History9
8 – ABOLITIONISTS
“The American Union”
By : William Lloyd Garrison
Date: January 10, 1845
Explanation of the Source : William Lloyd Garrison was a fiery orator against the institution of slavery. This speech solidified the criticisms
against the Abolitionists as being extremists who were splitting the nation .
“Tyrants of the old world! contemners of the rights of man! disbelievers in human freedom and equality! enemies of
mankind! console not yourselves with the delusion, that REPUBLICANISM and the AMERICAN UNION are synonymous terms —or
that the downfall of the latter will be the extinction of the former, and, consequently, a proof of the incapacity of the peo ple for self -
government, and a confirmation of your own despotic claims! Your thrones must crumble to dust; yo ur sceptre of dominion drop from
your powerless hands; your rod of oppression be broken; yourselves so vilely abased, that there shall be “none so poor to do you
reverence.” The will of God, the beneficent Creator of the human family, cannot always be frus trated. It is his will that every form of
usurpation, every kind of injustice, every device of tyranny, shall come to nought; that peace, and liberty, and righteousnes s, shall
“reign from sea to sea, and from the rivers to the ends of the earth”; and that, throughout the earth, in the fulness of a sure redemption,
there shall be “none to molest or make afraid.” Humanity, covered with gore, cries with a voice that pierces the heavens. “Hi s will be
done!” Justice, discrowned by the hand of violence, exclaims in tones of deep solemnity, “HIS WILL BE DONE!” Liberty, burdened
with chains, and driven into exile, in thunder -tones responds, “HIS WILL BE DONE!”
Tyrants! know that the rights of man are inherent and unalienable, and therefore, not to be forfeited by the failure of any form
of government, however democratic. Let the American Union perish; let these allied States be torn with faction, or drenched i n blood;
let th is republic realize the fate of Rome and Carthage, of Babylon and Tyre; still those rights would remain undiminished in stren gth,
unsullied in purity, unaffected in value, and sacred as their Divine Author. If nations perish, it is not because of their de votion to
liberty, but for their disregard of its requirements. Man is superior to all political compacts, all governmental arrangement s, all
religious institutions. As means to an end, these may sometimes be useful, though never indispensable; but that end must always be
the freedom and happiness of man, INDIVIDUAL MAN. It can never be true that the public good requires the violent sacrifice of any,
even the humblest citizen; for it is absolutely dependent on his preservation, not destruction. To do evil th at good may come, is
equally absurd and criminal. The time for the overthrow of any government, the abandonment of any alliance, the subversion of any
institution, is, whenever it justifies the immolation of the individual to secure the general welfare; fo r the welfare of the many cannot
be hostile to the safety of the few. In all agreements, in all measures, in all political or religious enterprises, in all at tempts to redeem
the human race, man, as an individual, is to be held paramount …
Tyrants! confide nt of its overthrow, proclaim not to your vassals that the AMERICAN UNION is an experiment of Freedom,
which, if it fail, will forever demonstrate the necessity of whips for the backs, and chains for the limbs of the people. Kno w that its
subversion is ess ential to the triumph of justice, the deliverance of the oppressed, the vindication of the BROTHERHOOD OF THE
RACE. It was conceived in sin, and brought forth in iniquity; and its career has been marked by unparalleled hypocrisy, by hi gh -
handed tyranny, by a bold defiance of the omniscience and omnipotence of God. Freedom indignantly disowns it, and calls for its
extinction; for within its borders are three millions of Slaves, whose blood constitutes its cement, whose flesh forms a larg e and
flourishing bra nch of its commerce, and who are ranked with four -footed beasts and creeping things. To secure the adoption of the
Constitution of the United States, it was agreed, first, that the African slave -trade, —till that time, a feeble, isolated colonial traffic, —
should for at least twenty years be prosecuted as a national interest under the American flag, and protected by the national arm; —
secondly, that a slaveholding oligarchy, created by allowing three -fifths of the slave population to be rep resented by their taskmasters,
should be allowed a permanent seat in Congress; —thirdly, that the slave system should be secured against internal revolt and external
invasion, by the unit ed physical force of the country; — fourthly, that not a foot of national territory shou ld be granted, on which the
panting fugitive from Slavery might stand, and be safe from his pursuers —thus making every citizen a slave -hunter and slave -catcher.
To say that this “covenant with death” shall not be annulled —that this “agreement with hell” s hall continue to stand —that this
“refuge of lies” shall not be swept away —is to hurl defiance at the eternal throne, and to give the lie to Him who sits thereon. It is an
attempt, alike monstrous and impracticable, to blend the light of heaven with the dar kness of the bottomless pit, to unite the living
with the dead, to associate the Son of God with the prince of evil.
Accursed be the AMERICAN UNION, as a stupendous republican imposture!
Accursed be it, as the most frightful despotism, with regard to thr ee millions of the people, ever exercised over any portion of the
human family!
Accursed be it, as the most subtle and atrocious compromise ever made to gratify power and selfishness!
Accursed be it, as a libel on Democracy, and a bold assault on Christi anity! …
8 – ABOLITIONISTS
Henceforth, the watchword of every uncompromising abolitionist, of every friend of God and liberty, must be, both in a
religious and political sense — “NO UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS!””
What To The Slave Is The 4th Of July?"
By : Frederick Douglass
Date: July 5, 1852
Explanation of the Source : Former slave Frederick Douglass’ July 5, 1852 oration “What to the Slave is the Fourth of July?” stands in stark
contrast to the typical Fourth of July Oration. Not only did Douglass look different than the typical Fourth of July
orator, but his message wa s very different. “The rich inheritance of justice, liberty, prosperity and independence,
bequeathed by your fathers, is shared by you, not me,” Douglass told his audience. “The sunlight that brought life
and healing to you, has brought stripes of death to me. This Fourth of July is yours, not mine. You may rejoice, I
must mourn.” Throughout the speech Douglass compared and contrasted what the Fourth of July means to white
Americans (freedom) and what it means to African -Americans (slavery) and concluded, “ What, to the American
slave, is your 4th of July? I answer: a day that reveals to him, more than all other days in the year, the gross
injustice and cruelty to which he is constant victim. To him, your celebration is a sham.” Douglass was already a
famous abolitionist and speaker, but his fiery and dramatic calling out of American hypocrisy in his Fourth of July
oration solidified his place as one of the greatest American orators of all time.
“Mr. President, Friends and Fellow Citizens: He who could addres s this audience without a quailing sensation, has stronger
nerves than I have. I do not remember ever to have appeared as a speaker before any assembly more shrinkingly, nor with great er
distrust of my ability, than I do this day. A feeling has crept over me quite unfavorable to the exercise of my limited powers of speech.
The task before me is one which requires much previous thought and study for its proper performance. I know that apologies of this
sort are generally considered flat and unmeaning. I tru st, however, that mine will not be so considered. Should I seem at ease, my
appearance would much misrepresent me. The little experience I have had in addressing public meetings, in country school houses,
avails me nothing on the present occasion. The pape rs and placards say that I am to deliver a Fourth of July Oration. This certainly
sounds large, and out of the common way, for me. It is true that I have often had the privilege to speak in this beautiful Ha ll, and to
address many who now honor me with the ir presence. But neither their familiar faces, nor the perfect gage I think I have of Corinthian
Hall seems to free me from embarrassment. The fact is, ladies and gentlemen, the distance between this platform and the slave
plantation, from which I escaped, is considerable -and the difficulties to he overcome in getting from the latter to the former are by no
means slight. That I am here to -day is, to me, a matter of astonishment as well as of gratitude. You will not, therefore, be surprised, if
in what I hav e to say I evince no elaborate preparation, nor grace my speech with any high sounding exordium. With little experience
and with less learning, I have been able to throw my thoughts hastily and imperfectly together; and trusting to your patient and
generou s indulgence I will proceed to lay them before you. \
This, for the purpose of this celebration, is the Fourth of July. It is the birth day of your National Independence, and of y our
political freedom. This, to you, as what the Passover was to the emancipa ted people of God. It carries your minds back to the day, and
to the act of your great deliverance; and to the signs, and to the wonders, associated with that act, and that day. This cele bration also
marks the beginning of another year of your national lif e; and reminds you that the Republic of America is now 76 years old. l am
glad, fellow -citizens, that your nation is so young. Seventy -six years, though a good old age for a man, is but a mere speck in the life
of a nation. Three score years and ten is the allotted time for individual men; but nations number their years by thousands. According
to this fact, you are, even now, only in the beginning of your national career, still linger ing in the period of childhood…
Oppression makes a wise man mad. Your fath ers were wise men, and if they did not go mad, they became restive under this
treatment. They felt themselves the victims of grievous wrongs, wholly incurable in their colonial capacity. With brave men t here is
always a remedy for oppression. Just here, th e idea of a total separation of the colonies from the crown was born! It was a startling
idea, much more so than we, at this distance of time, regard it. The timid and the prudent (as has been intimated) of that da y were, of
course, shocked and alarmed by it…
Citizens, your fathers made good that resolution. They succeeded; and to -day you reap the fruits of their success. The
freedom gained is yours; and you, there fore, may properly celebrate this anniversary. The 4th of July is the first great fac t in you r
nation's history -the very ringbolt in the chain of your yet undeveloped destiny. Pride and patriotism, not less than gratitude, prompt
8 – ABOLITIONISTS
you to celebrate and to hold it in perpetual remembrance. I have said that the Declaration of Independence is the ringb olt to the chain
of your nation's destiny; so, indeed, I regard it. The principles contained in that instrument are saving principles. Stand b y those
principles, be true to them on all occasions, in all places, against all foes, and at whatever cost…
Fello w-citizens, pardon me, allow me to ask, why am I called upon to speak here to -day? What have I, or those I represent, to
do with your national independence? Are the great principles of political freedom and of natural justice, embodied in that De claration
of Independence, extended to us? and am I, therefore, called upon to bring our humble offering to the national altar, and to confess the
benefits and express devout gratitude for the blessings resulting from your independence to us?
But such is not the sta te of the case. I say it with a sad sense of the disparity between us. I am not included within the pale of
this glorious anniversary! Your high independence only reveals the immeasurable distance between us. The blessings in which y ou,
this day, rejoice, are not enjoyed in common. -The rich inheritance of justice, liberty, prosperity and independence, bequeathed by your
fathers, is shared by you, not by me. The sunlight that brought light and healing to you, has brought stripes and death to me . This
Fourth July is yours, not mine. You may rejoice, I must mourn. To drag a man in fetters into the grand illuminated temple of liberty ,
and call upon him to join you in joyous anthems, were inhuman mockery and sacrilegious irony. Do you mean, citizens, to mock me,
by asking me to speak to -day? If so, there is a parallel to your conduct. And let me warn you that it is dangerous to copy the example
of a nation whose crimes, towering up to heaven, were thrown down by the breath of the Almighty, burying that nation in i rrevocable
ruin! I can to -day take up the plaintive lament of a peeled and woe -smitten people!
My subject, then, fellow -citizens, is American slavery. I shall see this day and its popular characteristics from the slave's
point of view. Standing there identified with the American bondman, making his wrongs mine, I do not hesitate to declare, with all my
soul, that the character and conduct of this nation never looked blacker to me than on this 4th of July! Whether we turn to t he
declarations of the past , or to the professions of the present, the conduct of the nation seems equally hideous and revolting. America is
false to the past, false to the present, and solemnly binds herself to be false to the future. Standing with God and the crus hed and
bleeding slave on this occasion, I will, in the name of humanity which is outraged, in the name of liberty which is fettered, in the n ame
of the constitution and the Bible which are disregarded and trampled upon, dare to call in question and to denounce, with all the
emphasis I can command, everything that serves to perpetuate slavery -the great sin and shame of America! "I will not equivocate; I
will not excuse"; I will use the severest language I can command; and yet not one word shall escape me that any man, whose judgment
is not blinded by prejudice, or who is not at heart a slaveholder, shall not confess to be right and just …
There are seventy -two crimes in the State of Virginia which, if committed by a black man (no matter how ignorant he be),
subject him to the punishment of death; while only two of the same crimes will subject a white man to the like punishment. Wh at is
this but the acknowledgment that the slave is a moral, intellectual, and responsible being? The manhood of the slave is conceded. It is
admitted in the fact that Southern statute books are covered with enactments forbidding, under severe fines and penalties, t he teaching
of the slave to read or to write. When you can point to any such laws in reference to the beasts of the field, then I may con sent to
argue the manhood of the slave. When the dogs in your streets, when the fowls of the air, when the cattle on y our hills, when the fish
of the sea, and the reptiles that crawl, shall be unable to distinguish the slave from a brute, then will I argue with you th at the slave is a
man!
For the present, it is enough to affirm the equal manhood of the Negro race. Is it not astonishing that, while we are ploughing,
planting, and reaping, using all kinds of mechanical tools, erecting houses, constructing bridges, building ships, working in metals of
brass, iron, copper, silver and gold; that, while we are reading, writing and ciphering, acting as clerks, merchants and secretaries,
having among us lawyers, doctors, ministers, poets, authors, editors, orators and teachers; that, while we are engaged in all manner of
enterprises common to other men, digging gold in California, capturing the whale in the Pacific, feeding sheep and cattle on the hill -
side, living, moving, acting, thinking, planning, living in families as husbands, wives and children, and, above all, confess ing and
worshipping the Christian's God, and looking hope fully for life and immortality beyond the grave, we are called upon to prove that we
are men! Would you have me argue that man is entitled to liberty? that he is the rightful owner of his own body?
What, to the American slave, is your 4th of July? I answer ; a day that reveals to him, more than all other days in the year, the
gross injustice and cruelty to which he is the constant victim. To him, your celebration is a sham; your boasted liberty, an unholy
license; your national greatness, swelling vanity; yo ur sounds of rejoicing are empty and heartless; your denunciation of tyrants, brass
fronted impudence; your shouts of liberty and equality, hollow mockery; your prayers and hymns, your sermons and thanksgiving s,
with all your religious parade and solemnity , are, to Him, mere bombast, fraud, deception, impiety, and hypocrisy -a thin veil to cover
up crimes which would disgrace a nation of savages. There is not a nation on the earth guilty of practices more shocking and bloody
than are the people of the United States, at this very hour. ”
8 – ABOLITIONISTS
I Will Be Heard!
By : William Lloyd Garrison
Date: 1831
Explanation of the Source : The early 1800s witnessed the emergence of the abolition movement, whose members viewed
slavery as a great moral evil and demanded that the insti tution be brought to an immediate end.
With this editorial in the opening issue of his newspaper The Liberator , William Lloyd Garrison
announced his intention to do whatever was necessary to achieve this goal. Though Gar rison was
far more radical than mos t abolitionists, he served as the public face of the movement for three
decades.
“TO THE PUBLIC:
In the month of August, I issued proposals for publishing “The Liberator” in Washington City; but the
enterprise, though hailed in different sections of the country, was palsied by public indifference. Since that time,
the removal of the Genius of Universal Emancipation to the Seat of Government has rendered less imperious
the establishment of a similar periodical in that quarter.
During my recent tour for t he purpose of exciting the minds of the people by a series of discourses on the
subject of slavery, every place that I visited gave fresh evidence of the fact, that a greater revolution in public
sentiment was to be effected in the free States — and particul arly in New -England — than at the South. I found
contempt more bitter, opposition more active, detraction more
relentless, prejudice more stubborn, and apathy more frozen, than
among slave -owners themselves. Of course, there were individual
exceptions to the contrary. This state of things afflicted, but did not
dishearten me. I determined, at every haz ard, to lift up the standard
of emancipation in the eyes of the nation, within sight of Bunker Hill
and in the birthplace of liberty. That standard is now unfu rled; and
long may it float, unhurt by the spoliations of time or the missiles of
a desperate foe — yea, till every chain be broken, and every bondman
set free! Let Southern oppressors tremble — let their secret abet tors
tremble — let their Northern apologists tremble — let all the enemies
of the persecuted blacks tremble...
Assenting to the “self -evident truth” maintained in the American Declaration of Inde pendence, “that all men
are created equal, and endowed by their Creator with certain inalien able rights — among which are life, liberty
and the pursuit of happiness,” I shall strenuously contend for the immediate enfranchisement of our slave
population. In Park -Street Church, on the Fourth of July, 1829, I unreflectingly assented to the popular but
pern icious doctrine of gradual abolition. I seize this moment to make a full and unequivocal recantation, and
thus publicly to ask pardon of my God, of my country, and of my brethren the poor slaves, for having uttered a
sentiment so full of timidity, injustic e, and absurdity. A similar recanta tion, from my pen, was published in the
Genius of Universal Emancipation at Baltimore, in September, 1829. My conscience is now satisfied.
I am aware that many object to the severity of my language; but is there not cau se for severity? I will be as
harsh as truth, and as uncompromising as justice. On this subject, I do not wish to think, or to speak, or write,
with moderation. No! No! Tell a man whose house is on fire to give a moderate alarm; tell him to moderately
resc ue his wife from the hands of the ravisher; tell the mother to gradually extricate her babe from the fire into
which it has fallen; — but urge me not to use moderation in a cause like the present. I am in earnest — I will not
equivocate — I will not excuse — I wil l not retreat a single inch — AND I WILL BE HEARD.”
