandings to key decision-makers upon thei r return home (Mitchell and Banks 1996). A successful workshop does no t resolve a bitter con ict by itself but clari Ž es options towards which th e parties might work. It demonstrates ‘ that the parties do have a choice . They are not trapped by fate. They can take control of their own future ’ (Mitchell and Banks 1996, p. 145). Interestingly, the most importan t success, Mitchell and Banks suggest, may not be the speci Ž c under - standings the parties achieve but : . . . a sense of reassurance about the possibility of reaching som e mutually acceptable solution in the future; a deeper appreciation of the goals, constraints and obstacles faced by the other side; and an awareness of a range of mutually acceptable parameters within whic h a future solution might be sought (Mitchell and Banks 1996, p. 146) . 4. Psychoanalytically informed identity theor y Identity is a concept which virtually all theories of practice consider , albeit in different ways. Here I examine a theory of practice which build s on modern psychoanalytic ideas (Mack 1983; V olkan 1988, 1990; Mose s 1990; Montville 1991) giving a central role to identity in the origin an d 1014 Marc Howard Ros s persistence of ethnic con ict and seeing the need to address identit y issues as central to successful resolution of these con icts (Ross 1995 ; forthcoming). 16 Identity is both individual and social. It links the individual to large r social groupings and is experienced at the deepest emotional levels . Social identity begins to develop at the earliest stages of the life cycl e and its intensity is crucial to explaining why people are willing to mak e the greatest personal sacri Ž ces in its name (Stern 1995). As V olkan says : The psychoanalytic view indicates that ethnicity or nationality origi - nates much as other emotional phenomena do in clans or tribes. Th e sense of self is intertwined at a primitive level with the identity of th e group. Membership in these groups is not like that in a club or pro - fessional organization, since it is tinged with raw and primitive affect s pertaining to one ’ s sense of self and others and to their externaliza - tion and projections (V olkan 1990, p. 36) . People with a common identity share targets of externalization – common enemies. This reinforces a shared view of a world Ž lled wit h enemies and allies (V olkan 1988). High emotional salience is attache d to group differences which are reinforced through symbolic and ritua l behaviours binding individuals to their own groups. Of particular sig - ni Ž cance in V olkan ’s formulations are the stories of loss and sufferin g recounted by groups which he calls chosen traumas (V olkan 1991; 1997) . These historical events, such as the battle of Kosovo in 1389 for Serb s and the Nazi Holocaust for Jews, are powerful metaphors which repre - sent collective experiences and provide motives which guide grou p actions many years (or even centuries) later as psychocultural processe s collapse time and space . The process of mourning is the normal reaction to real or threatene d loss. However, in large-scale losses there is often an inability to mour n and to come to terms with loss so that, ‘ In the case of a large group th e inability to mourn may become a political force ’ (V olkan 1990, p. 43) . V olkan suggests that political mobilization around accumulated pas t grievances, efforts to ‘ purify ’ a group, and support for terrorism an d other forms of violence, are more likely to occur when ‘ historical griev - ances not assuaged by completed mourning become deeply entrenche d in the consciousness of succeeding generations ’ (V olkan 1990, p. 44) . Group mourning is critical in situations where anger is so great tha t normal mourning and the expression of loss cannot occur. Y et until sig - ni Ž cant loss can be mourned, groups are unable to alter their position s and develop new relationships with former enemies (V olkan 1988, p. 256). V olkan suggests that diplomats – and others who deal with bitte r intergroup con icts – must be trained to understand these dynamics . Montville (1991) argues that both of Ž cial and unof Ž cial (sometime s Creating the conditions for peacemakin g 1015 called Track 2) diplomacy needs to incorporate attention to issues of los s and mourning into its practices. Saunders (1985) suggests that in pre - negotiations and other less informal processes, parties can address thes e dif Ž cult issues productively so that they are not barriers to more forma l negotiations. More recently he has used ‘ the process of sustaine d dialogue ’ to focus on key relationships, the dynamics that cause them , and on ways to put insights from the dialogue into play in the larger bod y politic (Saunders 1995; 1999) . One important way to acknowledge loss and engage in mourning is through public and private symbolic and ritual actions (V olkan 1988 ; 1997). Sometimes this involves particular dramatic gestures such as Sadat ’ s 1977 visit to Jerusalem. V olkan and Montville are also intereste d in less dramatic, but none the less emotionally signi Ž cant, events an d objects which de Ž ne a con ict situation for a group and also provid e opportunities for the peaceful rede Ž nition of deeply held feelings in a con ict. They suggest, for example, that members of opposing com - munities might ‘ walk through history ’ , a procedure in which people fro m con icting communities revisit speci Ž c sites and each explains (an d comes to understand) the other ’ s interpretations of emotionall y meaningful historical events (Montville forthcoming). Similarly, join t participation in rituals, symbolic events, and construction of commo n memorials and shared spaces can serve the same functions and lesse n the deepest threats to identity felt by enemies . Kelman ’ s Israeli-Palestinian problem-solving workshops give a centra l role to identity issues. While this work is grounded in Burton ’ s need s theory and problem-solving workshops, at the same time his deepe r focus on the dynamics of identity and his greater analytic focus on non - cognitive elements in a con ict are two important differences betwee n his approach and Burton ’ s. Chataway and Kelman argue that whil e workshop participants seem to underestimate the importance of identit y and related symbolic acts, they Ž nd there is a need for participants ‘ to develop the language and gestures of reassurance that might move th e parties closer toward the negotiating table, based on a discussion of th e unmet needs and fears of the parties ’ (Chataway and Kelman forth - coming, p. 7) . While there are important ways in which his workshops differ fro m more therapeutic approaches, Kelman ’s concept of identity and th e central role that it plays in his analysis of con ict is quite consistent wit h contemporary psychoanalytic theory (Kelman 1991, pp. 15 3 – 59). He argues that identity is so central in ethnic con ict because it is associate d with a sense of mutual vulnerability which leads each side to fear tha t by recognizing the other ’ s national identity, it is denying its own : Each side seems concerned, then – perhaps at an unconscious level – that acceptance of the other ’s nationhood would undermine the mora l 1016 Marc Howard Ros s basis of its own claims . . . In sum, ful Ž llment of the other ’ s nationa l identity is perceived by each side as equivalent to the destruction of its own identity . . . Thus, neither side can be expected to make a mov e to accept the other unless and until it develops a sense of assuranc e that its own existence is secure (Kelman 1978, pp. 17 0 – 71). In his work Kelman focuses on intergroup (rather than interpersonal ) interactions and effects. Rather than building personal relationship s among workshop participants, he seeks to develop an understanding of why and how each side understands the con ict as a step toward s de Ž ning it as a joint problem to which analytical problem solving can be applied. Through trust and cooperative interaction, the parties ar e encouraged to both explore each other ’s perspective and develo p possible solutions for mutual bene Ž t. This requires that each party gai n insights into the other ’ s perspective and be convinced that there ar e people on the other side with whom one can talk, and issues wort h talking about (Kelman 1987). Finally, to alter the larger con ict, insight s gained within the workshop need to be fed into each community ’s polic y process and provide a model for directions that future intergroup inter - actions might take (Kelman and Cohen 1986; Chataway and Kelma n forthcoming). By engaging politically-active members of each society in compellin g positive interactions with the other side, their pro-peace attitudes an d behaviors will be further developed, and through the activities of thes e participants, the discussion within each society will become more pro - peace (Chataway and Kelman, forthcoming, p. 31) . 5. Intercultural miscommunication s Observers of intransigent ethnic disputes frequently suggest that group s with very different cultural beliefs and practices get into con ict becaus e of their inability to communicate effectively (Hall 1959). In part, this is because the communication process contains so many elements of whic h participants are not aware (Hall 1959; 1966). Thus, problems of mis - communication and incomplete understanding provoke tension whos e sources remain diffuse and unknown. As Carroll argues, ‘ the small (an d sometimes deep) wounds, which are all the more painful as we do no t know how to attribute them to intercultural misunderstanding; we there - fore attribute them to the other ’ s faults or to our own inadequacies ’ (Carroll 1988, p. 11). Related to this point is the insight from attributio n theory that we are more prone to explain our own negative actions an d those of our friends in terms of situational factors while attributing thos e of opponents to hostile motives (Pruitt and Rubin 1986) . While cultural differences in beliefs and behaviours certainly ar e Creating the conditions for peacemakin g 1017 viewed as barriers to effective intergroup communication and sources of misperception and distrust, what I focus on here is the theory tha t cultural differences in styles of communicatio n produce signi Ž cant diver - gence in how actions are understood (Hall 1959). For example, Kochma n (1981) uses the concept of cultural styles to examine how communicatio n between blacks and whites in the US increases tensions when th e message which one party intends to send is not the one that the othe r receives. He says that blacks draw a clear distinction between verbal an d physical aggression, whereas whites see one as blending into the other . One result is that whites are often frightened by black verbal aggression , feel threatened by it, and believe that violence is imminent. Blacks, on the other hand, believe ‘ there ’ s no problem as long as I’ m still talking ’ (Kochman 1981, pp. 43 – 61). As a result, because whites interpret verba l aggression as indicating imminent violence, they feel justi Ž ed in initiat - ing repressive measures that are offensive to blacks (Kochman 1981 , p. 61).

Intercultural miscommunications theory emphasizes that it is whe n the parties are not especially aware of their differences, or of ho w members of a different community understand particular behaviours , that tensions begin to mount (Hall 1959). Cohen (1990; 1991) uses Hall ’ s distinction between low-context, individualistic and high-context, col - lectivist cultures to analyse how intercultural communications can be a signi Ž cant barrier to effective negotiation and con ict resolution. Wher e high context cultures emphasize maintaining face, group harmony an d expressive elements in communication, low-context cultures are muc h more instrumental and legalistic in their interaction, communication is far more direct, and responsibility is a greater concern than outwar d appearances (Cohen 1991, pp. 25 – 27). T o illustrate how these cultura l differences in communication styles are central in intergroup con ict , Cohen examines the role they played in the inability of Egyptians an d Israelis to resolve their differences without resort to war from 1948 to 1973. Cohen shows that in addition to the substantive issues separatin g the countries, the con ict was exacerbated by the fact that each side ha d signi Ž cant trouble understanding what the other was saying and as a result was unable to respond effectively on a number of occasions . Intercultural miscommunication readily occurs when symbols an d rituals which mark and celebrate ethnic identity for one group evok e threat and fear for another. When intergroup tension is high, even inad - vertent invocation of powerful symbols can be problematic in day-to-da y relations. Where leaders consciously use powerful symbols in public an d political settings, culture becomes a key mechanism for sustaining differ - ences. 17 Intercultural miscommunication is central in intense ethnic con - icts where culturally meaningful rituals and symbols emphasiz e differences between communities, contain negative images of the othe r community, or evoke strong opposite reactions from each community . 1018 Marc Howard Ros s An analysis of intercultural miscommunication as a cause of ethni c con ict leads to two kinds of con ict resolution proposals. The Ž rs t accepts the idea that communication across cultural boundaries is boun d to be fraught with dif Ž culties, especially when threats and fears are great . It seeks to involve third parties in the peacemaking process who can, in effect, ‘ translate ’ between the parties even when they are ostensibl y speaking the same language. Cohen (1990) says that this is critical in Arab-Israeli negotiation, and it is fortunate, he says, that each of thes e cultures has no problem with the idea of third-party involvement . Finding such parties is not always easy or even possible, however. Fo r example, the talks on Northern Ireland in the spring of 1991 were stalle d for quite some time because of the inability of the parties to agree on who could moderate them . A second series of proposals arising from intercultural communicatio n theory is aimed more at the causes of intercultural miscommunicatio n than at their effects. Some try to make disputants more aware of th e problematic aspects of intercultural communication and alter pattern s which are tension producing (Gudykunst 1991). Other proposals involv e the exchange of information about the beliefs and behaviours of the tw o communities in areas ranging from mundane daily routines to cultura l and religious practices. A goal here is to weaken negative out-grou p stereotypes and to question the core assumptions which underlie the m (Messick and Mackie 1989, p. 70). A theoretically informed, interestin g proposal is Tambiah ’ s (1986) suggestion that an important step in peace - making in Sri Lanka must involve the deconstruction of historica l accounts of ethnic origins, differences and traditions which will permi t the two communities to better understand their many common experi - ences and not just those which diverge . At present many of the ways in which ethnic groups mark and cele - brate their ethnic identity increase others ’ perceived threat and fear . For example, in Northern Ireland Protestant marches to celebrate th e 1690 defeat of the Catholic King of England evoke strong anger in Catholic neighbourhoods where they are experienced as triumphalis t and domineering (Jarman 1997; Ross forthcoming). In a setting wher e tension is lower this might not be the case, but it is consistent wit h cultural miscommunication theory that people in each community fai l to understand each other ’ s reactions to particular powerful symbols , and to be puzzled about the need to develop ways to invoke them whic h are less threatening. An example of how this might be done is th e Catholic Church ’ s efforts since V atican II to recognize the anti-Semiti c content of parts of its ideology and practice. By Ž rst trying to under - stand why the particular content was offensive to Jews and then to alte r it in ways consistent with the Church ’ s doctrine, the two religious com - munities have helped lessen an important source of tension betwee n them. Creating the conditions for peacemakin g 1019 6. Con ict transformatio n In severely divided societies, approaches to peacemaking which give a signi Ž cant role to the state and established political leaders can be a major barrier to building peace. Con ict transformation is an alternativ e approach based on the premise that building a sustainable peace require s far more than é lite agreements. Instead, it emphasizes the need to alte r relationships among groups in a society through engagement of, and th e need for fundamental reconciliation of, middle-range and grass-root s leaders and groups of citizens (Lederach 1997) . Con icts, Lederach argues, are best approached through the cultura l frameworks of disputants. They should be understood as social an d cultural constructions whose meanings can be transformed as peopl e change their knowledge, perceptions and models of what is at stake. Th e socially constructed nature of con ict presents opportunities for con ic t transformation in constructive directions which can reshape perceptions , social relationships, and lead to mutually bene Ž cial outcomes (Lederac h 1995, p. 19) . Bush and Folger (1994) argue that transformative con ict resolutio n produces empowerment and recognition, not just problem solving an d signed agreements among disputants. Through such a process the partie s are able to change their relationship into one which allows for mora l growth ‘ by helping them wrestle with dif Ž cult circumstances and bridg e human differences, in the very midst of con ict ’ (Bush and Folger 1994 , p. 2). Bush and Folger argue that, ‘ In the transformative orientation, th e ideal response to a con ict is not to solve “ the problem ” . Instead, it is to help transfor m the individuals involved, in [terms] of moral growth ’ (Bush and Folger 1994, p. 82). While Bush and Folger ’ s plea for a trans - formative approach is presented in the context of a critique of th e practice of mediation, its relevance for a wide range of intergroup con - icts is clear . Although Bush and Folger focus on the transformation of individuals, they link their analysis to that of others who focus on th e transformation of social institutions in a way that eliminates or reduce s differences in power and class privilege (Bush and Folger 1994, p. 24) . Their emphasis on developing ‘ secure and self-reliant beings willing to be concerned with and responsive to others ’ (Bush and Folger 1994, p. 29) is precisely the kind of inter-group empathy that many see as neces - sary to settling bitter national and ethnic con icts (for example, Whit e 1984). Lederach argues that con ict transformation makes possible th e development of new images which include justice, forgiveness and rec - onciliation (Lederach 1995, p. 23). Central to transformation is not jus t empowerment, but also ‘ seeking resource and root in the cultural contex t itsel f ’ (Lederach 1995, p. 55). T o do this, particularly in cross-cultura l settings, he articulates an elicitive, as opposed to prescriptive (one in 1020 Marc Howard Ros s which the trainer is the expert), approach in which ‘ the participants an d their knowledge are seen as the primary resource for the training ’ (Lederach 1995, p. 56). Whereas he says a prescriptive approach is drive n by the intervener ’ s understanding of the con ict, elicitive training ha s participants developing their own understanding of con ict. Thi s approach seeks to have participants evaluate the con ict in terms of loca l practices rather than view them in terms of external standards. Partici - pants are then encouraged to develop local approaches to their problem s (Lederach 1995, pp. 56 – 62). The ultimate goal of such training is empowerment and ‘ the development of appropriate models of con ic t resolution in other cultural contexts ’ (Lederach 1995, p. 63) . Culture is at the core of elicitive practice because culture is treated as a critical resource, not as a barrier, to con ict transformation. Lederac h views all cultures as containing much creative, but sometimes latent , understanding of con ict and how to handle it. Consequently, effectiv e training must work to build on this local knowledge to develop creativit y and empowerment. Doing this requires particular attention to languag e and metaphors which reveal both how con icts are understood an d possibilities for their transformation (Lederach 1995, pp. 73 – 83). Havin g participants recounting proverbs and engaging in storytelling helps the m to understand how a con ict is framed and to identify possibilities for it s resolution. These procedures ‘ create a holistic approach to thinking an d understanding in which people are invited to mingle with the character s as a device of interaction with their own realities ’ (Lederach 1995, p. 82) . Comparing theories of practic e The six theories of practice offer distinct approaches to ethnic con ic t resolution compared in Table 1 in terms of: their analysis of the natur e and / or causes of ethnic con ict, intended effects on participants in inter - ventions, the impact of the intervention on the wider con ict, th e mechanisms for achieving effects and the goals of con ict resolution . After reviewing some of the differences among them, I note commo n elements that the theories of practice share . Nature and causes of ethnic con ic t The six theories differ in the speci Ž c roots of con ict that each identi Ž es and these differences in analysis shape interventions in important ways . Community relations theory does not especially concern itself with th e root cause of any speci Ž c con ict; rather it begins with the reality of intergroup con ict characterized by hostility, polarization, distrust, an absence of cooperation, and that there are continuing incidents whic h perpetuate the con ict. Principled negotiation focuses on the incompat - ible positions into which groups are locked, a zero-sum view of th e Creating the conditions for peacemakin g 1021 1022 Marc Howard Ros s Table 1: Major theories of practice of conict resolution Causes and/or natureGoalsEffects on participantsMechanism forTransfer: impact onof ethnic conictin interventionsachieving effects the wider conictCommunityOngoing polarization,ImprovingBuild communitySelf-esteem, efŽcacyIncreased communityRelationsdistrust, and hostilitycommunication andself esteem throughand reinforcementcapability andbetween groupsunderstanding;successful localfrom prior successesself-esteem facilitiesexacerbate existingpromoting toleranceinstitutions andthrough localcooperative problemconictacceptance ofprojects makinginstitution buildingsolving on mattersdiversity; encouragingdecisions on issuesof mutual intereststructures whichimportant in dailysafeguard rights oflifeallPrincipledIncompatiblePositive sumBuild analytic abilitySeparate people fromSpread of skills tonegotiationpositions and zeroagreements betweento identify mutualthe problems; focusothers; increasedsum view of conictthe parties – i.e. onesinterests and deviseon interests notsense that agreementswhich provide forsolutions which offerpositions; generateare possible; beneŽtsmutual gainmutual gainpossibilities forto communities frommutual gain; useprior agreementsobjective standardsto judge outcomesHuman needsUnmet or frustratedShared recognition ofDiscovery of sharedProblem-solvingTransfer of newbasic needscore needs andgoals and objectives;workshops led byperspectives fromexploration of ways torecognition ofskilled third partiesinuentials and nearmeet them throughcommon needs;who encourageinuences changesjoint actiongreater sense ofanalytic dialoguethe idea of what ischoices and optionspossible for the widercommunity Creating the conditions for peacemakin g 1023 Table 1: Continued Causes and/or natureGoalsEffects on participantsMechanism forTransfer: impact onof ethnic conictin interventionsachieving effects the wider conictIdentityThreatened identityChanged relationsOvercomes barriers toMourning past lossesNew understandingrooted in unresolvedthrough mutualdialogue by focusingand suffering; track 2of the conictpast loss and sufferingrecognition;on deep identityand other channelsthrough changes indevelopment of aissues involved in pastwhich focus ondiscourse andsense that agreementlosses so the partiesidentity threats andsymbolic actionsis possible; loweringlearn what possiblefears; symbolic andwhich feed newfears to permitagreements can offerritual action to afŽrmunderstandings intoexploring optionsgroup identitythe policy processInterculturalIncompatibilitiesEffective intergroupBuilds awareness ofIncreased awarenessImprovedmiscommunicationbetween differentcommunication;other cultures;of communicationcommunicationculturalweakening negativedevelops newbarriers; use of third-makes it easier tocommunication stylesstereotypesmetaphors;party ‘translators’;reach agreementsinformation exchangedeconstruction ofand increasedto overcome culturalhistorical accountspublic support forbarriers to effectivecooperationcommunicationConictReal problems ofChangingTransformsElicitive trainingEmpowerment leadstransformationinequality andrelationships andrelationships towhich developsto transformation ofinjustice expressedmoral growth whichproduce self-reliantculturally relevantrelationships in thethrough socially andproduces justice,persons;models of conictlarger society builtculturally constructedforgiveness andempowerment andresolution; mediationon culturallymeaningsreconciliationrecognitionaimed atappropriate modelsempowerment andrecognition con ict, and the inability to devise solutions for mutual bene Ž t. Huma n needs theory sees unmet needs such as identity, recognition and securit y as the source of deeply rooted con ict. Psychoanalytically informe d identity theory emphasizes how threatened identity rooted in unresolve d past loss and suffering launches and perpetuates intergroup con ict . Intercultural miscommunications theory stresses incompatibilitie s between cultural communication styles as a cause of con ict. Con ic t transformation theory sees problems of injustice and inequality as cause s of con ict to be understood through competing socially and culturally - constructed meanings . What is interesting about this comparison is that while the causes of ethnic con ict that these theories of practice generate are quite diverse , for the most part the theories do not directly disagree with each other . Rather, they draw attention to different sources of con ict, while no t claiming that the causes of con ict identi Ž ed by the others ’ theories ar e irrelevant. Each theory offers different priorities and, in effect, differen t causal sequences on matters such as the relative importance they plac e on interests, identities and communication patterns in the origin and per - petuation of con ict . Goals Although each of the six theories of practice can be said to share th e goal of resolving ethnic con ict, there are signi Ž cant differences amon g them in what exactly this entails. For the most part, con ict resolutio n theories back off from claims that they are able, by themselves, to settl e long-standing intransigent ethnic con ict. Rather, they see their relation - ship to the larger con ict as more indirect and helping to establish th e preconditions which will allow effective settlement of the con ict at th e of Ž cial level. Most interventions establish local, highly speci Ž c interna l goals, and there is much merit in this approach to goal setting and it s avoidance of grandiose thinking and unrealistic promises (sometime s associated with vague external goals) which has at times created rea l criticism of con ict resolution (Ross and Rothman 1999a) .

18 Community relations work seeks to improve communication an d intergroup understanding, promote tolerant acceptance of diversity , and encourage building structures which safeguard the rights of all . Principled negotiation tries to bring about positive sum (win-win ) agreements between the parties. Human needs theory seeks share d recognition of core needs and articulation of ways to meet them throug h joint action. Psychoanalytically informed identity theory tries to chang e relations between the parties through mutual recognition, encourage - ment of a sense that agreement is possible, and lowering the partie s fears so that they are able to explore alternatives to continuing con - frontation. Intercultural miscommunication theory ’ s goal is to enhanc e 1024 Marc Howard Ros s effective communication by increasing the parties ’ knowledge of eac h other and by weakening negative stereotypes. Con ict transformatio n theory attempts to change relationships among the parties throug h moral empowerment, justice, forgiveness, reconciliation and recog - nition.

Effects on participants in intervention s Each theory of practice is more explicit about what it hopes will occu r among the people directly involved in an intervention (internal criteri a of success) than about how their initiatives might affect the con ict as a whole (external criteria of success). While interventions based on eac h of the theories attempt to alter both the attitudes and skills of those wit h whom they work, the particular beliefs and skills to which each pay s attention are quite different. Community relations wants to strengthe n communities by building local organizations which exercise control ove r decisions affecting people ’ s lives and raise community capacity and self - esteem. Principled negotiation seeks to build analytic abilities which hel p disputants to identify common interests and devise solutions to achiev e mutual gains. Human needs theory wants participants to identif y common needs, discover shared goals and objectives, and to recogniz e that they have meaningful choices and options. Interventions based on identity theory want the parties to address the deep threats to identit y rooted in unresolved past losses as a method for exploring areas of mutual agreement and possibilities for coexistence. Intercultural mis - communications theory builds its practice around increasing awarenes s of cultural barriers to effective communication, such as increasing know - ledge of other cultures, and developing less threatening metaphors an d images of opponents. Con ict transformation theory practitioners try to develop new relationships among disputants which encourage self - reliance and empowerment . Mechanisms for achieving effect s By mechanisms I am referring to two distinct phenomena – the speci Ž c activities which characterize each theory of practice, and the psycho - logical or social dynamics by which intended effects occur. Communit y relations theory emphasizes local institution building to increase a com - munity ’s capacity for effective action, its self-esteem, and to create a record of success that makes it more likely to undertake future action . Principled negotiation uses facilitated interaction between the partie s (which may or may not be face to face) grounded in four principles : separating people from the problem, focusing on interests not positions , generating possibilities before acting, and insisting that the result be evaluated by some objective standard. Human needs theory utilize s Creating the conditions for peacemakin g 1025 third-party directed problem-solving workshops and analytic dialogue to generate new insights and options. Identity theory uses a range of formats including problem-solving workshops and other Track 2 inter - actions to lower the emotional barriers resulting from past loss an d threats to identity. It seeks to develop effective dialogue by buildin g empathy between the parties, developing symbolic and ritual ways to mourn past losses, and achieving emotional reconciliation betwee n adversaries. Intercultural miscommunications theory tries to improv e intergroup communication through increasing mutual awareness of barriers to effective communication, emphasizing knowledge of eac h other ’ s culture, and developing new shared historical accounts. Con ic t transformation theory offers two somewhat different mechanisms: Ž rst , mediation which seeks empowerment and recognition for the partie s rather than just problem solving, and second, elicitive (rather than pre - scriptive) training which develops contextually-relevant narratives to clarify goals and build culturally-speci Ž c models of con ict resolution . Transfer : impact on the wider con ic t Because the theories of practice considered here inform the activities of relatively small, non-governmental interventions, the scale of thei r activities is modest. As a result, it is important to ask how the theorie s expect that intensive involvement with only a handful of people wil l affect the larger con ict within which it is embedded . 19 While each of the theories of practice has an answer to this question, often it is quit e general so that spelling them out in greater detail and conducting effec - tive evaluation based on the speci Ž c goals that a theory seeks, is neede d to produce re Ž nement of theory and practice . There are two different emphases in the answers from these theorie s of practice to the question of transfer. One stresses the importance of interventions on the daily lives of people in local communities in th e midst of a stressful con ict, while recognizing that these changes indi - rectly create the conditions under which settlement of the larger con ic t is more likely. For example, practitioners believe that communit y relations work which empowers local groups, workshops to improv e intergroup communication in daily exchanges, or con ict transformatio n initiatives which help groups to articulate their most important griev - ances are important for themselves even if they make only a modest , indirect contribution to the settlement of the larger con ict. Rothman ’ s (1992) concept of ‘ pieces of peace ’ is particularly apt here in helping us to understand that small-scale con ict resolution projects seek to estab - lish the societal and political preconditions for leaders to feel con Ž den t that taking steps towards peace will be in their interest and bear fruit . The opposite pole emphasizes how initiatives produce changes in th e attitudes and behaviours of local communities and leaders whic h 1026 Marc Howard Ros s enhance the prospects for achieving a future settlement, while notin g that in addition projects may also improve people ’ s daily lives. Whil e there is often ambiguity about exactly how transfer occurs, distinc t answers to this question follow from each approach. Communit y relations theory argues that increased community capability will increas e intragroup self-esteem and the society ’ s overall capacity to engage in cooperative problem solving on matters of mutual interest. Principle d negotiation theory believes the skills needed to achieve mutual gains ar e transferable to others, and that when leaders of contending groups ca n reach agreements, they are building models for future intergrou p cooperation. Human needs and identity theories suggest that intensiv e involvement of in uentials or near-in uentials produces spillover effect s by in uencing the core assumptions of governmental (and other) of Ž - cials who might negotiate speci Ž c agreements between groups, and by altering the tone and content of public discourse through the spread of new metaphors, changed images of opponents, and clear ideas abou t what future agreements might contain. Intercultural miscommunication s theory addresses this question in two ways: Ž rst, with its focus on developing more effective communication between negotiators (an d other group representatives) so that they stay on task and are able to arrive at good agreements, and, second, suggesting that if publics under - stood each other better, leaders would have greater support for peace - making. Con ict transformation theory says little directly about thi s question with its emphasis on changing interpersonal relationships an d local community disputes. However, the theory clearly suggests that th e transformation of interpersonal or local-level relationships can offer a culturally appropriate model which can cascade into system-wid e change. Chataway (forthcoming) proposes that one effective route for transfe r in intransigent con icts is through third parties. She uses the example of Kelman ’ s Middle East problem-solving workshops to suggest ways in which facilitators can disseminate learnings from workshops and pu t ‘ ideas into the political debate in such a way that they may be seriousl y considered, allowing for a gradual shift in public opinion ’ (Chatawa y forthcoming, p. 9) For example, she shows how at key moment s Kelman ’ s writing on the Israeli-Palestinian con ict incorporated insight s from workshops and moved along the policy debate on both sides . Similarities across theorie s While I have emphasized the ways in which the six theories of practic e differ, they also share some common elements. First, all of thes e theories stress the importance of involving the parties in con ict in it s resolution, and none of them suggests that either authoritative thir d parties or unilateral action by the parties or outsiders is likely to Creating the conditions for peacemakin g 1027 produce good solutions. Second, the theories all draw attention to th e process of con ict resolution, not just to outcomes which address th e parties ’ interests. Third, these theories all stress that constructiv e con ict resolution requires exploration and innovation by the partie s themselves. They all suggest that it is only when the parties in con ic t accept responsibility for de Ž ning alternatives that long-term peace - making becomes possible. While outsiders can serve as effective thir d parties moving a process along, none of these approaches encourage s authoritative third-parties to develop and impose settlements. Rather , they all agree that unless the parties in a con ict conceptualize and ow n an outcome, it is not likely to be one which is viable in the long, or eve n medium, run. Finally, all these approaches view con ict resolution as a long-term process involving both pre- and post-settlement tasks, not jus t reaching a signed agreement (Ross 2000) . Conclusion : the improvement of theory and practic e Good practitioners cannot always tell you why they act in a certain wa y any more than all great artists, musicians, or athletes fully understand or can articulate the basis for their action. Theories of practice, however , underlie all action, and a central reason for emphasizing the link betwee n theory and practice here is to suggest that clearer articulation of theorie s underlying good practice can improve both. It will help us to be mor e explicit about what different theories presume and to understand wh y practice is organized as it is in different situations . Because one of the important conclusions here is that the difference s between theories of practice are more often a matter of emphasis tha n direct disagreement, an additional task is to consider how and whe n these different emphases matter, and at what point different theorie s lead practitioners to undertake incompatible activities. If we had som e systematic evidence and a theory which addressed the extent to whic h speci Ž c practices were most appropriate for particular stages of con ict , types of ethnic con ict, or levels of intensity we could better understan d when practices are at odds with each other and when they are comple - mentary. Similarly, because the theories differ in how they approach th e issues of transfer and handoff, it would be helpful to know when an d how they are working at cross-purposes and when they reinforce eac h other. Fisher ’ s work on a contingency approach to third-party interventio n is an attempt to outline a stage model of con ict resolution method s which is highly relevant to the question of the connection among differ - ent con ict resolution methods (Fisher and Keashly 1991; Fisher 1997 , pp. 163 – 84). This approach links four stages of con ict (discussion , polarization, segregation and destruction) to six forms of third-part y intervention (negotiation, pure mediation, consultation, arbitration , 1028 Marc Howard Ros s consultation and development aid). The hypotheses offered are roote d in the assumption that each form of third-party intervention is bes t suited for speci Ž c problems of intergroup relations (interests, relation - ships, basic needs, survival) which dominate each stage. In an appli - cation of Fisher ’ s approach to Northern Ireland, Bloom Ž eld (1997, pp . 80 – 90) challenges the notion of linear stages but sees much value in th e application of different forms of interventions to distinct aspects of a con ict. Bloom Ž eld examines peace-making strategies in Norther n Ireland and emphasizes the complementarity between cultura l approaches operating at the community level and structural approache s at the political level. Ultimately, he argues, they reinforce each othe r while addressing different, but equally important, dimensions of con ic t (Bloom Ž eld 1997, pp. 16 9 – 216). What I have tried to do here is to offer an initial exploration of theorie s of practice in ethnic con ict resolution. This treatment invites a mor e detailed examination of speci Ž c projects and the collection of at leas t three different kinds of evidence to spell out speci Ž c theories of practic e which inform particular con ict resolution interventions: (1) the writte n material describing a project and its conceptualization. This is containe d in project proposals as well as in books and / or articles that practitioner s have written which outline their theory and method; (2) discussions wit h project directors and key personnel that are intended to elaborate on th e ideas presented in the written documents and to Ž ll in areas which ar e either ambiguous or not addressed there; and (3) detailed descriptions of a project ’s speci Ž c activities including transcripts, videotapes and note s of the project team. While the Ž rst two sources of data will provide th e verbal description of the theory underlying a project, the third is critica l for understanding how practitioners operationalize their core assump - tions and establish priorities and sequences among different goals . Through the collection and analysis of such material, I believe that we will Ž nd both theory and practice would improve . Acknowledgements I wish to thank Kevin A vruch, Cynthia Chataway, Katherine Conner , Clark McCauley, Jay Rothman and V amik V olkan for comments on an earlier draft of this article. Support for this research was generousl y provided by Jay Rothman ’s Project on Action Evaluation with suppor t from the Pew Charitable Trusts . Notes 1. This can be seen as creating the perceptions that a con ict is ‘ripe for resolution ’ in which the parties perceive they are in a hurting stalemate which cannot produce a winne r (Zartman 1989) . Creating the conditions for peacemakin g 1029 2. The con ict resolution activities described here as building the preconditions fo r of Ž cial talks are also relevant to producing and maintaining the conditions for imple - menting formal agreements once they have been reached. For a good discussion about th e importance of implementation to the success of peace settlements, see Hampson (1996) . 3. Even during the talks, Ulster Unionist leaders did not speak to Sinn Fein directl y but chose to address them through intermediaries such as the chair . 4. Our language describes con icts in terms of group labels, such as Israelis and Pales - tinians, which suggests within-group homogeneity and political agreement. However, thi s is at odds with the reality of intense intragroup disagreement and cultural diversity. Th e diversity does not, however, readily lead to effective cross-group coalitions and people wh o seek links with opponents often become objects of intense within-group hostility . 5. Some may Ž nd it useful to consider this distinction as parallel to the one betwee n internal and external validity (Campbell and Stanley 1963). The similarity is that interna l criteria of success are those over which a project exercises a good deal of control, whil e external criteria of success are those which ask what the wider impact of an interventio n is. 6. Kelman (1995) provides a good discussion of this issue in the context of the Israeli - Palestinian peace process . 7. The problem is parallel to the debate in political science three decades ago concern - ing how non-decisions can be studied (see Bachrach and Baratz 1963; Merelman 1968 ; Crenson 1971) . 8. This sort of process can help to improve theory as well. One example of how theor y and practice shape each other is seen in work on the contact hypothesis (Stephan an d Stephan 1996, ch. 3; Forbes 1997) . 9. Here I do not consider differences between the terms con ict resolution, con ic t management and con ict settlement, although I recognize that some theorists and prac - titioners strongly prefer to use one or another . 10 . Whether one focuses on differences among a group of theories or lumps them int o a smaller number of categories depends upon what answers one is seeking. Elsewhere, fo r example, I distinguish between two broad classes of con ict theories: those whic h emphasize competing interests, and those which are rooted in incompatible interpretation s (Ross 1993a; 1993b). For my purposes here a more differentiated list is useful . 11 . Both Axelrod (1984) and Brams and Taylor (1997) offer a number of speci Ž c idea s about how game theory could be relevant in con ict resolution . 12 . Fitzduff (1993) identi Ž es eight different approaches to what she calls focuse d community relations work in Northern Ireland in recent years: mutual understanding, anti - sectarian, anti-intimidation, cultural traditions, justice and rights, inter-church and con ic t resolution.

13 . While most of the theorizing about principled negotiation and mutual gain s concerns its application to distributional con icts, Susskind and Field (1996) argue tha t principled negotiation is also relevant in con icts in which deeply held values are appar - ently at odds (also see Fisher, Kopelman and Schneider 1994). Building on Terrel l Northrup ’s (1989) important ideas about identity and con ict, Susskind and Field sugges t a model for de-escalating such con icts through relationship building and facilitate d dialogue (Susskind and Field 1996, pp. 15 2 – 97). 14 . Burton ’s writing also fails to acknowledge that the importance of particular need s can vary across individuals or cultures and thereby have signi Ž cant impact on the form or intensity of particular con icts. A vruch (1998) appropriately argues that Burton ’s notio n of universal needs denies any role to culture and cultural differences . 15 . Avruch and Black (1990) discuss some of the problems that Burton has in de Ž nin g basic needs and in the curiously acultural nature of the needs which he identi Ž es. Also se e A vruch (1998, pp. 89 – 100) who separates Burton ’s theoretically limited assumptions abou t culture from his problem-solving methodology . 16 . V olkan has developed a ‘Tree Model ’ to approach ethnic con ict resolution whic h 1030 Marc Howard Ros s approaches con ict through a psychoanalytic lens that pays particular attention to ‘psycho - logical factors that may blur realistic considerations, lead to irrational actions, and creat e resistances to change and progress toward adaptive negotiations ’ (V olkan 1998, p. 343) . His article outlines these barriers and describes how con ict resolution proceeds to addres s them and develop effective dialogue between con icting groups which design and /or implement joint problem-solving actions . 17 . A poignant example from Northern Ireland illustrates how everyday events ca n have different meanings in two communities and how, at times, this can increase tensions . At the time of the hunger strikes in Northern Ireland in 198 0 – 81, Protestants expresse d outrage at the Catholic clergy ’s willingness to hold church funerals for dead IRA members , including the strikers. Catholic priests insist that the funeral service begs God for merc y on the deceased rather than honouring him. Honouring the dead, however, is an essentia l feature of the Protestant liturgy, especially in fundamentalist and evangelical service s where the dead in most cases are assumed to have been saved . 18 . Boltjes (1999) reports one striking case of this kind of grandiose promise-makin g in which the Con ict Management Group sought through a series of workshops and othe r sessions to change the culture of con ict management in the former Soviet Union . 19 . This is less true of principled negotiation which its advocates see as being just as relevant for leaders engaged in of Ž cial negotiations. 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ADDRESS: Department of Political Science, 101 North Merion Avenue , Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, PA 1901 0 – 2988, USA. email : [email protected] 1034 Marc Howard Ros s