secondary source analysis.
Sufis and Shamans: Some Remarks on the Islamization of the Mongols in the Ilkhanate
Author(syf 5 H X Y H Q $ P L W D L 3 U H L V s
Source: Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 42, No. 1 (1999yf S S .
27-46
Published by: Brill
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SUFIS AND SHAMANS: SOME REMARKS ON THE
ISLAMIZATION OF THE MONGOLS IN THE ILKHANATE*
BY
REUVEN AMITAI-PREISS
(Hebrew University of Jerusalemyf
Abstract
Some scholars have argued that sufis, Muslim mystics, played a decisive role in convert- ing the Mongols in Iran to Islam in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, mainly because of the similarity between the extreme sufis (the dervishesyf D Q G W K H V K D P D Q V R I W K H W U D G L W L R Q D l Mongol religion. This paper maintains that it was primarily some moderate, "institutional" sufis who were close to Mongol ruling circles and thus played a part in their conversion. This, however, had little to so with any resemblance between shamans and sufis, since it is suggested that Muslim mystics, even of the dervish variety, are basically dissimilar to the Inner Asian shamans. If, indeed, both kinds of sufis were successful in influencing the
Mongols, it would appear that this is due to other reasons suggested at the end of the paper.
It has long been a commonplace among historians of the late medieval
Islamic world that sufis played an instrumental role in the conversion of the
Turco-Mongolian populations which entered the Muslim lands from Central
Asia from the early eleventh century onward. One of the first proponents of this
idea, and certainly the most influential, was the great Turkish historian Mehmed
Fuad K6priilii. According to his view, shared by many other scholars, the sim-
ilarity between the traditional Inner Asian shaman and the popular Muslim
mystic made the latter the logical agent of the conversion of the Eurasian
nomads, both before and after their migration into the Islamic world. The syn-
cretic and non-orthodox nature of the sufis added to their appeal among the
tribesmen, whose entrance into the new religion was thus eased.'yf
* Earlier versions of this paper were given at a seminar on the Ilkhanate held on 24 May 1997 at St. Antony's College, Oxford, and at the International Medieval Congress, Univer- sity of Leeds, 15 July 1997. I am grateful to several participants in these two meetings who made important comments. In this paper, the term "Iran" is used to describe the territory ruled by the Ilkhans from the mid-1250s until around 1335, comprising the modem states of Iran, Turkmenistan, Iraq (plus trans-Euphrates Syriayf D Q G $ ] H U E D L M D Q D V Z H O O D V P X F K R I W K H & D X V F D V X V 7 X U N H \ D Q d Afghanistan.
1yf . L S U L L O L L . S U L L O L L S S 9 U \ R Q L V S S 0 Q D J e
? Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 1999 JESHO 42,1
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28 REUVEN AMITAI-PREISS
In the following paper, I am not disputing this explanation in its broad lines,
and certainly not with regard to the Seljuqs and their Turcoman followers in
Iran and later in Anatolia, a subject which must be dealt with elsewhere.2yf , Z L O O ,
however, attempt to begin the reexamination of this approach for the period of
Mongol domination in large swaths of the Middle East.3yf 0 \ W H Q W D W L Y H F R Q F O X -
sion is that we do not necessarily have to abandon this idea of sufi mediation
between Islam and the Mongol tribesmen of the thirteenth and fourteenth cen-
turies. We do, however, have to refine this thesis with regard to the Mongol
ruling elite, i.e. the Ilkhans themselves, the royal family and the senior officers.
This elite seems on the whole to have adopted a reserved and at times antag-
onistic view towards the more popular, "extreme" sufis, the so-called dervishes.
On the whole, the sufis who were welcomed into elite circles, and in fact
played a vital role in the eventual conversion of the Ilkhans and their entour-
age, were those of a more moderate ilk, certainly acceptable to and part of the
orthodox urban milieu, in which inter alia the majority of the senior civil-
ian bureaucrats would have felt at home. The prominence of the moderate
sufis might in itself lead to a questioning of the assumption that it was the
similarity of sufis to shamans which propelled the Mongol elite towards the
former, since if anything, it was the extreme sufis, the dervishes, who most
resemble, so it would seem, the traditional Mongolian shaman. Even this
last assumption, however, may be doubted, as will be seen in the following
discussion.
At this point, it would be useful to clarify the distinction between the two
groups referred to above, the extreme, anti-nomian sufis, often known as der-
vishes or faqirs, and the more moderate, "establishment" mystics. The former
have recently been subjected to an excellent study by Ahmet Karamustafa,4yf
who has outlined their main characteristics: renunciation of the normal world;
deviance from social norms, including bizarre dress, general appearance (the
so-called "four blows"yf D Q G E H K D Y L R U D Q G H [ W U H P H S R Y H U W \ 7 K H V H P H Q G L F D Q t
dervishes were frequently accused, not without justification, of acting counter
to the Shari'a and harboring extreme theological and philosophical views. The
1979, pp. 59-67; Roux 1984, p. 44; Fletcher 1986, p. 44. Some scholars have given a more restricted version of this view, or expressed it with reservations: Cahen 1969, p. 139; Inalcik 1973, p. 186; Morgan 1988, p. 73. 2yf 7 K L V U H H [ D P L Q D W L R Q I R U W K H 7 X U N V L Q $ Q D W R O L D E R W K L Q W K H 6 H O M X T D Q G 0 R Q J R O S H U L R G , has been initiated by Karamustafa 1994a, pp. 175-98; see also the comment by DeWeese 1996, p. 184, n. 11. 3yf 7 K H P D W W H U K D V D O U H D G \ E H H Q E U R D F K H G I R U W K H & K D J K D W D \ L G . K D Q D W H E \ 3 D X O S S .
313-9.
4yf . D U D P X V W D I D E .
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SUFIS AND SHAMANS 29
second class of mystics-what Karamustafa calls "institutional sufis"-is per-
haps more difficult to typify, but it would not be amiss to suggest that their
characteristics included obedience to the Shari'a, a milder asceticism, and more
interaction and intermingling with both the 'ulamct' and the political elite.5yf 7 K e
distinction between these two groupings is not absolute; certainly there was no
organized movement of all the dervishes or moderate sufis, and there were vast
differences between the different groupings and shaykhs within both streams.
Also the border between the two groups was not impermeable, and there was
interaction between individuals from both camps.6yf ) L Q D O O \ W K H U H L V S H U K D S s
also a tendency by later pious scholarship over time to sanitize some extreme
figures, portraying them in a more "respectable way."'yf % H W K D W D V L W P D \ a
rough distinction between these two forms of mystical Islam is a useful one,
and on the whole is borne out by historical reality. It should be pointed out that
two frequently encountered aspects of sufi life, the samd' (singing sessionsyf \f
and the perceived ability of holy men to perform miracles (kardmdtyf D U H Q R t
unique to either stream of sufism.
Hiilegii, so it would appear, entered the Muslim world without much knowl-
edge or a clear attitude towards the mendicant dervishes. As late as 658/1260,9yf
in the aftermath of campaigning in the Middle East and some four decades
after the first Mongol invasion in the region, this prince--known already as
ilkhan-was perplexed after meeting a group of Qalandars (jam' min al-fuqara'
al-qalandariyyayf W K H I D P R X V G H U Y L V K J U R X S D W W K H S O D L Q R I + D U U a Q W R W K H H D V t
of the Euphrates in what is today southeastern Turkey. According to the chron-
icle attributed to Ibn al-Fuwati, the Ilkhan asked the Shi'i scholar Nasir al-
Din al-Tflsi, a trusted advisor, the identity of these people. TOsi reportedly
answered, "[They are] the surplus of this world," which led to Hiilegii having
them executed. Only then did the Ilkhan ask the scholar the meaning of this
comment. The latter replied: "People are divided into four classes, [those]
5yf 6 H H W K H F R P P H Q W V L Q . D U D P X V W D I D E S S . 6yf . D U D P X V W D I D E S S . D U D P X V W D I D D S S V H H W K H F R P P H Q W E y H. Algar in EIr, vol. 3, p. 755. 7yf 0 Q D J H S .
8yf 2 Q W K H S U D F W L F H R I V D P G
U D T V G D Q F H \f and wajd (ecstatic tranceyf E \ W K H . X E U D Z L \ \ D , who are mentioned below, see DeWeese 1992, pp. 144-6.
9yf ) U R P W K H F R Q W H [ W L W Z R X O G D S S H D U W K D W W K L V L Q F L G H Q W R F F X U U H G D I W H U + L O O H J L L O H I W 6 \ U L D L n the late winter of 1260, and not earlier in the year (or late 1259yf Z K H Q K H P D G H K L V Z D y from the Jazira into the country.
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30 REUVEN AMITAI-PREISS
involved in rulership, commerce, craftsmanship and agriculture, and those who
are not [in these categories], they were a burden on [the people].""'yf ) R U a
mainstream, albeit Shi'i, scholar, these dervishes were clearly beyond the pale.
Hillegii, perhaps not knowing any better, took him at his word.
Less then a generation later, however, another Ilkhan had adopted a differ-
ent outlook towards the dervishes. Tegiider Ahmad (r. 1282-84yf V R Q R I + L L O H J L i
and the first Mongol ruler in Iran to convert to Islam, seems to have been asso-
ciated with such sufis from an early age. The Mamluk historian al-Dhahabi
(d. 1348yf U H S R U W V L Q K L V 7 D
U L N K D O L V O G P W K D W 7 H J L L G H U Z D V H [ S R V H G D V D \ R X Q g
child to members of the Ahmadiyya-Rif'ciyya, the so-called "howling der-
vishes," which led to his conversion while still a boy."yf 7 K H U H D U H V H Y H U D O U H D -
sons to discount the veracity of this story, but it does hint at Tegiider's contact
with sufis of the more extreme nature and their influence over him.12yf : H F D n
be more certain of the Ilkhan's connection with another sufi personality, Kamal
al-Din 'Abd al-Rahman, a rather dubious figure clearly outside the sufi estab-
lishment and the 'ulamda' at large. Mamluk sources report that Tegiider had
fallen under his influence as a young man, some time before he had acceded
the throne, and was converted to Islam by him.'3yf 6 R P H R I W K H V H V R X U F H s
portray 'Abd al-Rahman as an out and out charlatan and purveyor of legerde-
main,14yf Z K L O H R W K H U V D U H V R P H Z K D W P R U H F K D U L W D E O H \f The latter mention that
he had studied with the shaykh al-islam Shaykh Muwaffiq al-Din al-Kayashi, a
famous mystic of Mosul who died in 680/1281-2, known for his Quranic com-
mentaries and his ascetism, as well as the distance he maintained from the gov-
ernment of Badr al-Din Lu'lu', ruler of Mosul.16yf % X W Z K L O H 0 X Z D I I L T D O ' L Q
s
credentials as a scholar and moderate sufi - albeit on the austere side--were impec-
cable, those of his former student left much to be desired from the point of
view of institutional sufism. During the reign of Abagha, he had succeeded in
ingratiating himself with part of the Mongol elite in Iran, particularly with the
noble ladies (khawttinyf P R V W L P S R U W D Q W R I W K H V H E H L Q J W K H P R W K H U R I \ R X Q g
Teguider. This was not achieved through displays of spiritual powers or devo-
tional intensity, let alone learning in the Islamic sciences, but rather in his suc-
cess in performing tricks. The sources describe at some length how these
10yf , E Q D O ) X Z D W L S R Q W K H P D W W H U R I D X W K R U V K L S V H H W K H F R P P H Q W L Q D U W .
"Ibn al-Fuwati," El2yf 7 K L V S D V V D J H L V F L W H G D Q G G L V F X V V H G L Q 0 D ] ] D R X L S Q .
11yf $ O ' K D K D E L 0 6 I R O E D .
12yf $ P L W D L 3 U H L V V I R U W K F R P L Q J .
13yf , E Q D O ' D Z D G D U L S , E Q D O ) X U D W S . 14yf $ O ' K D K D E L 0 6 I R O E < I Q L Q L Y R O S . 15yf , E Q D O ' D Z G G D U L S S , E Q D O ) X U D W S . 16yf 0 X V W D Z I L S D O 6 D I D G L Y R O S S .
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SUFIS AND SHAMANS 31
deceptions were engineered. 'Abd al-Rahmdn's rise in influence may also have
been due to his powerful personality. His being a sufi, however, seems to have
little to do with his success.
'Abd al-Rahman does not really seem to fit into either of the categories of
sufis expounded above. He was surely neither a member of the sufi establish-
ment nor a typical mendicant, anti-nomian dervish. However, an associate of
his clearly fits into the latter class. This was Ishin or IHasan Mengli, who accord-
ing to Rashid al-Din, had been a disciple of one Babi Ya'qfib from Arran. The
historian reports that Tegfider would spend his time in Ishan Mengli's tent,
which was pitched near that of the Ilkhan, taking part in samd' sessions, to
the detriment of state affairs. 'Abd al-Rahman was called babic (Turkish: fatheryf
by the Ilkhan, while Ishan Mengli was referred to as qarindcsh (Turkish:
Brotheryf \f The latter's teacher, Babi Ya'qfb (or perhaps Ya'qfbiyyanyf D S S H D U s
to have been associated with the Qalandariyya. So, at least, he was accused by
the mid-fourteenth century writer Tawakkuli ibn al-Bazzaz.1'yf , Q D Q \ H Y H Q W L n
the spring of 683/1284, Tegiider, on the eve of a confrontation with Arghun,
paid a visit to this Babi Ya'qfib and his followers.'9yf : L W K U H J D U G W R , V K D n
Mengli, Ibn al-Bazzaz claims that he used hashish together with the Ilkhan.
While this last statement may be taken with some reservation, it is clear that
Tegtider had associated himself with a decidedly "low" sufi milieu, to which
'Abd al-Rahman did little to improve. The disdainful attitude of his father,
Hillegti, to such devotees, had thus been shunted aside.
Whether this was a wise political move is another matter. It probably played
a part, as Jean Aubin has recently suggested, in helping to turn many of the
Muslim bureaucrats against Tegfider, in spite of his being a Muslim.20yf , V K D n
Mengli's attempts to discredit the moderate sufi Shaykh Zahid also appear not
to have endeared him to the religious establishment.21yf 2 Q H Z R Q G H U V D O W K R X J h
it must be admitted that this is highly speculative, whether the Ilkhan's close
association with sufis of a decidedly non-institutional mien also contributed in
some way to the growing alienation between him and much of the Mongol
elite, who may have remained more faithful to Hiilegii's view on the matter. In
any event, the idyll of the dervishes was to be of short order. The two person-
alities just now discussed did not long survive the fall of their devotee and
17yf 5 D V K L G D O ' L Q S .
18yf , E Q D O % D ] ] $ ] S . D U D P X V W D I D E S 6 R K U Z H L G H S S ; Aubin 1995, pp. 41-2. 19yf 5 D V K L G D O ' L Q S . 20yf $ X E L Q S . 21yf , E Q D O % D ] ] G ] S S $ X E L Q S S 6 R K U Z H L G H S S .
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32 REUVEN AMITAI-PREISS
patron. 'Abd al-Rahman, having been sent on a diplomatic mission to the Mam-
luk Sultan Qalawun, died--more-or-less under house arrest-soon after being
informed of the news of Tegtider's death.22yf , V K L Q 0 H Q J O L Z K R U H P D L Q H G D t
home, was executed after Arghun's accession to the throne by being cooked in
boiling water.23yf 7 K L V Z D V R Q H W U L D O E \ I L U H W K D W D G H U Y L V K G L G Q R W V X U Y L Y H .
During his struggle against Tegiider, there are reports in sources of vari-
ous provenance that Arghun had criticized the Ilkhan's adherence to Islam and
the policies inspired by this attachment. This, so it would seem, provided an
effective rallying cry to those elements in the Mongol elite dissatisfied with
Tegtider's personality and actions.24yf 2 Q F H L Q S R Z H U K R Z H Y H U $ U J K X Q U H -
turned to the earlier practice of even-handed treatment to the different religious
communities found in the Ilkhanate. Arghun may have gained power on an
"anti-Islamic" platform, and he dis-established it as a state religion, but he had
nothing against Islam per se and certainly did not persecute Muslims as a
group. In fact, during his struggle with his uncle, he took advantage of his
passing through Bisdm, to visit the tomb of the famous ninth century mystic
Abfi Yazid,25yf D Q G W K H U H D V N I R U G L Y L Q H D V V L V W D Q F H I R U Y L F W R U \ \f This was, it
would seem, an attempt by Arghun to take out a little "celestial insurance," to
use David Morgan's apt term.27yf , W V K R X O G F R P H D V Q R V X U S U L V H W K H Q W K D W W K e
sufis, at least of moderate leaning, appear to have been welcome at the court
during Arghun's reign (1284-91yf 7 K H . X E U D Z L V K D \ N K & $ O D
D O ' D Z O D 6 L P Q D Q i
(d. 736/1336yf V F L R Q W R D I D P L O \ R I K L J K R I I L F L D O V L Q W K H , O N K D Q D W H D Q G K L P V H O f
in official service early in the reign of Arghun before embarking on the sufi
path, was an involuntary guest at his court. It was during this forced stay, some
eighty days long, that he engaged in the famous debate in which, so it is
reported, he readily defeated the Buddhist monks.28yf
It was from the ranks of the Kubrawiyya that came the personality who
properly initiated Ghazan, Arghun's son and eventual successor (r. 1295-1304yf
into the Muslim faith. This was Sadr al-Din Ibrahim Hammiya, the son of Sa'd
al-Din Muhammad, one of disciples of Najm al-Din Kubrd. The exact course
22yf + R O W S S . 23yf , E Q D O % D ] ] L ] S . 24yf $ P L W D L 3 U H L V V I R U W K F R P L Q J .
25yf 2 Q K L P V H H ( Y R O S S . 26yf 5 D V K L G D O ' L Q S . 27yf 0 R U J D Q S .
28yf 0 X V W D Z I L S S ) 0 H L H U & $ O G
D O ' D Z O D D O 6 L P Q D Q L ( Y R O S S . 162-163; J. van Ess, "'Ala' al-Daula Semnani", Elr, vol. 1, p. 775; DeWeese 1994, p. 173; cf. Bausani 1968, p. 545. Simnani, it should be noted, had grown up at the ordu (royal campyf D Q G W K X V K D G N Q R Z Q $ U J K X Q V L Q F H D G R O H V F H Q F H $ X E L Q S .
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SUFIS AND SHAMANS 33
of this conversion has been analyzed in detail by Charles Melville, and need
not detain us now. Mention should be made, however, that while Sadr al-Din
gave the future Ilkhan instruction and performed the actual conversion, the lat-
ter was convinced to adopt Islam by his lieutenant Nawriiz, and his motivation
appears to have been an amalgam of conviction and political reasons.29yf , W L s
interesting to note that there is no record of any significant spiritual contact
before hand between Ghazan and sufis of any kind.
Once becoming a Muslim, however, the situation is seen to change. Another
sufi personality was found in the entourage of this Ilkhan: Sa'd al-Din Qutluq/
Qutlugh Khw ajah Khalidi Qazwini, who according to Mustawfi was responsi-
ble for converting Ghazan "and most of the Mongols."30yf & K D U O H V 0 H O Y L O O H \f as
well as the translators of the facsimile edition of Mustawfi's work, were surely
correct to cast doubt on this claim.32yf % X W V X F K D Q D Y R Z D O F R X O G R Q O \ E H P D G e
if this Qutluq Khwajah was indeed part of Ghazan's entourage. As Melville
writes: "... it is not impossible that Sa'd al-Din [Qutluq Khw ajah] did indeed
at some later stage attend and instruct Ghazan."33yf 7 K H D E R Y H P H Q W L R Q H G 6 K D \ N h
Zahid Gilini, who is portrayed as an opponent of the Qalandars, was also the
recipient of a visit by this Ilkhan.34yf $ Q R W K H U S R V V L E O H V X I L 1 L ] D P D O ' L Q 0 D K -
mud, seemingly of the moderate variety, is called shaykh al-shuytikh and was
found among the group of scholars and high bureaucrats who accompanied
Ghazan to Syria in 1300, what one Mamluk historian called a'ydn dawlat
al-malik ghdzdn.35yf 7 K L V S H U V R Q D O L W \ P D \ E H L G H Q W L I L H G Z L W K W K H 0 D K P X d
Dinawari, who Rashid al-Din refers to as shaykh al-mashayikh, and was active
in the events leading up to Ghazan's successful challenge of Baidu's rule, and
afterwards.36yf
This is not to say that Ghazan's relations with sufis were trouble-free. In
29yf 0 H O Y L O O H S S . 30yf 0 X V W D Z I L S . 31yf 0 H O Y L O O H S . 32yf 0 X V W D Z I L Y R O S Q .
33yf 6 H H D O V R W K H F R P P H Q W V L Q $ X E L Q S . 34yf 5 D V K L G D O ' L Q S $ X E L Q S S $ I D Q W D V W L F D F F R X Q W R I * K D ] D Q
s
relations with Shaykh Zahid, as told in the mid-fourteenth century Ghazan-ndmah, is the subject of a paper given by Charles Melville, at the Ilkhanate conference given mentioned in the initial note of this paper.
35yf , E Q D O ' D Z L G D U L S 7 K L V O L V W R I S H U V R Q D O L W L H V Z L W K R X W W K H G H V F U L S W L R Q J L Y H n above, is found in the anonymous Mamluk chronicle edited by Zetterst6en 1919, p. 76, who also mentions this Nizam al-Din several times during the Mongol occupation of Damascus; at least once he was requested to intercede with the Mongols on behalf of the local popu- lation (pp. 69-70yf = H W W H U V W H Q L Q W K H L Q G H [ S \f, gives him the entry: Nizam al-Din Mahmfid b. 'Ali al-Shibini, but it is unclear what the basis for this identification was.
36yf 5 D V K L G D O ' L Q S D V V L P $ X E L Q S S .
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34 REUVEN AMITAI-PREISS
703/1303, word came to him of a conspiracy of sufi shaykhs and others to
depose and replace him with his cousin, Ala Fireng, son of the Ilkhan Geikhatu
(r. 1291-5yf 7 K H F R Q V S L U D W R U V O H G E \ R Q H 3 L U < D
T X E % G J K E D Q L Z H U H T X L F N O y
rounded up, and conveniently branded as Mazdikites before they were exe-
cuted.37yf : K H W K H U W K H \ U H D O O \ K H O G V X F K H [ W U H P H Y L H Z V P D \ E H G R X E W H G / L N H Z L V e
it may be questioned whether these followers of Pir Ya'qib were actually der-
vishes, as suggested by K. Jahn.38yf 2 Q W K H F R Q W U D U \ W K H U H O D W L R Q V K L S R I D W O H D V t
two of this group with the former wazir Sadr al-Din Khdlidi Zanjani hints at
the sufis among them as being of the moderate type. In any event, it is clear
that mystics may have been respected by the recently converted Ilkhan, but not
if they meddled in politics, particularly if they plotted against him.
Ghazan himself appears to have dabbled in sufism. According to the testi-
mony of Shaykh Sadr al-Din Ibrahim Hammuiya, recorded in several Mamluk
sources, Ghazan was given a woolen coat by him, indicating that perhaps the
Ilkhan was initiated as a sufi.39yf : K H W K H U * K D ] D Q X Q G H U V W R R G W K H I X O O L P S O L F D -
tions of this particular act remains an open question. In any event, in 1303,
towards the end of his life, Ghazan isolated himself, ostensibly for forty days,
from his court and usual comforts, and attended by only a few individuals.40yf
The use of the term chihilla (> the more common chillayf \f seems to indicate
that a sufi-like retreat of devotion was planned. J.A. Boyle, however, has com-
mented that "motives may well have been medical rather than spiritual for it is
clear that the Il-khan's infirmity -whatever its nature-was no longer a mere
inflammation of the eyes."42yf $ O O W K L V E H L Q J V D L G W K H H Q W K X V L D V P W K D W V R P e
modem scholars have expressed regarding Ghazan's devotion to sufism may be
overstated,43yf U H D G L Q J P R U H L Q W R W K H V R X U F H V W K D W L V Z D U U D Q W H G D Q G L J Q R U L Q J W K e
Ilkhan's other intellectual pursuits, let alone his interest in Mongol tradition and
institutions.44yf
Dervishes of a more popular ilk were also found in the vicinity of the Ilkhan.
Rashid al-Din mentions Ghazan's solicitude for a group of unknown dervishes
in 703/1303 in Iraq.45yf 2 I P R U H V L J Q L I L F D Q F H L V D V K D \ N K R I 7 X U N L V K R U L J L Q % D U D q
37yf 5 D V K L G D O ' L Q S S % D X V D Q L S S . 38yf , Q W K H V X P P D U \ R I 5 D V K L G D O ' L Q S [ O L L L .
39yf 0 H O Y L O O H S S .
40yf 5 D V K L G D O ' L Q S 7 K H U H L V Q R E D V L V I R U W K H S D V V D J H L Q + R Z R U W K - 1927, vol. 3, p. 480, for the following rendition of this passage: "[Ghazan] was waited upon by dervishes. His residence was enclosed by a palisade."
41yf 2 Q W K L V U H W U H D W N Q R Z Q D V N K D O Z D L Q $ U D E L F V H H ( Y R O S Y R O S S . 42yf % R \ O H Y R O S . 43yf & I 0 X U W D G D Z L S S / H Z L V R K Q S S . 44yf 6 H H $ P L W D L 3 U H L V V E S S $ P L W D L 3 U H L V V D S S . 45yf 5 D V K L G D O ' L Q S S 2 Q S P H Q W L R Q L V P D G H R I * K D ] D Q
V E X L O G L Q J R f
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SUFIS AND SHAMANS 35
B~ba, born near Tokat in eastern Anatolia, and a follower of Sari Saltuq, the
"semi-legendary warrior saint who propagated Islam in the Crimea and
Dobruja."46yf % D U D T D U U L Y H G D W W K H , O N K D Q L G F R X U W G X U L Q J W K H U H L J Q R I * K D ] D Q ,
obtaining there some prominence, at least according to the Mamluk sources. In
706/1306, during the reign of Oljeitii (1304-16yf % D U D T D Q G D J U R X S R I V R P e
100 followers crossed the Euphrates into Syria. They were well received in
Damascus, in spite of the scandal that their appearance and behavior caused,
and were permitted to visit Jerusalem. By the order of the Mamluk Sultan al-
Nasir Muhammad b. Qalawun (or rather the order issued in his nameyf K R Z -
ever, Baraq's progress to Egypt was halted, and he and his entourage were sent
back across the Euphrates. Not long afterwards, the shaykh met his end in
Gilan, while taking part in Mongol efforts to bring that recalcitrant region under
control.47yf 3 H U K D S V R X U H V W L P D W L R Q R I % D U D T
V L P S R U W D Q F H G X U L Q J * K D ] D Q
V U H L J n
should be tempered by the total lack of any allusion to him in Rashid al-Din's
JIami' al-tawdrikh. On the other hand, he does enjoy some mention in Qashani's
Ta'rikh-i tljdytfi, although only in connection with his ill-fated participation in
the campaign to Gilan. His tomb was eventually placed near the mausoleum of
Oljeitii, again an indication of his relationship with this later Ilkhan.48yf 7 K H U e
is, however, no getting around his greater prominence in the Mamluk sources,
reflecting perhaps the image that Baraq had succeeded in projecting in Syria,
and indicating less real authority and influence among the Mongols than he
claimed.
It would seem then that the post-conversion Ilkhans adopted a more positive
attitude towards mendicant dervishes than the founder of their dynasty. Yet,
while Baraq Baba may have enjoyed some prominence, or was at least toler-
ated during Ghazan's reign, it appears that those sufis with real influence,
religious and perhaps otherwise, with the Ilkhan were of a more moderate, gen-
erally institutional nature. During the early years of Oljeitti's reign, Baraq's posi-
tion may have been more pronounced, although the exact extent of his influence
is hard to gauge. In any event, it does not seem to have adversely affected the
role of more temperate mystics, such as Safi al-Din Ardabili, the disciple of
Shaykh Zahid Ibrahim Gilani, who enjoyed some eminence during the reign of
Oljeitui's son and successor, Abfl Sa'id (r. 1316-35yf \f Mustawfi, writing just a
a khcnqdh sometime during his reign, as part of the many Islamic buildings which he estab- lished; the exact character of its inhabitants are not specified. 46yf + $ O J D U % D U D T % D E D ( , U Y R O S .
47yf + $ O J D U % D U D T % D E G ( O U Y R O S S % / H Z L V % D U D N % D E D ( , - 2; Karamustafa 1994b, pp. 62-63; Karamustafa 1994a, pp. 193-196; Melville forthcoming. 48yf 4 D V K a Q L S F L W H G L Q 0 H O Y L O O H I R U W K F R P L Q J Q % O D L U S . 49yf 6 H H W K H V K R U W D Q G J H Q H U D O F R P P H Q W V L Q 0 D ] ] D R X L S S 0 L Q R U V N \ ,
pp. 515-527.
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36 REUVEN AMITAI-PREISS
few years after this Ilkhan's death (and thus probably not out of overtly pious
anachronismyf V W D W H V W K D W W K H 0 R Q J R O V Z H U H J U H D W O \ D W W D F K H G W R 6 D I L D O ' L Q Z K o
restrained many of them from molesting the people."?yf 2 W K H U P R G H U D W H V X I L V D U e
also found to have enjoyed some prominence. After some initial tension, Ala'
al-Dawla Simndni was reconciled to Oljeitii (at least until he became a Shi'iyf ,
who built an academy in Sultaniyya in his honor.51yf 7 K L V , O N K D Q D O V R U H F R Q -
structed the tomb of the above-mentioned ninth century mystic Abi Yazid
Bist.mi, and supported Nur al-Din Isfarayini, another important mystic.52yf Simnani was also well thought of by the Sunni Abi Sa'id, who is recorded to
have visited him.53yf $ G H W D L O H G G L V F X V V L R Q R I W K H U R O H R I E R W K D Q W L Q R P L D Q D Q d
institutional sufis in the post-Ghazan period, when the matter of conversion to
Islam was already settled for the Ilkhans, goes beyond the confines of this pre-
sent study. We might mention, however, that the sufis were only a portion of
the entourage of religious figures who surrounded Oljeitii and Aba Sa'id, and
influenced them. In fact, it appears that it was theologians, such as the Shi'i
al-'Allama al-Hilli, who set the tone of the religious life in the former's reign.54yf
Michel Mazzaoui has written: "The whole question of Sfifism or mysticism
during the Mongol period has not been studied in full, and our knowledge
about folk Islam during this period and afterwards is very sketchy.""55yf , P X V t
admit that the matter is still very murky, but perhaps my short survey, which
surely has not touched upon every sufi shaykh with whom the Mongol elite had
connections, permits the following tentative conclusions:
The dervishes of an anti-nomian bent began their contacts with the Ilkhans
on a decidedly negative note. With the Islamization of the Ilkhans, their posi-
tion appears to have improved, but on the whole and in the long run, they
enjoyed a secondary status compared to more moderate sufis. Not only had the
latter a place of some honor among the pagan Ilkhans, they were instrumental
in the conversion of the Ilkhans and their continual instruction and guidance in
the new faith.
To what can we attribute this hierarchy of sufis? The Ilkhans may well have
50yf 0 X V W D Z I L S F L W H G L Q / D P E W R Q S . 51yf - 9 D Q ( V V L Q ( , U Y R O S .
52yf / H Z L V R K Q S S F I - Y D Q ( V V L Q ( , U Y R O S . 53yf 6 D I D G L Y R O S - Y D Q ( V V L Q ( , U Y R O S . 54yf 6 F K P L G W N H S S . 55yf 0 D ] ] D R X L S .
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SUFIS AND SHAMANS 37
been influenced by their various Muslim advisors and officials, drawn mainly
from the urban administrative and scholarly milieu. These notables, of whom
Nasir al-Din Tiisi's example was given above, seem to have looked upon the
dervishes with distaste. On the other hand, some of the prominent moderate,
institutional sufis, even those of a pronounced ascetic taste, were very much a
part of the world of the senior 'ulamd' and bureaucrats, and the border between
these two sectors was neither fixed or impermeable. Second, they may well have
remembered the role of popular dervish figures in fermenting rebellion against
authority. An earlier generation of Mongol leaders had to deal with the move-
ment of a charismatic Muslim ascetic figure claiming magical power, Mahmiid
T.rabi, in the area of Bukhara in 636/1238-9,56yf D Q G W K H P H P R U \ R I % D W E D , V K O T
s
rebellion in Anatolia in 1241 against the Seljuqs may have played a role."57yf , t
might be suggested that the anti-nomian dervishes themselves shunned patron-
age and contact with authority. Maybe there were those with such principles,
and therefore we do not know about them, but in the examples adduced above,
the dervishes in question do not seem to have held such scruples.
All of the above applies to the relationship between Mongol rulers in Iran
and the various types of mystics in their realm. The information regarding
wider circles of Mongols, let alone the average tribesman, is spotty at best.
There is evidence, albeit not much, of the attraction of non-institutional sufis
for the Mongols at large. The Mamluk historian al-Nuwayri (d. 1332yf Z U L W H s
that among the reasons that the Mongol elite rose up against Teguider Ahmad
was that his mentor Shaykh 'Abd al-Rahmdn, had drawn the "sons of the
Mongols" (awldd al-mughulyf W R Z D U G V K L P \f Whether this inclination was of a
spiritual nature is left unsaid in the source. Other Mamluk writers, describing
more-or-less the same period, describe an Oirat Mongol who converted to
Islam, took the name 'Ali, became a faqir (i.e. dervishyf D Q G Z L W K D J U R X S R f
followers from among the "sons of the Mongols" (awldd al-mughulyf P D G H K L s
way across the Euphrates to Syria. There, for reasons which are not completely
clear (for unacceptable religious practices or moral turpitude?yf K H D Q G V R P H R f
his brothers were eventually arrested."59yf % R W K R I W K H V H S L H F H V R I H Y L G H Q F H G H U L Y e
from the time of Tegiider Ahmad, when anti-nomian dervishes were at the
apogee of their influence. Whether these awlId al-mughul were from the elite
56yf - X Z D \ Q L Y R O S S - X Z D \ Q L Y R O S S \f. See also Bausani 1968, p. 548. 57yf & D K H Q S S . 58yf $ O 1 X Z D \ U L S .
59yf % D \ E D U V D O 0 D Q V L U L 0 6 I R O E , E Q D O ) X U D W S D O 0 D T U L ] L , vol. 1, pp. 708-709.
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38 REUVEN AMITAI-PREISS
or the common tribesmen is unspecified. Regarding other periods, we are still
in the dark regarding the success of the sufis in converting the rank-and-file
Mongols.
In the above discussion only the role of the sufis in the conversion to Islam
of the Ilkhans has been mentioned. Other factors, such as the role of key mem-
bers of the Mongol elite who had already converted (Nawriiz being the most
prominentyf S R O L W L F D O R U R W K H U S U D F W L F D O U H D V R Q V O H W D O R Q H W K H Z K R O H T X H V W L R Q R f
acculturation and assimilation to a wider culture (perhaps via the Turksyf K D Y e
been ignored and will have to wait analysis elsewhere.60yf 7 K H I R F X V K H U H K D s
been on sufis, and it has been seen that generally those with long-term and last-
ing influence were of an institutional, moderate variety, heirs to a centuries-
long tradition which was still vigorously developing in this period and would
continue to do so long after the Mongols had disappeared as a political force
or distinctive ethnic group in the Middle East.
There is little reason to connect the sufi personalities which we have encoun-
tered here with traditional Mongol shamanism or shamans. The statement that
the Mongols, at least their rulers and elites, were attracted to sufism because of
the sufis' similarity to shamans is an assumption which has never been proven.
In fact, there is nothing in sources of which I am aware that remotely justifies
such a position. One might ask, where is the one statement by a source of any
provenance which could remotely be construed to support the attraction of the
Mongol rulers to sufis, moderate or otherwise, because of their shamanistic
past? Even if we were to accept such a postulation, how do we account for the
fact that the Mongol elite was attracted mainly to the moderate sufis rather to
the anti-nomian variety, who--one might a priori suggest-had a greater
resemblance to the shamans.
A closer inspection of the matter reveals that perhaps shamans and sufis, cer-
tainly of the institutional kind, have less in common than is often thought. The
shaman in traditional Mongol religion seeks-according to Walther Heissig-
"ecstasy and the ability to combat harmful powers and forces and to look into
the future in order to interpret and prophesy, through the help of spirits which
have been made subservient."61yf + H R U V K H K D V O L W W O H L I D Q \ L Q W H U H V W L Q Z K D t
would be considered spiritual or transcendental in both the monotheistic and
Indian religions, but rather was basically involved "in preventive and healing
60yf , D P Q R Z Z R U N L Q J R Q Z K D W Z L O O K R S H I X O O \ E H D F R P S U H K H Q V L Y H V W X G \ R I W K H Z K R O e question of the Mongols' Islamization, of which this present paper will be a part. 61yf + H L V V L J S V H H D O V R % R \ O H S $ G H W D L O H G G L V F X V V L R Q R I W K H 0 R Q J R - lian shaman and traditional Inner Asian religion is beyond the bounds of the present paper.
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SUFIS AND SHAMANS 39
magic."62yf 7 K L V L V Q R W W K H S O D F H W R S U H V H Q W D G L V F X V V L R Q H Y H Q D V X P P D U \ R Q H ,
of sufism, but one might mention gnosis (ma'rifayf W K H D Q Q L K L O D W L R Q L Q * R G "
(fana'yf D Q G W K H X Q L W \ Z L W K % H L Q J L W W L K G G R U Z D K G D W D O Z X M L G \f, sufi concepts
which are completely foreign to the inner Asian shamanistic milieu. These and
other goals of the sufi are achieved by various means, some of which have a
certain resemblance with the technique of the shaman, i.e. communicating with
the "otherworld" through ecstacy and trance (the so-called "shaman's ride"yf E X t
these are mainly external aspects and have nothing to do with the essence of
either the shaman's or sufi's vocation. In addition, the Mongolian shamans of
that time (and even of todayyf S U D F W L F H Q H L W K H U D V F H W L V P Q R U V H O I D E X V H W K H I R U -
mer found among a broad range of sufis, and the latter common among certain
extreme dervish groups.
But what of the anti-nomian dervishes? Does not their bizarre dress and
behavior, let alone at least some of their devotional practices, reveal a similarity
and even relationship to Mongolian shamans? One piece of evidence, and as
far as I can tell the only one, which has been adduced to show the alleged
influence of shamanism on sufis is an interesting passage from the al-'Ibar ft
khabar man ghabar by al-Dhahabi, who writes that among the latter day fol-
lowers of Ahmad al-Rifd'i (d. 578/1182yf G H Y L O L V K S U D F W L F H V K D G F R P H L Q W R X V e
since the Mongols took Iraq, such as entering fire, riding lions and playing with
animals. Neither the Shaykh [al-Rifa'i] nor his righteous [first] followers had
known these.. ."63yf
There are, however, a number of reasons why this statement cannot serve as
a basis for the attribution of a strong shamanistic connection between this par-
ticular dervish group (let alone dervishes as a wholeyf D Q G V K D P D Q L V P , W V K R X O d
first be noted that al-Dhahabi does not explicitly state that the Rifa'is took these
allegedly new practices from the Mongols, but only that they were introduced
sometime after the Mongols conquered Iraq (A.D. 1258yf 7 K H H [ D F W R U L J L Q R f
these innovations is not given, although it was perhaps Dhahabi's intention to
imply that it was somehow connected to the Mongols. More importantly, as
D.S. Margoliouth has noted, the wild practises to which the Rif'iyya were ascribed
were no invention of al-Rifd'i, "since the like are recorded by al-Tantikhi in the
62yf + H L V V L J S 7 K L V L V Q R W W R V X J J H V W W K D W W U D G L W L R Q D O 0 R Q J R O L D Q D Q G , Q Q H r Asianyf U H O L J L R Q Z D V Z L W K R X W D Q \ L Q W H U H V W E H \ R Q G W K H S U D F W L F D O D Q G P X Q G D Q H , W F H U W D L Q O \ K D d cosmological concerns and attributed great importance in matters of origins and ancestors (see DeWeese 1994, pp. 27-35yf 7 K H V H L Q W H U H V W V Z R X O G D S S H D U W R E H V R P H Z K D W G L I I H U H Q W W K D n
those found in sufism.
63yf $ O ' K D K D E L Y R O S Z K R U H I H U V W R W K H 5 L I <
L \ \ D D V $ K P D G L \ \ D 7 K L V S D V - sage, cited by the sixteenth century writer Ibn al-'Imi~d 1931-32, vol. 4, p. 260, is seen as
definite proof of a shaman-sufi connection by K6priilii 1929, p. 12; Vryonis 1971, p. 366.
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40 REUVEN AMITAI-PREISS
fourth century A.H. [= ca. tenth century A.D.]"64yf 0 D U J R O L R X W K X Q I R U W X Q D W H O \ ,
did not provide a reference for this information, but it seems in this author's
al-Faraj ba'd al-shidda, there is a story of riding a lion.65yf 7 K L V L Q I R U P D W L R Q L s
not connected with sufis per se, but it does show that this motif, at least, was
found in Islamic society centuries before the Mongols showed up on the scene.
There also appears a story about a man seeking refuge in an oven, but this was
unlit, and also not tied to sufism.66yf + R Z H Y H U W K H P R W L I R I W K H W U L D O E \ I L U H D Q d
specifically being tossed into an oven, is an ancient one in the Near East, going
back at least to the Book of Daniel (ch. 3yf \f
Some extreme dervish practices, including bizarre dress and self-inflicted
pain (although not necessarily the ones just describedyf D S S D U H Q W O \ S U H F H G H W K e
Mongol invasion of eastern Iran (1219yf D Q G F H U W D L Q O \ W K D W R I , U D T \f.68yf 6 o
while we cannot rule out the possibility of some Mongol influence, among
which might be something specifically shamanistic, on the Rifd'iyya, it seems
no less likely that these activities were an independent, "Islamic" development,
perhaps derived from the practices of other dervish groups. It might well be
that al-Dhahabi's attribution, albeit by implication, to the Mongols, is nothing
more than an attempt to blame outlandish practices among Muslims (in his eyes
certainlyyf R Q W K H R Q F H L Q I L G H O 0 R Q J R O V Z L W K W K H L U S O H W K R U D R I V W U D Q J H F X V W R P V .
In this connection, we might mention the attempt by the fifteenth century Egypt
jurist and historian, al-Maqrizi, to blame the adoption of the Mongol yasa (law
codeyf I R U W K H L Q I U L Q J H P H Q W E \ W K H 0 D P O X N K X M M D
E F K D P E H U O D L Q V \f on the author-
ity of the qadis in Cairo, an accusation which has been shown to have little
basis in fact.69yf
The Mongol shamans, usually referred to as qams (a Turkish wordyf L Q W K e
Arabic and Persian sources, are a fairly non-descript lot in Mongol Iran. In the
post-Hiilegii period, groups of them appear on occasion, but invariably without
names.70yf , Q I D F W D V I D U D V , N Q R Z Q R W R Q H L Q G L Y L G X D O V K D P D Q L V H Y H U Q D P H d
64yf $ U W $ K P D G D O 5 L I G
L ( 3 W K L V L V E D V L F D O O \ W K H V D P H D U W L F O H Z K L F K D S S H D U H d
in El1yf & ( % R V Z R U W K W K H D X W K R U R I W K H V X E V H T X H Q W H Q W U \ L Q ( R Q W K H 5 L I L
L \ \ D R U G H U , leaves open the question when these practises, which made the order famous, came about. 65yf 7 D Q I N K L Y R O S S , D P J U D W H I X O W R ' U - X O L D $ V K W L D Q \ R I 6 W . Andrew's University for her advice on this material.
66yf 7 D Q I L N K L Y R O S S W K L V S D V V D J H L V W U D Q V O D W H G L Q $ V K W L D Q \ S S - 128.
67yf 6 H H ' H : H H V H S S I R U D G L V F X V V L R Q R I W K H R Y H Q P R W L I L Q S U H , V O D P L F , Islamic and Inner Asian contexts. It is worth mentioning the taming of a lion story is also found in Daniel (ch. 6yf D E R R N Z K L F K U H I O H F W V D K H D Y \ ( D V W H U Q L H , U D Q L D Q L Q I O X H Q F H . 68yf . D U D P X V W D I D E S S . 69yf 6 H H $ \ D O R Q S D V V L P . 70yf 6 H H I R U H [ D P S O H $ P L W D L 3 U H L V V S S 5 D V K L G D O ' L Q S .
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SUFS AND SHAMANS 41
in the Ilkhanid state; the term beki, often found in the sources for the early
Mongol empire as a title of shamans together with a name, is no longer in
use.7yf 7 K L V L V L Q V W D U N F R Q W U D V W W R W K H P D Q \ S U R P L Q H Q W V X I L V K D \ N K V P R G H U D W e
and extreme, known in the sources, some of whom have been mentioned above.
There is no evidence that the shamans were expelled from the Ilkhanate after
Ghazan's conversion, as were the bakhshis, the Buddhist holy men, who were
eventually ordered out when it became clear that they were still practicing their
religion while having ostensibly become Muslims.72yf 7 K H V K D P D Q V R Q W K H R W K H r
hand, are found voicing their opinions in Oljeitti's reign,73yf D Q G P D \ K D Y H O L Q J H U H d
in Iran for some time, although their eventual fate is unknown. Other post-
conversion vestiges of the pre-Islamic shamanism also remained for a period.74yf
Mention has been made of certain similarities between particular aspects
of the sufi experience and that of the shamans, such as the use of the trance
(although sufis and and shamans employed it for different goalsyf 6 R P H V X I L s
were known and venerated for their wonder-working (kardmdtyf D V Z H U H V K D -
mans. And sufis might have been consulted for mundane matters, and not only
those relating to transcendental affairs. It is possible, then, that the partial re-
semblance between shamans and sufis may have contributed to some degree
for the success of some of the latter in converting and instructing the Ilkhans
and their entourage, and their popularity in wider circles. This, it must be
added, is an assumption that has yet to be substantiated. No source known to
me offers it as an explanation. Other reasons may also be suggested. Perhaps
the success of individual sufis in converting at least some of the Mongols, elite
and otherwise, may be due to their attraction which they held for large sections
of Islamic society, i.e. a homey, down-to-earth version of Islam, unencumbered
with legalistic and theological niceties, and at times willing to turn a blind eye
to elements of the traditional, pre-Islamic religion. It is also possible that the
sufis, some of whom at least would be found in the country, would come into
contact with the Mongol tribesman, and thus could influence them, both in con-
version and afterwards.75yf
Thus, from what we have seen above, there is little proof to support the con-
tention of K6pruilii and others that the dervishes were an amalgam of shaman-
ism and Islam, if not shamans in sufi clothes. If the shamans put on a Muslim
71yf 5 R X [ S ' R H U I H U Y R O S S 3 D X O S . 72yf 5 D V K L G D O ' L Q S . 73yf % R \ O H S D O V R % R \ O H S Z K R S R L Q W V R X W W K D W W K H V H Z H U H V X U H O y shamans, although the source refers to them as bakhshis. 74yf $ P L W D L 3 U H L V V D S S H V S . 75yf 7 K L V O D V W U H D V R Q Z D V V X J J H V W H G E \ 3 U R I $ . 6 / D P E W R Q D W W K H , O N K D Q D W H V H P L Q D U L n which this paper was first given.
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42 REUVEN AMITAI-PREISS
garb to please the princes, as K6priilii's claims,76yf W K H U H L V Q R H Y L G H Q F H R I L W L n
the sources which I have examined. Perhaps, then, the time has come to eschew
phrases such as "shamanistic" and "crypto-shamanistic"77yf Z K H Q G L V F X V V L Q J W K e
sufis and dervishes of the Mongol period, such as Shaykh Baraq. This der-
vish may have been un-orthodox and even weird in the eyes of the 'ulamnd' and
others of the civil and political establishment, but it seems that he reflected a
long developing strand of anti-nomian sufism,78yf D Q G W K H F R Q Q H F W L R Q W R , Q Q H r
Asia shamanism is tenuous at best.
This study appears to confirm the measured statement by the anthropol-
ogist A.M. Khazanov, with regard to conversion of Inner Asian peoples to a
monotheistic religion: "Spiritual middlemen and mediators, very often of seden-
tary origin, functionally somehow replaced their pagan counterparts... ."79yf , n
other words, charismatic personalities of one type are replaced by those of
another. In the case of the Mongols, it now can be questioned whether this
replacement was also a result of some type of inherent similarity between the
two groups of charismatic persons. There is no evidence that loyalty and later
nostalgia for shamanism influenced the Ilkhans' choice of sufis, even before
they converted. As we have seen, the Ilkhans generally preferred moderate sufis,
those mystics whose practice least resembled the holy men of the traditional
Mongol religion. Elements of traditional Mongol religion, usually known under
the rubric of shamanism, continued to be practiced for decades in the environs
of the newly converted Ilkhans and their entourage.80yf % X W W K L V V H H P V W R E H V H S -
arate from the relationship between Ghazan and his successors with their sufi
teachers and associates.
Postscript
After this article went to press, I learnt of additional relevant information
which was published in an important article by Daniella Talmon-Heller,
"Arabic Sources on Muslim Villagers under Frankish Rule," in Alan V. Murray
ed., From Clermont to Jerusalem: The Crusades and Crusader Societies 1095-
1500 (International Medieval Researches, 3yf % U X V V H O V % U H S R O V \f, p. 109.
There evidence is cited from another work by al-Dhahabi, Siyar a'lam
76yf . S U W L O L L S . 77yf ) R U W K H O D W W H U V H H + $ O J D U % D U G T % D E D ( , U Y R O S . 78yf 6 H H . D U D P X V W D I D D S D V V L P .
79yf . K D ] D Q R Y S . 80yf 2 Q W K H D V V L P L O D W L R Q R I H O H P H Q W V I U R P W U D G L W L R Q D O , Q Q H U $ V L D Q U H O L J L R Q G X U L Q J W K e
process of Islamization in the Mongol khanates of Central Asia and their successor group- ings and states, see DeWeese 1994, p. 516 and passim.
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SUFIS AND SHAMANS 43
al-nubala', Sh. al-Arna'Ot and M.N. al-'Arqasusi eds. (Beirut: Mu'assasat
al-Risala, 1988yf Y R O S R I D 6 \ U L D Q V X I L V K D \ N K $ E R L D O + X V D \ Q D O -
Muqaddasi (d. ca. 548/1153-4yf Z K R L V U H S R U W H G W R K D Y H U L G G H Q D O L R Q V X S S R V -
edly the Franks said of him: "Lions and Tigers are like tame animals for Aboi
al-IHusayn."
Here, at least, al-Dhahabi believes that the lion-riding shaykhs made their
appearance before the arrival of the Mongols in the Islamic world in the early
thirteenth century. This weakens al-Dhahabi's own claim, cited above, that only
in the aftermath of the Mongol conquest of Iraq did the Ahmadiyya/Rifa'iyya
adopt inter alia lion-riding. The topos is found in connection to sufis long
before the Mongols made their appearance in the area.
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