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Ethnic Identities and Patterns of School Success and Failure among Mexican-Descent and Japanese-American Students in a California High School: An Ethnographic Analysis Author(syf 0 D U L D ( X J H Q L D 0 D W X W H % L D Q F K i Source: American Journal of Education , Vol. 95, No. 1, The Education of Hispanic Americans: A Challenge for the Future (Nov., 1986yf S S 5 Published by: The University of Chicago Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1209233 Accessed: 08-09-2016 19:11 UTC REFERENCES Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1209233?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms The University of Chicago Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to American Journal of Education This content downloaded from 206.208.133.59 on Thu, 08 Sep 2016 19:11:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Ethnic Identities and Patterns of School Success and Failure among Mexican-Descent and Japanese-American Students in a California High School: An Ethnographic Analysis MARIA EUGENIA MATUTE-BIANCHI Merrill College, University of California, Santa Cruz This paper addresses the interrelatedness of three variables: ethnicity and ethnic identity, minority status and perceptions of adult opportunities, and how this interrelation affects school performance. The research draws on fieldwork in an agricultural/suburban community along the central California coast. The analysis employs a cultural/ecological framework for explaining variability in patterns of school performance among Japanese-American and Mexican-descent students. Understanding Variability in School Performance of Minorities In order to assess the variability in school performance observed in minority-language students in a variety of contexts, we must utilize a conceptual framework that establishes a connection between schooling and other societal institutions and events-and that therefore mediates the responses that different minorities have made to the demands of schooling. Moreover, it is important to distinguish those minorities who do well in school from others who do not and to explain the differential patterns of school performance (Ogbu 1983; Ogbu and Matute-Bianchi 1986yf . ? 1986 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved. 0036-6773/87/9501-0009$01.00 November 1986 233 This content downloaded from 206.208.133.59 on Thu, 08 Sep 2016 19:11:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Ethnic Identities and Patterns of School Success and Failure Minority status per se does not account for differences in school success and failure. Rather, what is most salient to nonwhite minorities in this connection is not their objective material conditions so much as it is their perception of themselves and others-and of the value of their investment in education. The Community Setting The high school studied here serves a community that is largely ag- ricultural, with a population in 1980 of 23,543. The adjacent rural areas push the total valley population to over 30,000. Located south of San Francisco in a broad alluvial valley, the community is part of a region that is intensively cultivated and accounts for a large part of the agricultural production of the surrounding communities. The region's economy is tied, both historically and currently, to agricultural production. The agricultural industry has long depended on immigrant farm labor, and, as a result, the region has experienced a succession of nonwhite, non-English-speaking immigrants to the area. Urban development is encroaching on land that had been used for agriculture, and farm workers and other agricultural laborers are being replaced by mechanization or by changes in the structure of the agricultural labor market. In 1960 there were approximately 6,300 jobs in agriculture in the area's labor market, representing about 45 percent of the total number of jobs (13,000yf % \ W K H U H Z D V D O R V s of some 3,100 such jobs. Evidence of School Failure among Mexican-Descent Students The data in table 1 indicate that in 1971 the Spanish-surname students at Field High constituted 34 percent of the total school enrollment and that 13 years later, in 1984, this group made up 57 percent of the total enrollment. The Asian/Pacific Islander population (primarily students of Japanese and Filipino ancestryyf U H P D L Q H G U H O D W L Y H O \ V W D E O e MARIA EUGENIA MATUTE-BIANCHI is assistant professor of education at the University of California, Santa Cruz. Her current research ex- amines minority schooling experiences in comparative and cross-cultural perspectives. 234 American Journal of Education This content downloaded from 206.208.133.59 on Thu, 08 Sep 2016 19:11:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Matute-Bianchi TABLE 1 Racial/Ethnic Distribution, Field High School, for Selected Years during 1971-84 RACIAL/ETHNIC CATEGORY Asian/ American Pacific Spanish YEAR Indian Islander Black Surname White TOTAL 1984 56 (2yf \f 13 (.5yf \f 788 (33yf 7 1982 47 (2yf \f 9 (.42yf \f 747 (35yf 7 1980 13 (.59yf \f 6 (.27yf \f 884 (40yf 9 1978 116(5yf \f 20 (.8yf \f 1,130 (46yf 1 1974 8 (.31yf \f 10 (.39yf \f 1,308 (51yf 0 1971 6 (.23yf \f 16 (.63yf \f 1,496 (60yf 7 SOURCE.-Pajaro Valley Unified School District, Office of Instructional Services. NOTE.-Numbers in parentheses are percentages. during this same period, constituting from 5 percent to 10 percent of total enrollment. To illuminate more clearly the educational problems of Spanish- surname students at Field High, it is instructive to document the experience of a particular class. The class of 1985 was selected for analysis. Records maintained by the school's registrar on all students who were enrolled in the class and who dropped out prior to June, 1985, graduation were reviewed. From these records, all Spanish- surname-student "drop" records were tallied and examined. The class entered as ninth graders in September, 1981, with a total class enrollment of 643, which included a sizable number of Spanish- surname students. As tenth graders, the class enrolled 572. As eleventh graders, the class numbered 597, of whom 360 (60 percentyf Z H U e identified as having Spanish surnames (table 2yf & R P S D U L Q J W K H M X Q L R r class of 1983 to the subsequent graduation list for the class in 1985 indicates that 51 percent of the Spanish-surname students did not graduate with their class. However, of the 127 Spanish-surname students in the class identified as limited English proficient (LEPyf S H U F H Q t went on to graduate. Hence, the data suggest that the graduation rate of the LEP Spanish-surname students was higher than the rate for all Spanish-surname students in the class of 1985. As indicated by the registrar's "drop cards" for students in this class, 232 Spanish-surname students or 36 percent of all students who started as 9th graders in 1981 left the school prior to their June, 1985, grad- November 1986 235 This content downloaded from 206.208.133.59 on Thu, 08 Sep 2016 19:11:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Ethnic Identities and Patterns of School Success and Failure TABLE 2 Graduation Rates by Ethnicity (N = 597yf ETHNIC CATEGORY PARAMETER Spanish Surname Japanese Descent White Total in class 360 (60yf \f 186 (31yf Identified LEPs 129 (36yf 0 0 0 Identified FEPs 197 (55yf \f 0 0 Identified English only 34 (9.4yf \f 186 (100yf Graduated in 1985 175 (49yf \f 112 (60yf Identified LEPs graduating 82 (65yf 0 0 0 Not graduating in 1985 185 (51yf \f 74 (40yf SOURCE.-"Language Spoken in the Home Roster." Pajaro Valley Unified School District, September 1983. NOTE.-Numbers in parentheses are percentages. uation. The profile of those Spanish-surname students who did not continue with the class of 1985 indicates that most of these students are U.S.-born students who attended the district's junior high schools. Moreover, the records maintained by the school registrar show that most of these students left Field High prior to their 1985 graduation to enroll in alternative school programs that are considered by most school observers to be indications of lack of success in the academic program at Field High. Categories of Mexican-Descent Students In general, there are five major categories within which most Mexican- descent students in the school can be placed: 1. Recent-Mexican-immigrant students are Spanish speaking, Mexican born, and frequently identified as LEP by the school, according to diagnostic English placement tests. These students are identified by other Mexican-descent students, and by some teachers and school staff, as dressing differently from the rest of the student body; the 236 American Journal of Education This content downloaded from 206.208.133.59 on Thu, 08 Sep 2016 19:11:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Matute-Bianchi clothing style is considered unstylish by other students. When inter- viewed, these students claim an identity of "Mexicano" and consider Mexico their permanent home. They most frequently cite economic opportunity as the reason for their having come to the United States. Some have come here legally, others illegally. Some have established a relatively permanent base in the community and do not migrate seasonally back to Mexico. Others do return to Mexico or to other areas in the migrant stream with their families. Students within this group make distinctions among themselves, using the class-based ref- erence framework of Mexico. These distinctions refer to rural versus urban differences, upper class versus working class, and mestizo versus "indo," factors that are of significance in Mexico. Students in the Mexican-immigrant category differ significantly in their level of proficiency in Spanish. Some are functioning below grade level in Spanish, perhaps at the fourth- or fifth-grade level. If so, they are most likely enrolled in a special curriculum, as well as in the beginning ESL (English as a Second Languageyf F O D V V H V , I W K H \ D U e functioning approximately at grade level in Spanish, they are enrolled in one or two ESL classes and in beginning English reading, bilingual math, bilingual social studies, bilingual science, and physical education. Among these students, those who are relatively proficient in Spanish, including both oral and written expression, tend to be more academically successful than those who are functioning well below grade level in Spanish. Hence, proficiency in their primary language appears to be related to their subsequent academic experience in the school. Many of these more proficient students have successfully completed primaria (grammar schoolyf D Q G L Q V R P H F D V H V K D Y H H Q W H U H G W K H S U H F R O O H J L D W e curriculum of the secundaria or the preparatoria in Mexico. Although students in this category are not among the most successful Mexican-descent students in the school, they are frequently described by teachers and staff as more courteous, more serious about their schoolwork, more eager to please, more polite, more industrious, more well behaved, more naive, and less worldly than other students in the school. 2. Mexican-oriented students are most often bilingual, with varying degrees of proficiency in English-literacy skills, and are usually adept in carrying on academic work in classes conducted exclusively in English. They use English and Spanish interchangeably with their peers but speak English exclusively with the school personnel. Typically, these students are identified as fluent English proficient (FEPyf D Q G V S H D k Spanish in the home and with many of their peers. Many of the fluent English speakers in this group are found in the general or remedial classes but not in the ESL or beginning English reading courses. Spanish- November 1986 237 This content downloaded from 206.208.133.59 on Thu, 08 Sep 2016 19:11:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Ethnic Identities and Patterns of School Success and Failure surname students enrolled in the college prep courses are frequently from this Mexican-oriented group. Students in this group have strong ties with both Mexico and the United States, but they claim an identity of Mexicano. They see them- selves as being different from the Mexican recien llegado, the Mexican- American, the Chicano, and the Cholo. They exhibit pride in their Mexican heritage, which they feel distinguishes them from other, more Americanized students of Mexican descent in the school. To these students, the terms "Chicano" and "Cholo" are derogatory and they would rarely, if ever, use them as self-descriptors. They would not identify themselves as Mexican-American. Frequently, these students are Mexican born and have lived in the United States for at least five years, and usually longer. They have attended junior high and ele- mentary school in the United States, although some may have attended the first year or two of primaria in Mexico. Their style of dress is considered more "American," but it is not what the students call "quad- die," which is a local term for preppy. The students in the school who are more "Mexican"-that is, the Mexican-immigrant and the Mexican-oriented students-are viewed as either Spanish speaking or bilingual, and, if they are active in school activities, are most likely to be active in such school clubs as the Sociedad Bilingue or soccer. The Sociedad Bilingue club, in particular, is viewed as the preeminent "Mexican" organization on the campus, serving as the most visible organizational symbol of Mexican student involvement in the school. The club is active throughout the year, raising funds for scholarships that the group awards at the end of the year to students going on to college, organizing dances, sponsoring cultural events such as the "Semana de la Raza" during the Cinco de Mayo week in May, and planning field trips to university campuses. Sociedad Bilingue was founded in the late 1970s by a group of Mexican-immigrant and Mexican-oriented students in the school who wanted an organization to bridge the apparent social distance between themselves and the Anglos in the school. Initial efforts were aimed at having both Anglos and "Mexicans" in the club. However, the club's membership has been virtually exclusively "Mexican," and the club's activities attract the Mexican-descent students, particularly the Mexican oriented. Many of the successful Mexican-descent students in the school can be identified as Mexican oriented. Not all students who see themselves as members of this group are successful by school criteria of school success, but many are. For example, virtually all of the Mexican-descent students in the top 10 percent of the 1985 graduating class were identified by teachers and other students as members of this group 238 American Journal of Education This content downloaded from 206.208.133.59 on Thu, 08 Sep 2016 19:11:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Matute-Bianchi of Mexican-descent students. Virtually all of the students were effectively bilingual, had lived in this country for more than five years, and had plans to attend college here and establish themselves in a career in this country. Mexican-oriented students see themselves as more Mexicano than the Mexican-American and Chicano and Cholo groups. They view Mexican-Americans as "people of Mexican parents who were born in the United States." They often described some Mexican-American students as arrogant, people who make fun of the more Mexicano students and who feel "superior" to them. Mexican-oriented students tend to view Chicanos and Cholos as "people who have 'lost"' their Mexican culture. They view the terms "Chicano" and "Cholo" as negative labels, associating them with symbols of gang membership and a host of offensive qualities. 3. Mexican-American students are those born in the United States of Mexican parentage who identify themselves as either Mexican-Amer- icans or Americans of Mexican descent. As a group, they are much more American oriented than the two groups previously cited and are frequently described by school personnel as totally assimilated. They often do not speak Spanish well or, even if they do, prefer to speak in English in school. There is a range of oral Spanish-language pro- ficiency within this group, depending on the extent to which the student must use Spanish in the home and community context. Students in this category see differences between themselves and the Mexican- immigrant and Mexican-oriented students and between themselves and the Chicanos and Cholos. They find the term "Chicano" offensive and consider it to be synonymous with "Cholo" and "Low Rider." Some of the most active and successful Mexican-descent students in the school are identified as members of this group. They tend to participate more in the mainstream school clubs and student government offices than do either the Mexican-immigrant or Mexican-oriented students; for example, students in this group are members of clubs and organizations in which whites and Japanese are members. For the most part, they do not participate in the clubs that are considered more Mexican, such as the Sociedad Bilingue, or more Chicano, such as M.A.T.A. (Mexican-Americans Taking Actionyf . 4. The Chicano group appears to constitute a large segment of the Mexican-descent clientele in the school, perhaps as many as 40 percent to 50 percent of the Spanish-surname students. When queried, these students will identify themselves as Mexican or Mexicano, but they do not find the term "Chicano" offensive or derogatory. Often they will call themselves "homeboys" or "homegirls." They often derisively de- scribe academically successful Mexican-descent students-that is, those November 1986 239 This content downloaded from 206.208.133.59 on Thu, 08 Sep 2016 19:11:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Ethnic Identities and Patterns of School Success and Failure students who attend classes regularly, are frequently seen carrying books around the campus, and abide by the school rules-as "school- boys" or "schoolgirls." Another term used by these students to distinguish themselves from more Americanized students of Mexican descent is "Wannabee," which is understood as meaning "wants to be white" or "wants to be Anglo." What most distinguishes these students from the three previously described groups of Mexican-descent students is their level of alienation from the school: they are much less likely to be actively involved in school programs and activities. They are typically not enrolled in college prep courses and are much more likely to be enrolled in the general or remedial courses. Many teachers describe these students as being more concerned with loyalty to the Chicano group and displaying an attitude and behavioral orientation that suggests that school is not important. They prefer to listen to different music than do the main- stream students in the school, which is frequently cited as a reason why they do not attend school dances where mainstream-oriented music is played. Students in this group may try to do well in school and often express a desire to do well in school, but they behave in ways that promote failure: frequent absences, disruptive behavior, failure to bring books and materials to class, failure to do homework. 5. The Cholo group is by far the smallest (almost to the point of disappearing from the school communityyf R I W K H I L Y H V X E J U R X S V R f Mexican-descent students in the school, but it is the most distinguishable because of certain obvious stylistic cultural symbols that are readily identifiable to the entire school community. Students who affect the stylistic symbols of this category are frequently identified by others as gang oriented or gang sympathizers. Not all students who manifest the sartorial symbols of the Cholo are members of gangs, but because they affect the Cholo style they are usually considered to be sympathetic to the Cholo as a subcultural group. Chicanos and Cholos are held in low esteem by the other Mexican- descent students in the school, as well as by mainstream students, who often express fear or contempt of what they recognize as Cholo or Low Rider. Both Chicanos and Cholos have low status in the school and are disaffected, marginalized members of the school community. They are neither active participants in school activities nor usually considered to be successful students. Teacher Views of Mexican-Descent Subgroups In general, the stereotypic view of the more Mexican students is that they are more polite and respectful, more serious about school, more 240 American Journal of Education This content downloaded from 206.208.133.59 on Thu, 08 Sep 2016 19:11:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Matute-Bianchi eager to please, more motivated, and much less sophisticated in ways to undermine school rules and practices than are more Americanized Mexican-descent students, especially Chicano and Cholo students; for example, when asked to describe the differences between the Chicano students and those more oriented to Mexico and Mexican culture, many adults described Chicano students as "less interested in school," "more irresponsible," "more smart-mouth," "more street tough," and "less motivated" than students they perceived to be "more Mexican." A teacher with more than eight years at the school indicated that there are now so many Mexican-descent students, with varying degrees of both success and failure in the school, that the staff has been "forced" to make distinctions among this growing student population. The general image of this clientele, according to this teacher, has changed from a "distinctly negative one to one that is more positive or at least ambivalent." Not all Mexican-oriented and Mexican-immigrant students are con- sidered by the school staff to be successful students. Many are perceived to have difficulties in school. However, these difficulties are perceived differently from those attributed to Chicano students who are unsuc- cessful in school. Unsuccessful Mexican-immigrant students are per- ceived to have difficulty in school because they do not have satisfactory English language skills and/or because they lack competency in academic skills in Spanish and English and also because they are perceived to come from a rural, peasant Mexican background that has not prepared them to meet the demands of schooling in the United States. Despite such difficulties in school, these students are frequently described by the staff as "shy but unfailingly courteous," "cheerful," "grateful for what you can do for them," and "well-behaved." On the other hand, Chicano and Cholo students who are unsuccessful are perceived to be so because they lack the motivation, interest, and respect for schooling. They are perceived to fail in school because they reject what the school has to offer. They are also viewed as more "apathetic," "sullen," "withdrawn," "mistrusting," and "discourteous" in general than are Mexican-immigrant and Mexican-oriented students. Perceptions of Adult Opportunities and the Value of Schooling A group of 35 Mexican-descent students and 14 students of Japanese ancestry were interviewed over a two-year period to assess their as- pirations and perceptions of their adult future, their knowledge of adult occupations, their understanding of strategies to achieve adult success, their definitions of adult success and failure, and their per- November 1986 241 This content downloaded from 206.208.133.59 on Thu, 08 Sep 2016 19:11:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Ethnic Identities and Patterns of School Success and Failure ceptions of the value of schooling in achieving their expressed goals. School staff were asked to identify students of Mexican descent and Japanese ancestry whom they perceived to be successful and unsuccessful in school. Three hundred and seven students were identified, from which final selection was based on grades in class, attendance, curricular track level, anecdotal information from school personnel, and willingness to participate in the study. All students of Japanese ancestry who were interviewed can be de- scribed as successful students. Efforts to include unsuccessful Japanese- American students in the study were to no avail. Successful Mexican-Descent Students The more successful Mexican-descent students are achievement oriented and goal oriented, even if they lack a specific career goal. In general, they emerge from the Mexican-oriented and Mexican-American subgroups. They see a definite connection between their experiences in high school and their success as adults. Virtually all of these students express an interest in going on to college, although some indicate that family circumstances (e.g., return to Mexico, financial difficultiesyf P D y make this difficult or impossible. Many of these students look to adults in the school-Anglo as well as Mexican descent-as role models of success. They recognize a practical value in meeting the demands of high school and manifest a marked sense of purpose in doing well in school. They know generally which are the right courses to take in order to go on to college, they know that it is important for them to be active in school activities, and they have a generalized understanding that what they do today will serve them well later on in life. Many of these students were born in Mexico and received their earliest schooling there. Others were born in the United States and received all of their schooling in the Pajaro Valley area. All are sons and daughters of agricultural workers, cannery workers, or laborers in some kind of low-skilled occupation. For the successful Mexican-descent students, adult success was often defined in terms of "having a nice car, a nice house, a nice job" and enough "money that you don't have to worry about it any more." A few of the students expressed a definite occupational choice, such as interior designer, engineer, or lawyer, but for the most part, the students were no more specific than expressing an interest to work "in a big company," "in a large corporation," "with something in computers," or "for a bank." One student, a senior going on to a University of California campus, said: "I guess I want to hold ajob that pays at least 242 American Journal of Education This content downloaded from 206.208.133.59 on Thu, 08 Sep 2016 19:11:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Matute-Bianchi $10 an hour, where I can have a job where I can make at least more than my brother [a computer assembly line worker]." Another, also a twelfth grader, said: "I would like to have a very good job where I could get good money and meet new people, like working in a bank or as an accountant." Another senior said: "I don't know exactly what. Probably working for a big company, like the telephone company." When asked about the purposes of going to school, the successful Mexican-descent students expressed a strong belief in the linkage be- tween doing well in school and in being a successful adult, in "being someone" and "earning good money." As an eleventh grader expressed it: "Es una preparaci6n que te esta llevando a pasos mas grandes. [It is a preparation that is carrying you to greater things]." As another eleventh grader put it: "My mother keeps telling me: 'Ai, mi hija, tienes que sacar buenas calificaciones en la high school para que no te estes chingando igual que yo.' And you know, she has a point. I don't want to be doing that. I've been in the cannery before. Like taking things to my uncle who works there with my mother. Just being there I can tell I wouldn't want to work there. I don't like it. I've got to do well in school so that I don't have to face this in my future." Despite the fact that these students are remarkably achievement oriented in school, they do not know people with the kinds of jobs that they themselves would like to have as adults. Nonetheless, these students express a definitive belief in the linkage between doing well in school and succeeding in what they perceive to be more rewarding, higher-status adult occupations. And "doing well in school," according to these students, means attending classes regularly, doing the home- work, asking teachers for help when they don't understand, trying as "hard as you can," and getting along well with your teachers. Most, but not all, indicated that one reason for their success in school was their parents' interest and support. Some of the girls, however, indicated that their parents have not been particularly supportive and that their encouragement to do well in school has come from teachers and counselors. These same girls indicated that their parents feared their going on to a university or college setting where they would live away from home. Profile: A Successful Mexican-Oriented Student Berta V. was a twelfth-grade student when she was interviewed. She was applying to Pomona College in Southern California but was unsure of her chances of being accepted; she said she had "done lousy" (320 verbal; 390 mathyf R Q K H U 6 $ 7 H [ D P Z K L F K V K H I H O W P H D Q W W K D W V K e November 1986 243 This content downloaded from 206.208.133.59 on Thu, 08 Sep 2016 19:11:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Ethnic Identities and Patterns of School Success and Failure probably would not get in. She expressed plans to attend the local community college if she was not accepted by Pomona. She is not sure about a specific career but is more interested in the social studies area. She does not like math and is worried that she will have to take a considerable amount of math in college. She tentatively mentioned a possible interest in becoming a psychiatrist because "it might be in- teresting to do therapy with someone." She was learning about psy- chotherapy in her social studies class and was greatly interested in the topic. She did not realize that one had to go to medical school to become a psychiatrist. Berta was born in Jalisco, Mexico, but has lived in the Pajaro Valley since she was in the first grade. Both parents had only a sixth-grade education in Mexico. Her mother works in a local cannery, and her father has seniority in "the fields on a lettuce crew." She has two older sisters, one of whom works in a bank as a teller and the other as a secretary in an office. Both of her sisters completed the twelfth grade. Her three older brothers did not complete high school and are field- workers. Throughout her four years at Field High, Berta was enrolled in a college prep curriculum: college prep English for four years, algebra, geometry, trigonometry, biology, international relations, history of Russia, and psychology. Her cumulative grade point average was 3.45, ranking her 27 in her graduating class of 375. In her four years in school she was absent 11 days. By the end of her senior year she learned that she had been accepted at Pomona College. Berta identifies herself as a Mexicana. She speaks Spanish at home with her parents and considers herself Mexican because she was born in Mexico. According to Berta, "a Mexican-American is a person born here who has certain privileges, like the vote. And a Chicano is a label, just like for blacks there are different labels like 'colored people,' 'Negro,' 'black,' and that bad one-'nigger.'" Berta sees many options for herself and views adult success as a realistic prospect. "People do what they want. If they fail, it is because they want to. Because they didn't want to succeed hard enough. I want to succeed and I think I will. It doesn't matter if you are poor because we all have an equal chance to succeed as anybody else. Anybody can succeed if they want to, even Mexicans!" Profile: A Successful Mexican-American Student Tina M., a sophomore, is by all accounts a successful student. She is enrolled in college prep classes and earns almost all A and B grades 244 American Journal of Education This content downloaded from 206.208.133.59 on Thu, 08 Sep 2016 19:11:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Matute-Bianchi in her courses. She did have difficulty in one of her college prep math classes, so she plans to take it again in summer school to enable her to "really master the material I will need for later on." She is emphatic about going on to college: "I'm not sure I will make it into law school, but I am positive I will go to college." She is rarely absent from school and is very active in school activities; for example, she is active in the Model U.N. club, which is considered an important affiliation if one is planning on applying to a leading four-year college or university. Tina wants to be an attorney. She wants to apply to an Eastern women's college and is working carefully with her counselor. Tina's parents were both born in Mexico, but she was born in the Pajaro Valley. Her father drives a truck, and her mother works in a local cannery. She has an older sister in college and a younger one in junior high school. Spanish is used exclusively in the home with the parents, although Tina does communicate with her sisters in English. When talking with family and close relatives, the terms that Tina uses most often to identify herself and people whom she considers to be like herself are "Mexicano" and "Mexican." However, the term she is most comfortable with when asked to give her nationality is "Mexican- American." As she says, "I was born here and I know the way of life here." She considers the terms "Chicano" and "Cholo" to signify people of Mexican parentage but born in this country. She considers the terms to be offensive or derogatory: "I take these words to mean people of Mexican descent who think they are 'bad.' Like people in gangs." Although Tina makes frequent trips to Mexico to visit her grand- parents, she would not want to live there: "I see my life as being here. I have a set future here. In this country, you have the idea that you can do anything you want." Tina is comfortable with her identity as a Mexican American, is proud of her close-knit family, enjoys her trips to visit her "very Mexican" grandmother in Mexico, and takes great pride and responsibility in her work in school. Students of Japanese Descent The students of Japanese descent who were interviewed were not only very achievement oriented but more likely to be highly goal specific in describing their postsecondary aspirations. Virtually all expressed definite plans to attend college and then pursue additional studies or training to become engineers, dentists, lawyers, doctors, pharmacists, or teachers. Several Japanese-descent students were uncertain as to a specific career choice, but all nonetheless expressed a strong belief in November 1986 245 This content downloaded from 206.208.133.59 on Thu, 08 Sep 2016 19:11:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Ethnic Identities and Patterns of School Success and Failure the need to go on to college. All of these students were enrolled in a college-prep curriculum and had at least a B average, with several having a straight A average. All had excellent attendance, had never been in trouble in school, and were considered to be "superior," "ex- cellent," or "reasonably good" students by their teachers. All of these Japanese students are from families that have been in the Pajaro Valley since the mid-1950s or before. Most are third-gen- eration (Sanseiyf - D S D Q H V H $ P H U L F D Q V Z K R V H J U D Q G S D U H Q W V W K H , V V H L \f pioneered in the agricultural industry in the pre-World War II era. Several came from homes in which the mother was an immigrant from Japan who had married a Nisei (second-generation Japanese-Americanyf or a Kibei (a U.S.-born person of Japanese ancestry who returned to Japan to be educatedyf , Q W K H V H K R P H V - D S D Q H V H Z D V V S R N H Q E \ W K e parents but not by the students. Some have parents or family members who came to the area in the mid-1950s to establish themselves as self- employed businessmen in the emerging cut-flower and nursery en- terprises. Although two students interviewed were from working-class families, the other students came from families in which the major breadwinner is a self-employed farmer or agriculturalist or is engaged in a professional occupation. As a group, what distinguishes the successful Japanese-descent stu- dents from the successful Mexican-descent students is their more detailed and intimate knowledge of adult occupations and opportunities, as well as their more detailed knowledge of the high school curriculum and its link to successful postsecondary experiences. Unlike Mexican- descent students, the Japanese-American students expressed the im- portance of taking particular kinds of English, math, and science classes and the importance of these courses for gaining admission into what they perceived to be more prestigious postsecondary institutions. Jap- anese-American students are, for the most part, aware of the hierarchy in California's system of higher education and expressed an awareness that it is "more valuable" to attend schools "like Stanford and Berkeley" than schools "like San Jose State" or "a community college." Mexican- descent students, on the other hand, did not appear to make such qualitative distinctions or to have this same knowledge of either the gradations in status rankings within the state's system of higher education or the connections that could be made by attending "more prestigious" universities. MostJapanese-descent students had family members-uncles, fathers, cousins-or close family friends who were engaged in the specific occupations to which these students aspired. Not all parents were college educated, but most were, and virtually all of the other siblings were college graduates or were attending college. Hence, unlike Mexican- 246 American Journal of Education This content downloaded from 206.208.133.59 on Thu, 08 Sep 2016 19:11:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Matute-Bianchi descent students, whose role models of success were more likely to be adults in the school community, the Japanese-descent students had visible, intimate role models within the family or extended-family net- work. Thus, the family and its network served to provide these students with information about the high school curriculum, which strategies to pursue to get into college, and how to go about defining adult careers and opportunities. Students of Japanese descent are aware of the image that Japanese students have in the school. As one ninth grader said: "They [the school community] think we're all smart and quiet. We're not, but they think we are." Another student indicated thatJapanese-American students "have a reputation for being really good in science and math." And another student said that he was not particularly "good" in math but "the teacher expected me to do good in it." Belief in diligence, persistence, and hard work-as opposed to in- herent ability-as the keys to academic success is the single most commonly shared perception among the Japanese-descent students. Moreover, they believe in these values as being absolutely essential to becoming successful as adults. Additionally, they indicated that family encouragement and support were strong inducements for them to achieve and succeed. Among Japanese-descent students, the issue of their identity as a distinct ethnic group is irrelevant to their identity as students in the school. If they are active in school activities, as most are, they are active in school mainstream student activities, such as student government, social clubs, and the like. They are aware that in some obvious physical respect they are "different" and easily identifiable from others in the school, but they do not engage in activities that are ethnically linked; for example, there are no Japanese-American student clubs or asso- ciations on the campus that parallel the Mexican student clubs (Sociedad Bilingue or M.A.T.A.yf R U W K H ) L O L S L Q R 6 W X G H Q W $ V V R F L D W L R Q 1 R U G o Japanese-descent students express any interest in forming such an organization. In fact, several years ago there was a student club called the Kamikaze Kats, dedicated to a focus on Japanese history and culture. The club was organized by a Japanese-American teacher in the school in response to an interest that emerged from his course on Japanese history. However, there were no Japanese-descent students who joined the organization. Despite their pride in being of Japanese descent, these students did not wish to participate in school activities that could be considered ethnically linked. Some of these students, particularly those who are members of the community's Buddhist temple, participate in ethnically explicit activities in the church. However, in the school context, such activities are eschewed. November 1986 247 This content downloaded from 206.208.133.59 on Thu, 08 Sep 2016 19:11:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Ethnic Identities and Patterns of School Success and Failure Profile: A SuccessfulJapanese-Descent Student Paul T. is an 18-year-old Sansei who was born in the Pajaro Valley and has lived there all of his life. His father, a graduate of Field High right before World War II, began farming in the community with his Issei immigrant father-Paul's grandfather-in the 1930s. His grand- father had been farming in the area prior to this. Despite having lost everything during the internment in World War II, Paul's father now owns his own farm and is considered to be an excellent farmer. His father did not attend college, but his mother graduated and pursued some postgraduate work in a technical field. She has worked in the family business since marrying her husband and moving to the Pajaro Valley. Paul wants to be an engineer and has been accepted into the en- gineering program at the University of California, Berkeley. As he says: "I want to be a successful engineer. I want to be in a position that I can design what I want to and not have to be told what to do. I want to be the head of a project and direct others." Paul fully expects to be doing this in 10 years. Although he does not know an engineer who is designing exactly the kinds of things that he himself wants to design, Paul does have cousins and friends who "are heads of projects and who have similar decision-making powers like I want to have." Despite the opportunity to take over his family's successful farming enterprise, Paul does not see this option as challenging or interesting. Furthermore, as he reflected on his years of working on the farm during the summers, he sees his father's work as extremely difficult, time-consuming, and unpredictable. While at Field High, Paul has undertaken a rigorous college-prep curriculum, earning a cumulative 3.77 grade point average over the four years. His SAT scores were 510 verbal and 600 math. He is considered by his teachers to be very hardworking, serious, and ded- icated. Paul feels that he, along with other Japanese-descent students, have been frequently stereotyped as "being smart, especially in math." In his four years at school, he was absent 13 days. As Paul sees it, the main purpose in doing well in high school is to provide one with the foundation for going on to college, which "ul- timately prepares you to support yourself." In order to be a successful adult, "you have to get a good job that is high paying, and one that you're happy with. You have to be well prepared to get that job; you have to know what is required for that job. And you have to have the proper education to get that job. To me, being successful means getting 248 American Journal of Education This content downloaded from 206.208.133.59 on Thu, 08 Sep 2016 19:11:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Matute-Bianchi off on your own, making your own decisions, and being content with what you are doing." Unsuccessful Mexican-Descent Students Unsuccessful Mexican-descent students are among the most visible students on campus. Their manner of dress, walk, and speech frequently identifies them as Chicanos or Cholos. Moreover, they congregate in specific places on campus that are considered their turf. Just as the mainstream quaddie students hang out in the area between the main administration building and the swimming pool, the Chicano and Cholo students are most often found congregating farther away from the center of the campus. The more gang oriented of them tend to be even more exclusive in their choice of where to hang out, since certain areas are considered the exclusive province of one of the two major gangs in the community. Another marker of the visibility of the Chicano and Cholo students is the fact that they are frequently visible roaming the campus after the class bell has rung. They walk across the street to a fast-food stand, meet friends in the faculty parking lot, orjust hang out in the corridors of remote hallways. They are also quite visible in the "study center," located in the cafeteria during each class period. This study center is reserved for students who are either late for class and are thus prevented from entering it or have been permanently ejected from a class and have no other class in which to enroll. Chicano and Cholo-oriented students are much more likely than other students to be enrolled in the school's alternative, "school within a school" program. This is a special program established for students considered to be unable to function effectively in the regular school program. Classes in the program are of a shorter duration (40 minutes as opposed to 50 minutesyf 6 W X G H Q W V L Q W K H S U R J U D P W D N H I R X U F R U e courses in the morning in the alternative program. After lunch, they can either take additional courses, for example, physical education or social studies, in the regular curriculum or go home. Students enrolled in the program earn graduation credits, but their transcripts indicate that the credit was earned in "alternative education." The curriculum is less structured or rigorous than many of the courses in the regular program, although students are required to participate in reading, writing, and discussion exercises in class. During one grading period in a class containing all boys, the main activity consisted of assembling model cars, many of them in the Low Rider style. The content and November 1986 249 This content downloaded from 206.208.133.59 on Thu, 08 Sep 2016 19:11:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Ethnic Identities and Patterns of School Success and Failure structure of the program appears to reinforce the students' marginality and alienation in the school community, although the school staff believes that the program provides an opportunity for success to students who would otherwise drop out of school. Some unsuccessful Chicano students express high-status career as- pirations, such as wanting to become lawyers, engineers, or architects, while others have no definite plans. Initially, these students espouse the conventional notions about going to school in order to get good jobs, but most of them anticipate having continuing difficulties in school and express uncertainty about their future and doubt about their chances of graduating from school. One of the students, for example, expresses a commonly shared sentiment: "I would like to graduate, but I ddn't know if I will." Unsuccessful Chicano students frequently express a desire to work in an office or in some occupation that is less physically demanding or more interesting than the work that their parents, siblings, and relatives are engaged in, yet frequently they do not know how one goes about getting such a job. Often they get intrigued with the idea of working with computers after they have gone on a school-sponsored field trip to a local computer firm, but they frequently lack the specific information or are misinformed about securing a job with such a company. Many of these students indicated that they did not know what kind of job their parents or family would like them to pursue and had not discussed this with them. Moreover, they frequently in- dicated that it would be okay with their parents if they dropped out of school before graduation. Economic necessity was often cited as a reason for leaving school before graduation. All students were asked to describe successful and unsuccessful adults and to elaborate on the reasons for becoming successful or unsuccessful. Many of the Chicano students could not describe a successful Mexican- descent adult whom they knew well. They were more likely to describe an Anglo teacher or youth counselor. Or, if they could describe a Mexican-descent adult whom they considered to be successful, the adult was engaged in activities that would not be valued (or would be considered unsuccessfulyf E \ R W K H U V ) R U H [ D P S O H R Q H & K L F D Q R W H Q W h grader carefully described his uncle as a "successful adult": he was a leader in Northside [a local gang], and he was "smart with money." He became successful because of "being on the streets" and "knowing what's happening." Another tenth-grade student described his grand- mother as a successful adult: "She used to own several restaurants and bars in town, but she isn't here no more because they kept closing her places down because of the gangs and stuff." 250 American Journal of Education This content downloaded from 206.208.133.59 on Thu, 08 Sep 2016 19:11:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Matute-Bianchi When asked to explain how people become unsuccessful adults, these students articulated a range of responses: "They are lazy and dropped out of school"; "They work in the fields, and they never went to school"; "They got too much into partying and doing drugs"; "They had teachers who didn't care if they were learning"; "They got a rotten education"; "Mexicans don't have a chance to go on to college and make something of themselves"; "People like us face a lot of prejudice because there are a lot of people who don't like Mexicans"; "There aren't enough good jobs to go around"; "Some people, no matter how hard they try, just have bad luck"; "Some people are just lazy, and, before they realize it, they have messed up too much to start going right." Among these students there is a pervading sense that they really do not know what the future holds for them. They have a difficult time articulating what they expect to be doing in 10 years: "Gee, I don't know. I hope I have a job, but I don't know." "I haven't really though that far ahead, but I hope I finish school." "It's hard to think that far ahead." They are much more likely to discuss at length their concerns and hopes for today, tomorrow, or, possibly, the weekend. Despite the fact that these students frequently express a desire to do well in school and to graduate, they often behave in ways that are counterproductive to these achievements. Many of them expend a great deal of energy during the school day developing plans to subvert some aspect of the school program. One group explained how they worked the system: many of the textbooks already have the answers in the back of the chapters; when the teachers assign homework, there is no need to read the chapters because you can get by just copying the answers from the back of the chapter. Many of thesq students meet during lunch in certain remote areas of the campus to "smoke dope and get high and just hang out." After school many ride around town or hang out by the 7-11 store near campus. When asked why they come to school, many reply that they come to see their friends. In fact, they indicate that the most onerous aspect of being suspended from school is that it means that they "won't be able to see their buddies." Profile: An Unsuccessful Mexican-Descent Student Chuy is an articulate, extroverted eleventh-grade student. School records indicate that he reads at the third-grade level. He is frequently absent from classes-if not for the entire day, at least from certain classes on a regular basis. He has been suspended several times for fighting November 1986 251 This content downloaded from 206.208.133.59 on Thu, 08 Sep 2016 19:11:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Ethnic Identities and Patterns of School Success and Failure and has been warned that he may be kicked out of the school. He expresses an interest in going to the local community college because he wants to avoid ending up like his brother or friends, who are in the Northside gang. "If I were to drop out of school now, I'd probably be hanging out in the streets with my friends, selling drugs. It would probably be just a matter of time before I end up in jail." He would like to enroll in math and English courses at the local community college because "I can't read so good now." He has no idea about the job he would like to get after school. He would not like to work in agriculture but said: "Our race of people has always worked in the fields." Chuy's mother is deceased and he lives at home with his many brothers and sisters, none of whom have finished high school. His father is unemployed now, but when he did work he was employed seasonally in the lettuce fields. Except for his teachers in school, Chuy does not know anyone who has gone to college. He identifies most of his friends as "dropouts who like to party and get high." Although Chuy would like to stay in school and graduate with his class, he is more than two years behind in credits and he recognizes that his cutting problem may make this impossible. When asked what is the bestjob he could get if he were to leave school before graduating, he indicated that it would be in a local convalescent hospital as an aide. Chuy identifies himself as a Mexicano, but he also says he is a Chicano, a homeboy. He considers a homeboy to be someone you can trust. He would never consider eating lunch or hanging out in the quaddie area of the school. "That's where all the 'soches' hang out. You don't want to be there. They're all a bunch of rich honkies. All they listen to is rock music." Nor does Chuy express any interest in participating in any of the school's activities. Midway through the school year, Chuy was kicked out of school and made plans to enroll in the adult school program administered by the school district. Ethnicity and Ethnic Identity Among the Japanese-descent students, the marker of ethnic identity is submerged beneath a very favorable group image that provides students of Japanese ancestry with an opportunity to disengage them- selves from any emblematically charged, ethnically explicit identity. Students of Japanese descent realize that they will always be easily identifiable because of their distinct physical attributes. But they also know that to be identified as a Japanese-American means that they 252 American Journal of Education This content downloaded from 206.208.133.59 on Thu, 08 Sep 2016 19:11:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Matute-Bianchi are considered to be smart, hardworking, well behaved, and studious. They know that to be a Japanese-American means that people "think you are a good student." Moreover, except for their physical appearance, they see themselves and are seen by others as virtually indistinguishable from the successful, accomplished, and well-dressed Anglo students in the school. Hence, for these students there is no difficulty, dilemma, or opposition to participating in the school community and being members of a highly regarded, albeit racially distinct, group in the community. Among Mexican-descent students, however, there are multiple identities in which symbols, stereotypes, and styles assume great sig- nificance. Among these students, maintaining an identity as Mexicano as distinct from Mexican-American or Chicano or Cholo appears to be much more significant in their lives at school. What is suggested here is not the presence of ethnic identity for Mexican-descent students and its absence among Japanese-descent students; rather, what is sug- gested is that ethnicity functions as a cognitive resource that is-or is not-strategically exploited in response to a particular situational context (Castile and Kushner 1981; Social Science Research Council 1974; Royce 1982; Spicer 1971yf : L W K L Q W K H ) L H O G + L J K F R Q W H [ W H W K Q L F L G H Q W L W y is utilized by Mexican-descent students in response to their subordinate status in the school community. Japanese-descent students, on the other hand, do not occupy a subordinate status in the school and therefore do not utilize their ethnicity as an explicit strategy in their interactions with others. For students of Mexican descent, the symbolic content of the various identities are powerful symbols around which the negotiation of identity takes place. It means a great deal to students with an identity as Mexicanos not to be identified as Chicanos or as Cholos. Maintaining an identity as Mexicano or Mexican-American means that one is not a Chicano who is held in low esteem by others in the school. Moreover, maintaining an identity as a Mexicano or Mexican-American allows one to develop an identity as a successful student. To be a good student is not inconsistent with being a Mexicano or a Mexican-American. To be a Chicano means to hang out by the science wing; it means not eating lunch in the quad where all the gringos, "white folks," and schoolboys hang out; it means cutting classes by faking a call slip so you can be with your friends by the 7-11; it means sitting in the back in a class of "gabachos" and not participating; it means not carrying books to class or doing your homework; it means not taking the difficult classes; it means doing the minimum to get by. In short, it means not participating in school in ways that will promote academic success and achievement. November 1986 253 This content downloaded from 206.208.133.59 on Thu, 08 Sep 2016 19:11:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Ethnic Identities and Patterns of School Success and Failure Conclusions This study suggests that different students utilize strategies to cope with the demands of schooling and that these strategies are both an- ticipatory and reactive. That is, students anticipate their future adult roles'; develop a set of skills, behaviors, and instrumental orientations in response to those expectations; and, in particular, respond to ed- ucation in terms of its perceived role in their future. One response that earlier Japanese-Americans made to their ex- perience in the United States was to accommodate themselves-lin- guistically and culturally-to the white middle-class mainstream culture, to be as indistinguishable as possible in public from the dominant group. Hence, as third- and fourth-generation Japanese-Americans who have educated, middle-class status, their identity as Japanese is not constrained by the negative attributes and subordinate status that their parents and grandparents experienced. Theirs is a group identity that enjoys a favorable reputation and is virtually synonymous with being a good student. There is no need, therefore, to call attention to themselves in an ethnically explicit way, to establish a more positive (as opposed to a less positiveyf L G H Q W L W \ . Among Mexican-descent students in the school, the negotiation of ethnicity is decidedly more problematic. The process of negotiation must be understood within the context of differences that characterize the Mexican-immigrant and Mexican-oriented students from the castelike Chicanos and Cholo-oriented students. These differences are manifested in primary cultural differences, which are associated with the more Mexican students, and secondary cultural differences, which are associated with the more Chicano or more Cholo-oriented students. The primary cultural discontinuities that develop from the primary cultural differences have to do with such things as non-English-speaking ability, unfamiliarity with school rules and expectations, lack of an informed knowledge of the school curriculum, etcetera. To overcome these discontinuities does not threaten the students' identity as Mex- icanos. Nor do these students suffer from affective dissonance or emotional distress and ambivalence when they make an effort to learn the behaviors and other cultural features of the dominant culture. They can maintain an identity as Mexicanos even if they cross cultural boundaries. Chicanos and Cholos, on the other hand, appear to resist certain features of the school culture, especially the behavioral and normative patterns required for scholastic achievement. These norms, assumptions, and codes of conduct are associated with being white or gringo or quaddie or "rich honkie." To adopt these cultural features-that is, 254 American Journal of Education This content downloaded from 206.208.133.59 on Thu, 08 Sep 2016 19:11:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Matute-Bianchi to participate in class discussions, to carry books from class to class, to ask the teacher for help in front of others, to expend effort to do well in school-are efforts that are viewed derisively, condescendingly, and mockingly by other Chicanos. Hence, to adopt such features presents these students with a forced-choice dilemma. They must choose between doing well in school or being a Chicano. From this perspective, it is not possible or legitimate to participate in both the culture of the dominant group, that is, the school culture, and in the Chicano culture. To cross these cultural boundaries means denying one's identity as a Chicano and is viewed as incompatible with maintaining the integrity of a Chicano identity. Hence, the school policies and practices are viewed as forces to be resisted, subverted, undermined, challenged, and opposed. Often the opposition takes the form of mental withdrawal, in which the students find themselves alienated from the academic content of the school curriculum and the effort required to master it. The observed pattern of school failure among many Mexican-descent students at Field High School suggests a reactive process and an intensive intragroup reliance in developing a collective identity as a disadvantaged, disparaged minority group. The construction of this identity is the product of historical and structural forces of exclusion and subordination by the dominant group, as well as the vehicle of resistance that the group has made to structured inequality. References Castile, George, R., and Gilbert Kushner, eds. Persistent Peoples. Tucson, Ariz.: University of Arizona Press, 1981. Ogbu, John. "Minority Status and Schooling in Plural Societies." Comparative Education Review 27, no. 2 (1983yf . Ogbu, John, and Maria Eugenia Matute-Bianchi. "Understanding Sociocultural Factors: Knowledge, Identity, and School Adjustment." In Beyond Language: Social and Cultural Factors in Schooling Language Minority Students. Los Angeles: Evaluation, Dissemination and Assessment Center, California State University, Los Angeles, 1986. Royce, Anya. Ethnic Identity. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1982. Social Science Research Council. "Comparative Research on Ethnicity: A Con- ference Report." In Items. Vol. 28. New York: Social Science Research Council, 1974. Spicer, Edward. "Persistent Identity Systems." Science, no. 4011 (1971yf - 800. November 1986 255 This content downloaded from 206.208.133.59 on Thu, 08 Sep 2016 19:11:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms