Psychology Essay

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M o d u le 8 .3 : S t a g e s o f D e v e lo p m e n t : P r e n a t a l a n d C h ild h o o d

From the m om ent w e are born until the m om ent w e die, w e continue to develop. As discussed at the beginning of this lesson, developm ental

psychologists often divide our developm ent into three areas: physical developm ent, cognitive developm ent, and psychosocial developm ent.

M irroring Erikson's stages, lifespan developm ent is divided into different stages that are based on age. W e w ill discuss prenatal, infant, child,

adolescent, and adult developm ent.

P re n a ta l D e v e lo p m e n t

H ow did you com e to be w ho you are? From beginning as a one-cell structure to your birth, your prenatal developm ent occurred in an orderly

and delicate sequence.

There are three stages of prenatal developm ent: germ inal, em bryonic, and fetal. U se the slideshow below to learn m ore about w hat happens to

the developing baby in each of these stages. Click the arrow s to m ove from one stage to the next.

Access a printable copy of this slideshow

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G erm in al Stage (W eeks 1 –2 )

A m other and father’s D N A is passed on to the child at the m om ent of conception. The genetic m akeup and sex of

the baby are set at this point.

D uring the ﬁrst w eek after conception, the zygote form ed by the egg and sperm divides and m ultiplies, going from

a one-cell structure to tw o cells, then four cells, then eight cells, and so on. The early process of cell division is

called m itosis. M itosis is a fragile process, and few er than one-half of all zygotes survive beyond the ﬁrst tw o

w eeks (H all, 2004). In the germ inal stage, the m ass of cells has yet to attach itself to the lining of the m other’s

uterus. O nce it does, the next stage begins. 2017-6-26 PSY101 - Module 8.3

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Link to Learning

For an am azing look at prenatal developm ent and the process of birth, view the video below of 9 M onths in the W om b. 2017-6-26 PSY101 - Module 8.3

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9 Months In The W omb: A Remarkable Look A t F etal De velopmen …

P re n a ta l In flu e n c e s

D uring each prenatal stage, genetic and environm ental factors can affect developm ent. The developing fetus is com pletely dependent on the

m other for life. It is im portant that the m other takes good care of herself and receives prenatal care, w hich is m edical care during pregnancy

that m onitors the health of both the m other and the fetus (Figure 8.8). According to the N ational Institutes of H ealth, routine prenatal care can

reduce the risk of com plications to the m other and fetus during pregnancy. W om en w ho are trying to becom e pregnant or w ho m ay becom e

pregnant should discuss pregnancy planning w ith their doctor. They m ay be advised, for exam ple, to take a vitam in containing folic acid, w hich

helps prevent certain birth defects, or to m onitor aspects of their diet or exercise routines.

Recall that w hen the zygote attaches to the w all of the m other's uterus, the placenta is form ed. The placenta provides nourishm ent and oxygen

to the fetus. M ost everything the m other ingests, including food, liquid, and even m edication, travels through the placenta to the fetus, hence

the com m on phrase "eating for tw o." Anything the m other is exposed to in the environm ent affects the fetus; if the m other is exposed to

som ething harm ful, the child can show life-long effects.

A teratogen is any environm ental agent— biological, chem ical, or physical— that causes dam age to the developing em bryo or fetus. For exam ple,

alcohol and m ost drugs cross the placenta and affect the fetus. It is not safe to drink alcohol in any am ount during pregnancy. Alcohol use

during pregnancy has been found to be the leading preventable cause of m ental retardation in children in the U nited States. 2017-6-26 PSY101 - Module 8.3

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Figure 8.8 A pregnant wom an receives an

ultrasound as part of her prenatal care.

(credit: United States Agency for

International Developm ent)

Excessive m aternal drinking w hile pregnant can cause fetal alcohol spectrum disorders w ith life-long

consequences for the child ranging in severity from m inor to m ajor (Table 8.2). Fetal alcohol spectrum

disorders (FASD ) are a collection of birth defects associated w ith heavy consum ption of alcohol during

pregnancy. Physically, children w ith FASD m ay have a sm all head size and abnorm al facial features.

Cognitively, these children m ay have poor judgm ent, poor im pulse control, higher rates of AD H D ,

learning issues, and low er IQ scores. These developm ental problem s and delays persist into

adulthood. Based on studies conducted on anim als, it also has been suggested that a m other's alcohol

consum ption during pregnancy m ay predispose her child to like alcohol.

Table 8.2 Fetal Alcohol Syndrom e Facial Features

Facial Feature Potential Effect O f Fetal Alcohol Syndrom e

H ead size Below -average head circum ference

Eyes Sm aller than average eye opening, skin folds at corners of eyes

N ose Low nasal bridge, short nose

M idface Sm aller than average m idface size

Lip and philtrum Thin upper lip, indistinct philtrum

Sm oking is also a teratogen because nicotine travels through the placenta to the fetus. W hen the m other sm okes, the developing baby

experiences a reduction in blood oxygen levels. According to the Centers for D isease Control and Prevention (2013), sm oking w hile pregnant

can result in prem ature birth, low -birth-w eight, stillbirth, and sudden infant death syndrom e (SID S). 2017-6-26 PSY101 - Module 8.3

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H eroin, cocaine, m etham phetam ine, alm ost all prescription m edicines, and m ost over-the counter m edications are also considered teratogens.

Babies born w ith a heroin addiction need heroin just like an adult addict. The child m ust be gradually w eaned from the heroin under m edical

supervision; otherw ise, the child could have seizures and die. O ther teratogens include radiation, viruses such as H IV and herpes, and rubella

(G erm an m easles). W om en in the U nited States are m uch less likely to be aﬄ icted w ith rubella because m ost w om en received childhood

im m unizations or vaccinations that protect the body from disease.

Each organ of the fetus develops during a speciﬁc period in the pregnancy, called the critical or sensitive period. For exam ple, research w ith

prim ate m odels of FASD has dem onstrated that the tim e during w hich a developing fetus is exposed to alcohol can dram atically affect the

appearance of facial characteristics associated w ith fetal alcohol syndrom e. Speciﬁcally, this research suggests that alcohol exposure that is

lim ited to day 19 or 20 of gestation can lead to signiﬁcant facial abnorm alities in the offspring. G iven regions of the brain also show sensitive

periods during w hich they are m ost susceptible to the teratogenic effects of alcohol.

W hat D o You Think?

Should W om en W ho U se D rugs D uring Pregnancy Be Arrested and Jailed?

As you now know , w om en w ho use drugs or alcohol during pregnancy can cause serious lifelong harm to their child. Som e

people have advocated m andatory screenings for w om en w ho are pregnant and have a history of drug abuse, and if the

w om en continue using, to arrest, prosecute, and incarcerate them . This policy w as tried in Charleston, South Carolina, as

recently as 20 years ago. The policy w as called the Interagency Policy on M anagem ent of Substance Abuse D uring

Pregnancy, and had disastrous results.

The Interagency Policy applied to patients attending the obstetrics clinic at M U SC, w hich

prim arily serves patients w ho are indigent or on M edicaid. It did not apply to private

obstetrical patients. The policy required patient education about the harm ful effects of

substance abuse during pregnancy. . . . [A] statem ent also w arned patients that

protection of unborn and new born children from the harm s of illegal drug abuse could

involve the Charleston police, the Solicitor of the N inth Judicial Court, and the Protective

Services D ivision of the D epartm ent of Social Services (D SS). (Jos, M arshall, & Perlm utter,

1995, pp. 120–121) 2017-6-26 PSY101 - Module 8.3

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This policy seem ed to deter w om en from seeking prenatal care, deterred them from seeking other social services, and w as

applied solely to low -incom e w om en, resulting in law suits. The program w as canceled after 5 years, during w hich 42 w om en

w ere arrested. A federal agency later determ ined that the program involved hum an experim entation w ithout the approval

and oversight of an institutional review board (IRB). W hat w ere the ﬂaw s in the program and how w ould you correct them ?

W hat are the ethical im plications of charging pregnant w om en w ith child abuse?

In fa n c y th ro u g h C h ild h o o d

The average new born w eighs approxim ately 7.5 pounds. Although sm all, a new born is not com pletely helpless because his reﬂexes and sensory

capacities help him interact w ith the environm ent from the m om ent of birth. All healthy babies are born w ith new born reﬂexes: inborn

autom atic responses to particular form s of stim ulation. Reﬂexes help the new born survive until it is capable of m ore com plex behaviors— these

reﬂexes are crucial to survival. They are present in babies w hose brains are developing norm ally and usually disappear around 4–5 m onths old.

Let's take a look at som e of these new born reﬂexes.

Link to Learning

The rooting reﬂex is the new born's response to anything that touches her cheek: W hen you stroke a baby's cheek, she

naturally turns her head in that direction and begins to suck. The sucking reﬂex is the autom atic, unlearned, sucking

m otions that infants do w ith their m ouths. Several other interesting new born reﬂexes can be observed. For instance, if you

put your ﬁnger into a new born's hand, you w ill w itness the grasping reﬂex, in w hich a baby autom atically grasps anything

that touches his palm s. The M oro reﬂex is the new born's response w hen she feels like she is falling. The baby spreads her

arm s, pulls them back in, and then (usually) cries. H ow do you think these reﬂexes prom ote survival in the ﬁrst m onths of

life?

Take a few m inutes to view the brief below illustrating several new born reﬂexes. 2017-6-26 PSY101 - Module 8.3

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Re ex es in newborn babies

W hat can young infants see, hear, and sm ell? N ew born infants' sensory abilities are signiﬁcant, but their senses are not yet fully developed.

M any of a new born's innate preferences facilitate interaction w ith caregivers and other hum ans. Although vision is their least developed sense,

new borns already show a preference for faces. Babies w ho are just a few days old also prefer hum an voices, they w ill listen to voices longer

than sounds that do not involve speech, and they seem to prefer their m other's voice over a stranger's voice. N ew borns also have a strong

sense of sm ell. For instance, new born babies can distinguish the sm ell of their ow n m other from that of others.

P h ysical D evelo p m en t

In infancy, toddlerhood, and early childhood, the body's physical developm ent is rapid (Figure 8.9). O n average, new borns w eigh betw een 5 and

10 pounds, and a new born's w eight typically doubles in six m onths and triples in one year. By 2 years old the w eight w ill have quadrupled, so

w e can expect that a 2 year old should w eigh betw een 20 and 40 pounds. The average length of a new born is 19.5 inches, increasing to 29.5

inches by 12 m onths and 34.4 inches by 2 years old. 2017-6-26 PSY101 - Module 8.3

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Figure 8.9 Children experience rapid physical changes through infancy and early childhood.

(credit "left": m odiﬁcation of work by Kerry Ceszyk; credit "m iddle-left": m odiﬁcation of work by

Kristi Fausel; credit "m iddle-right": m odiﬁcation of work by "devinf"/Flickr; credit "right":

m odiﬁcation of work by Rose Spielm an)

D uring infancy and childhood, grow th does not occur at a steady rate. G row th slow s betw een 4 and 6 years old. D uring this tim e children gain

5–7 pounds and grow about 2–3 inches per year. O nce girls reach 8–9 years old, their grow th rate outpaces that of boys due to a pubertal

grow th spurt. This grow th spurt continues until around 12 years old, coinciding w ith the start of the m enstrual cycle. By 10 years old, the

average girl w eighs 88 pounds, and the average boy w eighs 85 pounds.

W e are born w ith all of the brain cells that w e w ill ever have— about 100–200 billion neurons (nerve cells) w hose function is to store and

transm it inform ation. H ow ever, the nervous system continues to grow and develop. Each neural pathw ay form s thousands of new connections

during infancy and toddlerhood. This period of rapid neural grow th is called bloom ing. N eural pathw ays continue to develop through puberty.

The bloom ing period of neural grow th is then follow ed by a period of pruning, w here neural connections are reduced. It is thought that pruning

causes the brain to function m ore eﬃ ciently, allow ing for m astery of m ore com plex skills. Bloom ing occurs during the ﬁrst few years of life, and

pruning continues through childhood and into adolescence in various areas of the brain.

The size of our brains increases rapidly. For exam ple, the brain of a 2-year-old is 55% of its adult size, and by 6 years old the brain is about 90%

of its adult size. D uring early childhood (ages 3–6), the frontal lobes grow rapidly. Recalling our discussion of the 4 lobes of the brain earlier in

this course, the frontal lobes are associated w ith planning, reasoning, m em ory, and im pulse control. Therefore, by the tim e children reach

school age, they are developm entally capable of controlling their attention and behavior. Through the elem entary school years, the frontal,

tem poral, occipital, and parietal lobes all grow in size. The brain grow th spurts experienced in childhood tend to follow Piaget's sequence of

cognitive developm ent, so that signiﬁcant changes in neural functioning account for cognitive advances.

M otor developm ent occurs in an orderly sequence as infants m ove from reﬂexive reactions (e.g., sucking and rooting) to m ore advanced m otor

functioning. For instance, babies ﬁrst learn to hold their heads up, then to sit w ith assistance, and then to sit unassisted, follow ed later by

craw ling and then w alking. 2017-6-26 PSY101 - Module 8.3

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M otor skills refer to our ability to m ove our bodies and m anipulate objects and they occur in tw o general types:

Fine m otor skills focus on the m uscles in our ﬁngers, toes, and eyes, and enable coordination of sm all actions (e.g., grasping a toy, w riting

w ith a pencil, and using a spoon).

G ross m otor skills focus on large m uscle groups that control our arm s and legs and involve larger m ovem ents (e.g., balancing, running,

and jum ping).

As m otor skills develop, there are certain developm ental m ilestones that young children should achieve (Table 8.3). For each m ilestone there is

an average age, as w ell as a range of ages in w hich the m ilestone should be reached. If a child is displaying delays on several m ilestones, that is

reason for concern, and the parent or caregiver should discuss this w ith the child's pediatrician. Som e developm ental delays can be identiﬁed

and addressed through early intervention.

Table 8.3 D evelopm ental M ilestones, Ages 2–5 Years

Age

(Years) Physical Personal/Social Language Cognitive

Kicks a ball;

w alks up and

dow n stairs

Plays alongside

other children;

copies adults

Points to objects w hen

nam ed; puts 2–4 w ords

together in a sentence

Sorts shapes and colors;

follow s 2-step

instructions

Clim bs and

runs; pedals

tricycle

Takes turns;

expresses m any

em otions; dresses

self

N am es fam iliar things;

uses pronouns

Plays m ake believe;

w orks toys w ith parts

(levers, handles)

4 Catches balls;

uses scissors

Prefers social play to

solo play; know s

likes and interests

Know s songs and rhym es

by m em ory

N am es colors and

num bers; begins w riting

letters

H ops and

sw ings; uses

fork and

spoon

D istinguishes real

from pretend; likes

to please friends

Speaks clearly; uses full

sentences

Counts to 10 or higher;

prints som e letters and

copies basic shapes 2017-6-26 PSY101 - Module 8.3

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Age

(Years) Physical Personal/Social Language Cognitive C o g n itive D evelo p m en t

In addition to rapid physical grow th, young children also exhibit signiﬁcant developm ent of their cognitive abilities. Piaget thought that

children's ability to understand objects— such as learning that a rattle m akes a noise w hen shaken— w as a cognitive skill that develops slow ly as

a child m atures and interacts w ith the environm ent. Today, developm ental psychologists think Piaget w as incorrect. Researchers have found

that even very young children understand objects and how they w ork long before they have experience w ith those objects. For exam ple,

children as young as 3 m onths old dem onstrated know ledge of the properties of objects that they had only view ed and w ith w hich they did not

have prior experience.

Just as there are physical m ilestones that w e expect children to reach, there are also cognitive m ilestones. It is helpful to be aw are of these

m ilestones as children gain new abilities to think, problem solve, and com m unicate. For exam ple, infants shake their head "no" around 6–9

m onths, and they respond to verbal requests to do things like "w ave bye-bye" or "blow a kiss" around 9–12 m onths. Rem em ber Piaget's ideas

about object perm anence? W e can expect children to grasp the concept that objects continue to exist even w hen they are not in sight by around

8 m onths old. Because toddlers (i.e., 12–24 m onths old) have m astered object perm anence, they enjoy gam es like hide and seek, and they

realize that w hen som eone leaves the room they w ill com e back. Toddlers also point to pictures in books and look in appropriate places w hen

you ask them to ﬁnd objects.

Preschool-age children (i.e., 3–5 years old) also m ake steady progress in cognitive developm ent. N ot only can they count, nam e colors, and tell

you their nam e and age, but they can also m ake som e decisions on their ow n, such as choosing an outﬁt to w ear. Preschool-age children

understand basic tim e concepts and sequencing (e.g., before and after), and they can predict w hat w ill happen next in a story. They also begin

to enjoy the use of hum or in stories. Because they can think sym bolically, they enjoy pretend play and inventing elaborate characters and

scenarios. O ne of the m ost com m on exam ples of their cognitive grow th is their blossom ing curiosity. Preschool-age children love to ask "W hy?"

Link to Learning

Theory of M ind and False Beliefs

An im portant cognitive change occurs in children of preschool age. Recall that Piaget described 2–3 year olds as egocentric,

m eaning that they do not have an aw areness of others' points of view . Betw een 3 and 5 years old, children com e to

understand that people have thoughts, feelings, and beliefs that are different from their ow n. This is know n as theory-of-

m ind (TO M ). Children can use this skill to tease others, persuade their parents to purchase a candy bar, or understand w hy a

sibling m ight be angry. W hen children develop TO M , they can recognize that others have false beliefs. 2017-6-26 PSY101 - Module 8.3

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False-belief tasks are useful in determ ining a child's acquisition of theory-of-m ind (TO M ). Take a look at the video clip below

show ing a false-belief task involving a box of crayons.

The "F alse Belief " T est: Theor y of Mind

Cognitive skills continue to expand in m iddle and late childhood (6–11 years old). Thought processes becom e m ore logical and organized w hen

dealing w ith concrete inform ation (Figure 8.10). Children at this age understand concepts such as the past, present, and future, giving them the

ability to plan and w ork tow ard goals. Additionally, they can process com plex ideas such as addition and subtraction and cause-and-effect

relationships. H ow ever, children's attention spans tend to be very lim ited until they are around 11 years old. After that point, attention span

begins to im prove through adulthood.

O ne w ell-researched aspect of cognitive developm ent is language acquisition. As m entioned earlier, the order in w hich children learn language

structures is consistent across children and cultures. You've also learned that som e psychological researchers have proposed that children

possess a biological predisposition for language acquisition. Starting before birth, babies begin to develop language and com m unication skills.

At birth, babies apparently recognize their m other's voice and can discrim inate betw een the language(s) spoken by their m others and foreign

languages, and they show preferences for faces that are m oving in synchrony w ith audible language. 2017-6-26 PSY101 - Module 8.3

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Figure 8.10 Because they understand luck and fairness,

children in m iddle and late childhood (6–11 years old) are

able to follow rules for gam es. (credit: Edwin M artinez)

Children com m unicate inform ation through gesturing long before they speak, and there is

som e evidence that gesture usage predicts subsequent language developm ent. In term s of

producing spoken language, babies begin to coo alm ost im m ediately. Cooing is a one-

syllable com bination of a consonant and a vow el sound (e.g., coo or ba). Interestingly,

babies replicate sounds from their ow n languages. A baby w hose parents speak French w ill

coo in a different tone than a baby w hose parents speak Spanish or U rdu. After cooing, the

baby starts to babble. Babbling begins w ith repeating a syllable, such as m a-m a, da-da, or

ba-ba. W hen a baby is about 12 m onths old, w e expect her to say her ﬁrst w ord for

m eaning, and to start com bining w ords for m eaning at about 18 m onths.

At about 2 years old, a toddler uses betw een 50 and 200 w ords; by 3 years old they have a

vocabulary of up to 1,000 w ords and can speak in sentences. D uring the early childhood

years, children's vocabulary increases at a rapid pace. This is som etim es referred to as the

"vocabulary spurt" and has been claim ed to involve an expansion in vocabulary at a rate of

10–20 new w ords per w eek. Recent research m ay indicate that w hile som e children

experience these spurts, it is far from universal. It has been estim ated that 5 year olds

understand about 6,000 w ords, speak 2,000 w ords, and can deﬁne w ords and question their m eanings. They can rhym e and nam e the days of

the w eek. Seven year olds speak ﬂuently and use slang and clichés.

W hat accounts for such dram atic language learning by children? Behaviorist B. F. Skinner thought that w e learn language in response to

reinforcem ent or feedback, such as through parental approval or through being understood. For exam ple, w hen a tw o-year-old child asks for

juice, he m ight say, "m e juice," to w hich his m other m ight respond by giving him a cup of apple juice. N oam Chom sky (1957) criticized Skinner's

theory and proposed that w e are all born w ith an innate capacity to learn language. Chom sky called this m echanism a language acquisition

device (LAD ).

W ho is correct? Both Chom sky and Skinner are right. Rem em ber that w e are a product of both nature and nurture. Researchers now believe

that language acquisition is partially inborn and partially learned through our interactions w ith our linguistic environm ent.

A ttach m en t

Psychosocial developm ent occurs as children form relationships, interact w ith others, and understand and m anage their feelings. In social and

em otional developm ent, form ing healthy attachm ents is very im portant and is the m ajor social m ilestone of infancy. Attachm ent is a long-

standing connection or bond w ith others. D evelopm ental psychologists are interested in how infants reach this m ilestone. They ask such

questions as: H ow do parent and infant attachm ent bonds form ? H ow does neglect affect these bonds? W hat accounts for children's attachm ent

differences? 2017-6-26 PSY101 - Module 8.3

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Connect the Concepts

Attachm ent and H arlow 's M onkey Studies

Recall that in Lesson 2, you learned about researchers H arry H arlow , John Bow lby, and M ary Ainsw orth, w ho conducted

studies designed to answ er questions about child attachm ent. In the 1950s, H arlow conducted a series of experim ents on

m onkeys. H e separated new born m onkeys from their m others. Each m onkey w as presented w ith tw o surrogate m others.

O ne surrogate m onkey w as m ade out of w ire m esh, and she could dispense m ilk. The other m onkey w as softer and m ade

from cloth: This m onkey did not dispense m ilk. Research show s that the m onkeys preferred the soft, cuddly cloth m onkey,

even though she did not provide any nourishm ent. The baby m onkeys spent their tim e clinging to the cloth m onkey and only

w ent to the w ire m onkey w hen they needed to be feed.

Prior to this study, the m edical and scientiﬁc com m unities generally thought that babies becom e attached to the people w ho

provide their nourishm ent. H ow ever, H arlow (1958) concluded that there w as m ore to the m other-child bond than

nourishm ent. Feelings of com fort and security are the critical com ponents to m aternal-infant bonding, w hich leads to

healthy psychosocial developm ent.

H arlow 's studies of m onkeys w ere perform ed before m odern ethics guidelines w ere in place, and today his experim ents are

w idely considered to be unethical and even cruel. W atch the video below to see actual footage of H arlow 's m onkey studies.

Harlow' s Studies on Dependency in Monk eys 2017-6-26 PSY101 - Module 8.3

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Figure 8.11 M utually enjoyable interactions prom ote the

m other-infant bond. (credit: Peter Shanks)

Building on the w ork of H arlow and others, John Bow lby developed the concept of

attachm ent theory. H e deﬁned attachm ent as the affectional bond or tie that an infant

form s w ith the m other (Bow lby, 1969). An infant m ust form this bond w ith a prim ary

caregiver in order to have norm al social and em otional developm ent. In addition, Bow lby

proposed that this attachm ent bond is very pow erful and continues throughout life. H e

used the concept of secure base to deﬁne a healthy attachm ent betw een parent and child

(1988). A secure base is a parental presence that gives the child a sense of safety as he

explores his surroundings. Bow lby said that tw o things are needed for a healthy

attachm ent:

The caregiver m ust be responsive to the child's physical, social, and em otional needs.

The caregiver and child m ust engage in m utually enjoyable interactions (Figure 8.11).

W hile Bow lby thought attachm ent w as an all-or-nothing process, M ary Ainsw orth's (1970)

research show ed otherw ise. Ainsw orth w anted to know if children differ in the w ays they

bond, and if so, w hy. To ﬁnd the answ ers, she used the Strange Situation procedure to study attachm ent betw een m others and their infants

(1970). In the Strange Situation, the m other (or prim ary caregiver) and the infant (age 12-18 m onths) are placed in a room together. There are

toys in the room , and the caregiver and child spend som e tim e alone in the room . After the child has had tim e to explore her surroundings, a

stranger enters the room . The m other then leaves her baby w ith the stranger. After a few m inutes, she returns to com fort her child.

Based on how the infants/toddlers responded to the separation and reunion, Ainsw orth identiﬁed three types of parent-child attachm ents:

secure, avoidant, and resistant. A fourth style, know n as disorganized attachm ent, w as later described. U se the slideshow below to learn m ore

about the four attachm ent types. Click the arrow s to m ove from one to the next.

Access a printable copy of this slideshow

Secu re A ttach m en t

This is the m ost com m on and the healthiest type of attachm ent. The toddler prefers his parent or regular

caregiver (the attachm ent ﬁgure) over a stranger and the attachm ent ﬁgure is used as a secure base to explore

the environm ent and is sought out in tim es of stress. 2017-6-26 PSY101 - Module 8.3

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W hile Ainsw orth's research has found support in subsequent studies, it has also m et criticism . Som e researchers have pointed out that a child's

tem peram ent m ay have a strong inﬂuence on attachm ent, and others have noted that attachm ent varies from culture to culture, a factor not

accounted for in Ainsw orth's research.

Link to Learning

W atch the video below to view a clip of the Strange Situation. Try to identify w hich type of attachm ent baby Lisa exhibits.

Securely attached children w ere distressed w hen their

caregivers left the room in the Strange Situation

experim ent, but w hen their caregivers returned, the

securely attached children w ere happy to see them .

Securely attached children have caregivers w ho are

sensitive and responsive to their needs. 2017-6-26 PSY101 - Module 8.3

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The Str ange Situation - Mar y Ainswor th

S elf-C o n cep t

Just as attachm ent is the m ain psychosocial m ilestone of infancy, the prim ary psychosocial m ilestone of childhood is the developm ent of a

positive sense of self. H ow does self-aw areness develop? Infants don't have a self-concept, w hich is an understanding of w ho they are. If you

place a baby in front of a m irror, she w ill reach out to touch her im age, thinking it is another baby. H ow ever, by about 18 m onths a toddler w ill

recognize that the person in the m irror is herself. By 24-36 m onths old children can nam e and/or point to them selves in pictures, clearly

indicating self-recognition.

Children from 2–4 years old display a great increase in social behavior once they have established a self- concept. They enjoy playing w ith other

children, but they have diﬃ culty sharing their possessions. Also, through play children explore and com e to understand their gender roles and

can label them selves as a girl or boy. By 4 years old, children can cooperate w ith other children, share w hen asked, and separate from parents

w ith little anxiety. Children at this age also exhibit autonom y, initiate tasks, and carry out plans. Success in these areas contributes to a positive

sense of self.

O nce children reach 6 years old, they can identify them selves in term s of group m em berships: "I'm a ﬁrst grader!" School-age children com pare

them selves to their peers and discover that they are m ore com petent in som e areas and less so in others (recall Erikson's task of industry

versus inferiority). At this age, children recognize their ow n personality traits as w ell as som e other traits they w ould like to have. 2017-6-26 PSY101 - Module 8.3

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D evelopm ent of a positive self-concept is im portant to healthy developm ent. Children w ith a positive self- concept tend to be m ore conﬁdent,

do better in school, act m ore independently, and are m ore w illing to try new activities. Form ation of a positive self-concept begins in Erikson's

toddlerhood stage, w hen children establish autonom y and becom e conﬁdent in their abilities. D evelopm ent of self-concept continues in

elem entary school, w hen children com pare them selves to others. W hen the com parison is favorable, children feel a sense of com petence and

are m otivated to w ork harder and accom plish m ore. Self-concept is re-evaluated in Erikson's adolescence stage, as teens form an identity. They

internalize the m essages they have received regarding their strengths and w eaknesses, keeping som e m essages and rejecting others.

Adolescents w ho have achieved identity form ation are capable of contributing positively to society.

W hat can parents do to nurture a healthy self-concept? D iana Baum rind (1971, 1991) thinks parenting style m ay be a factor. The w ay w e parent

is an im portant factor in a child's socioem otional grow th. Baum rind developed and reﬁned a theory describing four parenting styles:

authoritative, authoritarian, perm issive, and uninvolved.

Parenting

Style Characteristics

Authoritative

Style

The parent gives reasonable dem ands and consistent lim its, expresses w arm th and

affection, and listens to the child's point of view .

Parents set rules and explain the reasons behind them , but are also ﬂexible and

w illing to m ake exceptions to the rules in certain cases.

This is the style m ost encouraged in m odern Am erican society. Am erican children

raised by authoritative parents tend to have high self-esteem and social skills.

Effective parenting styles vary as a function of culture and, as Sm all (1999) points

out, the authoritative style is not necessarily preferred or appropriate in all cultures.

Authoritarian

Style

The parent places high value on conform ity and obedience. The parents are often

strict, tightly m onitor their children, and express little w arm th.

Authoritarian parents probably w ould not m ake exceptions to rules because they

consider the rules to be set, and they expect obedience.

This style can create anxious, w ithdraw n, and unhappy kids.

Authoritarian parenting is as beneﬁcial as the authoritative style in som e ethnic

groups. For instance, ﬁrst-generation Chinese Am erican children raised by

authoritarian parents did just as w ell in school as their peers w ho w ere raised by

authoritative parents. 2017-6-26 PSY101 - Module 8.3

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Parenting

Style Characteristics

Perm issive

Style

Perm issive parents m ake few dem ands and rarely use punishm ent; the kids run the

show and anything goes. There are rarely strict rules set for behavior.

The parents tend to be very nurturing and loving, and m ay play the role of friend

rather than parent.

Children raised by perm issive parents tend to lack self- discipline, and the

perm issive parenting style is negatively associated w ith grades. The perm issive style

m ay also contribute to other risky behaviors such as alcohol abuse, risky sexual

behavior especially am ong fem ale children, and increased display of disruptive

behaviors by m ale children.

There are som e positive outcom es associated w ith children raised by perm issive

parents, such as higher self-esteem , better social skills, and low er levels of

depression.

U ninvolved

Style

The parents are indifferent, uninvolved, and som etim es referred to as neglectful.

These parents m ay provide for the child's basic needs, but little else.

The parents don't respond to the child's needs and m ake relatively few dem ands.

This could be because of severe depression or substance abuse, or other factors

such as the parents' extrem e focus on w ork.

The children raised in this parenting style are usually em otionally w ithdraw n, fearful,

anxious, perform poorly in school, and are at an increased risk of substance abuse.

As you can see, parenting styles inﬂuence childhood adjustm ent, but could a child's tem peram ent likew ise inﬂuence parenting? Tem peram ent

refers to innate traits that inﬂuence how one thinks, behaves, and reacts w ith the environm ent. Children w ith easy tem peram ents dem onstrate

positive em otions, adapt w ell to change, and are capable of regulating their em otions. Conversely, children w ith diﬃ cult tem peram ents

dem onstrate negative em otions and have diﬃ culty adapting to change and regulating their em otions. D iﬃ cult children are m uch m ore likely to

challenge parents, teachers, and other caregivers. Therefore, it's possible that easy children (i.e., social, adaptable, and easy to soothe) tend to

elicit w arm and responsive parenting, w hile dem anding, irritable, w ithdraw n children evoke irritation in their parents or cause their parents to

w ithdraw . 2017-6-26 PSY101 - Module 8.3

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Everyday Connection

The Im portance of Play and Recess

According to the Am erican Academ y of Pediatrics (2007), unstructured play is an integral part of a child's developm ent. It

builds creativity, problem solving skills, and social relationships. Play also allow s children to develop a theory-of-m ind as

they im aginatively take on the perspective of others.

O utdoor play allow s children the opportunity to directly experience and sense the w orld around them . W hile doing so, they

m ay collect objects that they com e across and develop lifelong interests and hobbies. They also beneﬁt from increased

exercise, and engaging in outdoor play can actually increase how m uch they enjoy physical activity. This helps support the

developm ent of a healthy heart and brain. U nfortunately, research suggests that today's children are engaging in less and

less outdoor play. Perhaps, it is no surprise to learn that low ered levels of physical activity in conjunction w ith easy access to

calorie-dense foods w ith little nutritional value are contributing to alarm ing levels of childhood obesity.

D espite the adverse consequences associated w ith reduced play, som e children are over scheduled and have little free tim e

to engage in unstructured play. In addition, som e schools have taken aw ay recess tim e for children in a push for students to

do better on standardized tests, and m any schools com m only use loss of recess as a form of punishm ent. D o you agree w ith

these practices? W hy or w hy not?

V y g o ts k y 's S o c io c u ltu ra l T h e o ry

Although Piaget contributed signiﬁcantly to the ﬁeld of cognitive developm ent his theory w as m et w ith criticism . H is theory of universal

developm ent w as challenged by Russian psychologist Lev Vygotsky w ho stressed the im portance of interactions w ith the environm ent as

inﬂuential on developm ent. According to Vygotsky, children did not transition from stage to stage but develop differently based on the

inﬂuences of their culture.

D o you recall the earlier story of Aché children in Paraguay being carried for the ﬁrst 2 years of their lives before they are allow ed to w alk? For

very practical reasons their parents protect them from the dangers that lie in the forests. Consequently, they learn to w alk at a m uch later age

than m any children in W estern societies. Although w e do not have the full scope of their developm ent processes, Aché children's m otor skills

far surpass those of U .S. children in the sam e age group as they clim b 25' trees and use m achetes to chop their w ay through the forest. This is

but one exam ple of m ultiple inﬂuences on developm ent and a dispute of the stage to stage transitions theory.

Vygotsky also introduced the theories of internalization, scaffolding, and zone of proxim al developm ent. Internalization is the process of using

internal speech or private conversations to reason or problem solve. The m ental functions of children develop through interactions w ith their 2017-6-26 PSY101 - Module 8.3

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environm ent and signiﬁcant adults. Through these interactions children acquire language and learn to com m unicate w ith others their needs

and desires. As children's com m unication skills evolve, they start self-talk or private speech as they internalize know ledge and learn to self-

direct their ow n behavior.

Scaffolding is the process by w hich caregivers provide children w ith the support and guidance needed to achieve higher cognitive levels. The

am ount of guidance provided is adjusted by the needs of the child. This process assists the child w ith developing independent skills and a

m easure of self-suﬃ ciency. D o you recall the story of the 4 year-old-boy in Lesson 7 w ho learned to read as his father read to him ? The father

challenged the little boy's skills and continued his m ethod of reading to his son. Another exam ple w ould be a parent pointing to an object, such

as the dog, and letting the child pet the dog or explore the anim al.

Zone of proxim al developm ent is the child's actual developm ent level. Children are able to com plete certain tasks or functions at their level.

Through the assistance of caregiving adults, the child is assisted w ith a slightly greater challenge that w ill prom ote learning and developm ent.

Zone of proxim al developm ent and scaffolding go hand in hand. For instance, the responsible adult know s w hat task and activity the child is

starting to handle (the zone proxim al developm ent) and provides just enough assistance (scaffolding) that the child can avoid frustration and

can succeed. For exam ple, the child is learning how to pour juice into his or her cup. The child know s w hat he or she w ants, picks up the juice

carton, and begins to pour. At ﬁrst, the child's accuracy w ith pouring the juice into the cup w ill be off but w ith adult assistance the child w ill

learn to aim and pour at the appropriate speed to obtain the desired results. The responsible adult helps the child to develop new abilities and

understanding that m ight not have been possible w ithout assistance.

M odule 8.2 M odule 8.4