American History Unit VII 2 Page Reflection Paper and Self Guided Powerpoint

HY 1120, American History II 1 Cou rse Learning Outcomes for Unit VII Upon completion of this unit, students should be able to: 4. Summarize the impact of the civil rights movement on social, political, and economic infrastructure of society from the mid -20th century to today. Reading Assignment In order to access the following resource(s), click the link(s) below: H. J. Res. 1145, 88th Cong. 88 -408 (1964 ) (enacted). Retrieved from http://www.ourdocuments.gov/doc.php?doc=98&page=transcript Kennedy, J. F. (1962, September 12). 1962 -09 -12 Rice University [Speech]. Retrieved from http://www.jfklibrary.org/Asset -Viewer/MkATdOcdU06X5uNHbmqm1Q.aspx Kennedy, R. F. (1968, April 4). 1968 -04 -04 RFK on MLK [Audio file]. Retrieved from https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:1968 -04 -04_RFK_on_MLK.ogg The Bay of Pigs. (n.d.). JFK in history. Retrieved from http://www.jfklibrary.org/JFK/JFK -in-History/The -Bay -of- Pigs.aspx Allison, G. (2012). The Cuban Missile Crisis at 50. Foreign Affairs , 91 (4), 11 -16. Retrieved from https://libraryresources.columbiasouthern.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direc t=true&db=31h&AN=76591796&site=ehost -live&scope=site Risen, C. (2008). The unmaking of the president. Smithsonian , 39 (1), 58 -78. Retrieved from https://libraryresources.columbiasouthern.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direc t=true&db=31h&AN=31469698&site=ehost -live&scope=site Thelen, D. (1989). Remembering the discovery of the Watergate tapes. Journal Of American History , 75 (4), 1222 -1227. Retrieved from https://libraryresources.columbiasouthern.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direc t=tr ue&db=31h&AN=15417091&site=ehost -live&scope=site Unit Lesson Cultural Renaissance The 1960s and 1970s were a renewed cultural renaissance of sorts for the United States. Almost in spite of the ongoing communist threat, the post -Korea attitudes once again provided a chance for reflection with the rest of the world. This would be the stage for some of the most dyna mic speakers and leaders in recent memory. Analyzing the complex question of racial equality, debates promoting violent and non -violent action would resonate throughout the nation’s urban and rural locations. These would bring with them wave after wave of hostile criticism and reaction from conservative, and often White, neighbors and peers. In this same spirit, a renewed women’s reform would also emerge. Building on the successes of Seneca Falls and the suffrage fight, a new stage with new leaders would introduce an even more controversial attempt at total equality: the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA). Away from home, not everything would remain peaceful, as the communist threat would once again imperil the delicate line between Communist and Democratic view s. Again, this divide would end in military action. Vietnam, however, would not be as neatly resolved as UNIT VII STUDY GUIDE Vietnam: Home and Abroad HY 1120, American History II 2 UNIT x STUDY GUIDE Title Korea had been, and like it had previously been concluded in the Philippines. Despite its superpower status, the United States would show exactly how f ragile its balance of social and political support was while interfering in another civil war across the Pacific. With the help of continued technological innovation, this period of cultural development was truly unlike any before it. Music, art, and opin ion were once again highlighted, but the commonality of print, low cost of records, and growing obsession with television helped spread these images and opinions across the Western world at unparalleled speed and volume. This period will forever be remembe red for its music, counterculture, and protest. Consider this when reading: how much more aware were the draft -age Americans than their older brothers, fathers, and grandfathers had been when military service called? How was this response captured for fut ure generations? Can today’s generation relate to these same responses? Using the exercises and skills taught in previous lessons, you should be able to use the bounty of historical records to engross yourself in the time period like never before. A Catho lic President In November 1960, perhaps the first reform of the decade would be somewhat less expected than those that were to come. The United States, since its founding as British colonies, had always been overwhelmingly Protestant. It had small, often ridiculed or excluded pockets of Catholics. These were generally in the form of immigrants, and without significant economic or political influence. One of the fears of the American people who would become U.S.

citizens, since the nation’s founding, was the tyrannical rule of a monarch from half a world away. The forefathers had become legends for their success against England’s King George III.

However, there was another perceived threat for many, one who kept a constant influence throughout the world: t he pope. John Fitzgerald K ennedy (JFK), with his running mate Lyndon B. Johnson (LBJ), rode the Democratic Party ticket to a win over the Republican candidate, and current (at the time) Vice President, Richard Milhous Nixon. This was the first time that image became a more signific ant factor than either print or oration in the choosing of a President, thanks to Presidential debates that were broadcasted live on television. JFK was charismatic, well bred, came from an exclusive family with strong political ties, and was a war hero, famously captai ning PT109 in numerous campaigns against the Japanese Navy; however, he was also Catholic. For those who did not support his politics or who held unwavering conservative values, Kennedy was ostracized, and even attacked, for this faith. Smartly pairing with the more conservative, and somewhat controversial, Johnson from Texas, Kennedy ensured that he was a constant interest story in U.S. politics. He used his Catholic roots to help r elate to a wide range of Americans, many of whom came from the lower classes and from groups seeking reform. His platform challenged Americans to look past what was comfortable and embrace those challenges that threatened peace during this Cold War era. “M y fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country” (Kennedy, 1961). His ability to remain cool and collected, especially in comparison to his opponent Nixon, also made him attractive to many outlying populat ions that previously may not have closely connected to either party. Kennedy secured the 1960 election with Johnson’s help by stealing Texas from the Republicans. He rode this political momentum to his first acts as chief executive. This first televised presidential debate showed the nation the stark differences in charisma between John F. Kennedy (left) and Richard Nixon (right), enough to drown out fears of papal interference. (Associated Press, 1960) Lyndon B. Johnson and John F.

Kennedy (Muto, 1969) HY 1120, American History II 3 UNIT x STUDY GUIDE Title Kennedy’s success was perhaps one of the more noted, but it was only the first such success for the reform - minded and now largely Democratic population. During his interrupted term in office, his advocacy would be instrumental to the passing of major chang es to benefit reform, education, and science programs in the United States. Included in these changes were his rapid escalation of the Space Program and planning of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which made public discrimination illegal. (For more informati on, see http://www.jfklibrary.org/Asset -Viewer/MkATdOcdU06X5uNHbmqm1Q.aspx .) This rights bill, signed by Johnson in the wake of Kennedy’s assassination, was one of Kennedy’s great legacies and a shock to many of LBJ’s conservative supporters. LBJ, picked to balance the Democratic ticket, was drastically different in attitude, presence, and background from Kennedy. It was LBJ’s conservative values that had ensured the office , but Johnson understood the America that Kennedy fought for. In his own style, which was often closely guarded and aggressive, LBJ quickly took up his predecessor’s mantle. He followed the Civil Rights Act of 1964 with the Economic Opportunity Act and the Community Action Program (CAP), both of which were programs that promised funds, programs, and positions to benefit the lower economic classes. They were intended to build a stronger foundation and aid the disadvantaged. Johnson would be reelected in 1964. Under his proposed Great Society plan, with the overwhelming support of Chief Justice Earl Warren and the Supreme Court, he would continue this “War on Poverty” by starting new programs such as Medicare, Medicaid, the Voting Rights Act of 1965, the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, and the National Housing Act. One thing that is very important to note is that all of thes e programs were geared toward ensuring a future for American citizens, no matter their class, color, age, or gender. Cuban Crises As successful as these stateside programs were, the Cold W ar continued to cast a negative shadow on the United States, start ing with a carryover issue from the previous Eisenhower administration. The Bay of Pigs, an inlet on Cuba’s southwestern coast, would gain worldwide recognition early in 1961 when Kennedy ordered its invasion. Kennedy expected to gather local anti -Castro s upport, the failure of which proved to be more than just an embarrassment as it set the stage for the hostile relationship that is still present today among these geographical neighbors. (For more information, see http://www.jfklibrary.org/JFK/JFK -in- History/The -Bay -of-Pigs.aspx . The growing threat of a small insurgent led by Fidel Castro, who threatened to open the island’s ports to the soviet nuclear arsenal, reopened old wounds with the U.S.S.R. It also put intense pressure on the United States to abandon its long - standing Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine. Kennedy now had two early losses to Khrushchev, as the Apollo program (1961) was not fast enough to beat the Soviets in launching the first man into space. The next move would be both physical and psychological, as the Soviets physically built a wall in Berlin to mark their choice to separate from the W est. Kennedy felt that the only way to ensure safety for the citizens of West Berlin was to keep pressure on the Soviet capital. To do so, American soldiers and ballistics were strategically located arou nd Europe, most importantly in Turkey, a close ally with a location essential to ensuring a successful detonation. On October 22, 1962, CIA satellites secured photos of rapid military construction in Cuba, with bases fit to handle the launch of numerous nu clear missiles. These bases were less than 100 miles President Johnson signs the Ci vil Rights Act of 1964; Dr. Martin Luther King stands directly behind him. (Stoughton, 1964) Map showing the range of Soviet missiles under cons truction in Cuba. (Central Intelligence Agency, 1962) HY 1120, American History II 4 UNIT x STUDY GUIDE Title off the American coast. This meant that the Cold W ar was at the brink of hostility as the Soviets had found a way to counter the U.S. nuclear defense. The U.S. Capitol and most populated cities were no w in range of nuclear attack. If a missile was fired at the U.S. eastern coast, there was not time to guarantee a successful countermeasure. With the Navy ordered to blockade any suspicious entry into Cuban waters, and the U.S. nuclear weapon arsenal point ed directly at the Soviet Union, the Cuban Missile Crisis was easily the tensest point in this military stalemate. These two superpowers, intent on proving their resolve and strength, waited until the two sides found a common ground. Cuba would be disarm ed only if the United States disarmed Turkey. While neither side “won,” Kennedy would make up for the Bay of Pigs and emerge a hero, while Khrushchev’s days as leader of the U.S.S.R. were coming to an end. Even with the successful resolution in Cuba, tensions continued to escalate. In 1963, Americans were highly supportive of the South Vietnamese, who, like the South Koreans a decade earlier, were in a tense position sharing a border with a growing communist presence to the north. Officially only a tra ding partner, the United States was a chief arms dealer to the South Asian nation, having already provided more than $1 billion in aid under Eisenhower’s administration. Unlike Korea, geography was not a sure measure of trust. The Vietcong, a largely Budd hist grassroots resistance movement based in South Vietnam, supported the North’s communist ambitions. They feared the growing dictatorial feel of the Catholic and pro -W estern Ngo Dinh Diem’s administration in Saigon. This grassroots force alone threatened a civil coup, as the South’s Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN) did not have the power to suppress them. Supplies from the North Vietnamese troops and arsenal were secretly pouring in via hidden jungle paths known as the Ho Chi Minh Trail (after the N orthern leader). As the conflict heated up, this collection of pro -communist forces would grow into the National Liberation Front (NLF), a mixture of Northern troops and Southern rebels under the direction of Hanoi. By 1963, Diem’s Saigon was overtaken by the combined communist forces, and he would be executed by his former military. With this abdication of power, Kennedy increased the U.S. presence, trying to halt the spread of communism in Asia. Despite the clear advantages of the U.S. military, this was a conflict and environment in which the United States struggled to even gain a foothold. Much like the failure in the Philippines during the Roosevelt administration, the defensive advantages of the Asian climate and geography did not support the U.S. off ensive styles. This lack of unity was not unique to the South Pacific however; back in the states, there were numerous social movements that would reflect the changing political climate in America as well. Civil Rights Activism Though the efforts of Kennedy and Johnson addressed the need for greater civil rights activism, the enforcement of these freedoms would still require the dedication and action of the common people, a challenge that the nation’s youth took upon themselves. The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) would emerge even before Kennedy’s election in 1960 with the goal of nonviolent protests against segregation laws and practices. The students who took part in these protests acted on the speeches of public figures such as Ma rtin Luther King Jr. (MLK), and in the same spirit as Rosa Parks. United States history had proven that laws were only significant if enforced, and enforcement was only guaranteed when the appropriate pressures were felt. The leaders of this grassroots ref orm knew that in order to get the necessary enforcement, they had to make the actions of segregationists national news, but not at the expense of their own cause. Thus began the era of non -violent protest: February 1960, a sit -in at a Woolworth’s in Greens boro; May 1961, a bus trip starting in Washington D.C. and traveling into hostile locations in Alabama and Mississippi; and August 1963, at the Lincoln Memorial. These were among the most widely reported forms of protest, but only a part of the actions tha t were taken. HY 1120, American History II 5 UNIT x STUDY GUIDE Title Supporters of SNCC, and similar groups, such as the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), faced violence, terrorism, threats, humiliation, and little support from local authority. However, word got out, as did pictures and video. Soon the enti re world saw the horrors of segregation. It became clear that a legal system that was supposed to have forcefully removed almost eighty -five years earlier was still a part of daily life for thousands of African Americans. Off -camera, things could get even worse, including the jailing of organizers, such as Fannie Lou Hamer, and assassinations of major leaders, including Medgar Evers (1963) and Dr. King (1968). By 1964, this youth movement was openly non -gender - and non -color -specific and was growing, but w ith only very meager national action. As the violence escalated by those who promoted segregation, so did the action by those demanding its removal. March 1965 would be the setting for perhaps the most famous example of this demand — a march from Selma to Mo ntgomery as a symbol of unity and public resolve. By the end of what would be dubbed “Bloody Sunday,” the National Guard would be called by LBJ himself to protect the protesters. Though many events in the latter 1960s would take place in the Southeastern states, violent segregation would also become common in the growing urban cities. Major riots occurred in Detroit, Washington D.C., and even Los Angeles. It was this unrest that would introduce another major voice: that of Malcolm X (Little). Like Dr. Kin g, Malcolm X emphasized a need to act, but unlike the nonviolent, public nature of Dr. King’s message, Malcolm X advocated the idea of “Black Power.” He was famously quoted as saying “by any means necessary,” which many supporters took to heart. This mantr a, which had a wide meaning from beauty to success, would also inspire some distinctly violent reactions and associations, including members of SNCC, CORE, and new group aimed at combatting white aggression directly: the Black Panther Party. Though Malcol m X’s message was one deeply rooted in religious beliefs, like King, his more aggressive stance would gain criticism and concern in places where even King’s had found support, including the U.S.

government. In 1964, a public falling out with his religious mentors would prompt a pilgrimage. Upon returning, he began to spread a more hopeful message geared toward all people. Despite this change in message, Malcolm X would be murdered in public on February 21, 1965. It is unknown if his slaying was due to his p reviously aggressive teachings or to his sudden change in beliefs. Johnson had seen enough. In August 1965, the Voting Rights Act was signed, which ensured protection for those who chose to vote. And in 1967, Affirmative Action became a reality. By 1972, over 1,000 elected African -American leaders served in public offices throughout the nation, and hiring practices led to greater opportunity for all applicants. The dream of many advocates, including MLK, was becoming reality. Sadly, many of those same fig ures would not live to see the dream fulfilled. On April 4, 1968, Martin Luther King Jr. was murdered on the balcony of Lorraine Motel in Memphis, TN, news of which caused a nationwide period of grief and reaction ranging from private vigils to riots. (To listen to Robert Kennedy address the nation about Dr. King’s death see https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:1968 -04 -04_RFK_on_MLK.ogg .) The Civil Rights Act of 1968 would be among Johnson’s last actions in office. It ensured equal chance for housing opportunity, equal jury selection, and federal action if the states refused enforcement. The initiative that had begun with Kennedy was seen through to the end under Johnson. I ts influence was so powerful that this period became known as the Second Reconstruction. Women’s Rights and Feminism Another major reform movement would re -emerge during this era: feminism. Like African Americans, women had been fighting for equality since the earliest years of the United States. Women had gained some successes, including a fiercely won suffrage battle, but were still far from equal to men in the eyes of the law.

This inequality affected employment, social, and economic opportunities. By the latter half of the 20th century, many of the reasons given to women for this disparity were no longer applicable. Single -parent households were on the rise, educational opportunities were competitive between the two genders, and acceptable behavior s had evolved. The President’s Commission on the Status of Women (PCSW), a Kennedy initiative, even provided evidence of the differences that held women back.

Women did gain ground due to several of the Kennedy and Johnson programs generally associated wit h Civil Rights, most notably affirmative action and Housing Rights. But unlike men, there was less enthusiastic HY 1120, American History II 6 UNIT x STUDY GUIDE Title response to claims by women. There were even instances of jeering and teasing women’s advocates and their claims in the media and government. Though the two sides would occasionally waver on their aggressiveness and tactics, sometimes to the point where there was minimal difference, two distinct sides would emerge in the late 1960s. The first would adopt the spirit of trailblazers such as Susan B . Anthony and Carrie Catt, and become a new generation of outspoken women. These included Betty Friedan and Pauli Murray, who would grow and use statistics to identify and address their lower -class status on a public level. They were called the National Or ganization for Women (NOW). In the same fashion, but in a much more liberal approach, other women, including Aileen Hernandez, would begin a more aggressive campaign dubbed “women’s liberation.” It was geared toward the total equality of women, including full inclusion of those institutions that men had developed over the nation’s history. Just as African American men had found success by causing news, women too would use this method.

Tactics included public protest of beauty pageants and frank discussion of subjects such as rape, abortion, and other conversations long thought taboo by the public. Ms. Magazine, founded by Gloria Steinem, would even emerge on newsstands to put these concerns into print and spread the reform effort in its circulation.

The ma gazine title was a play on an independent title for women, one not dictated by their age or marriage status. It was intended to be a feminine version of “Mr.” In addition, there would be several high -profile wins toward equality on both the state and fede ral levels. These included Education Amendment Title IX in 1972, fair/equal credit in 1974, stronger equality in relation to military service in 1976, and guaranteed employer -supported maternity leave days in 1978. As equality efforts became more apparent , there was an unexpected turn; support for these institutions was not divided directly along gender lines. Many women refused to advocate for either NOW or “women’s liberation.” They felt that their issues were not represented by either, including how som e minorities and creeds had overwhelming numbers in poverty or lowest economic classes. These women saw the importance of addressing class differences as the first step toward the opportunity for all genders to evolve. In 1972, the Equal Rights Amendment was passed, but still had to gain ratification to become law. The 19th amendment, which illegalized gender discrimination in voting, was only ratified by the narrowest of margins, so this was seen by some as a measure of how far women had come in fifty yea rs. What was not expected was the infighting and unification of anti -ERA women. The next year, Roe v. Wade, however, complicated the matter with its highly controversial decision, which legalized abortion in all states. This essentially divided women along religious and political lines. In 1982, ten years after passing through the House and Senate, the ERA bill was officially taken out of circulation when it could not obtain the required three -fourths majority (38 states) needed for ratification, topping ou t at 35. African Americans and women were the most populated and loudest reformers of this period, but not the only groups who took advantage of this reform atmosphere. Among the other voices were Native Americans, Latinos, homosexuals, and even the Count erculture. The American Indian Movement (AIM) was a direct reference to the successful outcomes of the African American moves toward equality. Wanting to lay claim to lands taken away from their previous generations, American Indians took the opportunity t o make their own national news with the takeover of Alcatraz Island off the coast of San Francisco for nineteen months, starting in 1969. They claimed right of “first discovery.” In addition to the history of forceful removal, tribal lands disproportionat ely accounted for the level of poverty - stricken communities in the United States. In addition to the takeover of the prison, other aggressive tactics included “occupation” of the racially offensively named Bureau of Indian Affairs and an occupation of the infamous Wounded Knee site. This last turned violent when demands that previous territorial treaties be honored turned into a nearly three -month standoff with U.S. Marshals. Though none of these public actions were overwhelmingly effective, there were some reparations and protections given due to the public displays. HY 1120, American History II 7 UNIT x STUDY GUIDE Title The Latino population, alternatively known as Hispanic Americans in the 1960s, was already growing into one of the largest and most vocal populations in America. Similar to what was seen in pr evious generations of European migrants, however, this population was also one of the more commonly oppressed. Likely in response to those who entered the U.S. illegally, citizens of Latino descent had to endure the same negativity and dangers. Like Nati ve Americans, this population was also disproportionately poor compared to other Americans. It was at this time that the Chicano movement would arise to draw attention to the horrific situations for Mexican - Americans in California, many of whom were vetera ns, including their leader Cesar Chavez. With Dolores Huerta, another noted advocate, the two reformers were instrumental in the establishment of the first major union for these workers, the United Farm Workers (UFW). Fellow activists would later found the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC). Gays and Lesbians: A New Voice A third new voice would come from yet another population that had been long oppressed, and in general was the victim of misunderstanding and irrational fear by the larger population. For many generations, gays and lesbians had had to keep their orientations secret or risk severe acts of intolerance. Unlike some of these other groups, there was no common ancestry that typecast this population. Instead, its membership include d all races, genders, and creeds, which provided both opportunities and challenges. As these identities had not gained universal acceptance in any region, it was common to remain very secretive and even live lives contrary to their true identities to avoid violence, incarceration, and loss of property or even family. Even with the high rate of reforms in the 1960s, this was one of the slower progressions. The first true victories came in the 1970s with the first antidiscrimination laws, openly gay elected political candidates, and a reversal of common myths, such as the idea that same -sex orientation was a disease or a perversion. This movement, which would gain national strength in the latter 1970s, would still have to face some of its greatest struggles o n the local level, much like African Americans had in the Southeast and urban communities. The Counterculture The Counterculture, too, is a bit different from the other groups discussed because it, unlike any of the others, was a movement of choice. Prom inently supported by Whites of student age, this movement was one of action against the expectations of the time. Members’ rebellion ranged from hair and clothing styles, to music, poetry, and activism alongside many of these other activists against discri mination. The first major organization of this group, the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) had a strong West Coast support.

They publicly stated their disregard for the ideals of generations past and their intent to create a united future. To sprea d this message, there were numerous waves of musical innovation, including rock and psychedelic genres, new written mediums such as Beat poetry, and a carefree attitude, such as the “sexual revolution,” rebelling against more established moral -based instit utions. As well intentioned as this was, not all expressions of the Counterculture would remain on this path. Protests would begin to emerge against established institutions’ hiring policies, the U.S. military, and infractions deemed contrary to the First Amendment. Soon these supporters were visible and unafraid to publicly challenge the “norm,” and these experiments would spread into dangerous vices such as drug use and violent situations. As this generation aged, many remained dedicated to the cause, wh ich helped to evolve the status quo, but the more dangerous experimentation would remain in the 1960s altogether. What would become perhaps the most significant challenge to, and rallying cry of, the Counterculture was the continued conflict in Vietnam. T hese same lower -income and status teens, African Americans, Native Americans, Latin Americans, and even significant numbers of women, would disproportionately be the ones to fight this war --most of them were either trying to better their situation through service or were drafted. The Vietnam Conflict HY 1120, American History II 8 UNIT x STUDY GUIDE Title November 22, 1963, would produce another devastating blow. On his way to deliver a message of dedication to the anti -communist agenda, John Fitzgerald Kennedy was shot in downtown Dallas, Texas. He was kille d instantly and it produced a ripple effect across the globe. One of the most dynamic figures in American history, and a champion of reform, was gone in an instant. His legacy, while already storied, was years from expected completion. Johnson, the much mo re private and aggressive -tempered Southern conservative, would have to pick up not only the reforms mentioned earlier, but was now the Commander in Chief in a losing war. America was committed to halting the communist threat, perhaps still fearing the result of non -action following the Great War. Kennedy had overseen the introduction of new styles of warfare, including a biological tactic of spreading the destructive herbic ide Agent Orange on apparent Vietcong camps, and Johnson would pick up where he had left off, sending additional troops across the Pacific. However, this was not a war like anything the United States had seen before: there were no fronts, cities, industria l capitals or clear targets. Johnson, all the while, had his own private doubts: “I don’t think it’s worth fighting for [Vietnam] and I don’t think we can get out” (“Tapes Show Johnson,” 1997). While quick action would secure some public “victories,” such as the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution, the war would only continue to grow in size and concern. (For more information, see http://www.ourdocuments.gov/doc.php?flash=true&doc=98 .) Organized bombings, significant increases in troop levels, and more aggressive strategies only dug the United States deeper into the conflict. W hile this was going on, a new feeling of American imperialism was spreading. Once again, as had been seen during the Teddy Roosevelt administration, the United States. insinuated itself into the business of Latin American and former protectorate territories, such as Panama and the Dominican Republic. The result would be ever growing anti -American sentiment and economic losses . January 1968 would produce a turning point, but not in the United States’ favor. The Tet Offensive would see the pro -communist forces take the offensive in a calculated, simultaneous attack on all American bases. The outcome, though more destructive for the attacking forces, put the truth, hidden from the American public, into plain view; America was not “winning” the war. Johnson lost considerable support. Johnson would publicly admit it was time to begin peace talks, which were anything but productive, and then announced that he would not seek reelection By 1968, in the wake of the escalating military conflict, liberal spending, and the concern over the ever - growing ref orm culture, there was a call for change back home. Those who had once backed Kennedy were vocally chastising Johnson’s ramping up of the conflict, which led to significant public displays from a wide array of voices. The Counterculture continued to grow, leading to its most famous event, a music festival held in 1969 in Woodstock, NY, which would capture the attention of the world, with messages advocating peace resonating before and after protest anthems and expletive -laden orations. Also in the wake of the Tet fallout, the media too took shots at the continued violence. Most mainstream magazines, sports figures, and even significant public figures would ask for an end to the violence and the threat of biological and nuclear threats, and look for peaceful resolutions. Though there would remain a significant pro -war sentiment (nicknamed “hawks”) in some parts of the nation, many families (nicknamed “doves”) feared for their sons, brothers, and fathers, which, for the first time, meant there was a large numb er of draft -age Americans who either fled the country or refused to follow the draft law. 1968 being an election year, there was a plea for a return to conservatism. From that climate emerged a familiar face: former Vice President Richard Milhous Nixon. N ixon promised “an honorable end” to the fighting and was elected to the executive office by appealing directly to the conservative base that had elected Eisenhower, the “forgotten Americans — the non -shouters, the non -demonstrators” (Nixon, 1968). Nixon wou ld prove to be an embodiment of favorable speech and questionable action, however, starting with the continuation of some of the more successful reform era programs such as Pell grants and Social Security.

LBJ being sworn in on Air Force One after JFK’s assassination, with Jacqueline K ennedy by his side. (Stoughton, 1963) HY 1120, American History II 9 UNIT x STUDY GUIDE Title He also made strides in diplomacy, or more appropr iately détente, with communist powers U.S.S.R. and China. Concerning Vietnam, Nixon would promise quick resolution, but the U.S. forces would remain in the country until 1972. Nixon, with Henry Kissinger, his national security advisor, would not pull out o f the war just to leave the country open for communist takeover, they wanted to help develop a significant military force in Vietnam, gradually pull U.S. troops out, and secretly liberate neighboring Cambodia. However, all of these plans ended up backfirin g when they were leaked to the American people, who were reminded of the Tet catastrophe. At this same time, other international events, including the Six -Day War, would lead to increased domestic outcry in the coming years. For Nixon, it seemed that for every step forward, there was an equal or worse step back. One example of this was advocating for the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), but then facing an unprecedented energy crisis and veto of the Clean W ater Act of 1972. Multiple cases of negative press, both international and domestic, also plagued his administration, including the Yom Kippur War, failure to enforce civil rights, negative action toward feminism, and the most notorious moment of his waning political career, his impeachment and resig nation after the Watergate scandal (which will be discussed further in the next unit). The failure to quickly remove U.S. troops from Vietnam, too, had a similar effect, prompting numerous public outcries for an end to the war, including a 100,000 -person protest in Washington D.C. and a fatal shooting at Kent State University. Public support and military morale continued to drop as new evidence of the true nature of the war continued to emerge in the early 1970s. Finally, on January 27, 1973, a peace treat y was signed in Paris, and as the civil war immediately started again, the U.S. representatives desperately dispersed, some reportedly under gunfire by the once -friendly South Vietnamese who felt betrayed. The U.S. people, also feeling betrayed by their go vernment, grew to recognize this as pointless and a waste. It was a black eye for the American people who felt betrayed by their government. Making it even worse, many of those who did return from fighting in Vietnam did not get the heroes’ reception they had earned from either the American people or their government. They were often treated like outcasts, finding it difficult to find work and discovering medical support was unreliable at best. The experience led many to violent acts, suffering from trauma tic mental experiences such as Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD). The Vietnam Conflict has remained in the American lexicon as “an unwinnable war,” but that perspective is not due only to the grueling military experience. This was an era of extremes. On the home front, the people found they could not trust the leaders they put in charge, and that the laws they supported and had abided by were twisted and used to hide reality. At the same time, massive reforms caused conflict, between those for and agai nst. Conservatives saw the nation they thought they knew in the 1950s crumble under the loudly visible Counterculture and various civil rights movements. And while the liberals did gain some ground in their fights for equality, it was still difficult to se cure enforcement of the rights they were promised as those who were losing their power, often on the local level, pushed back against the change. The United States was not finished evolving, and many secrets were still yet to be revealed to the public.

Go ing into the next unit, pay close attention to the shifting attitudes, including how technology would radically redefine public understanding of policy and action. Even after Vietnam, the Cold War was still a very real threat. Also, out of the trials surro unding the Six -Day War, a new threat, like none other before it, would once again require the U.S. people to evolve and stand together in the face of imminent danger. References Associated Press. (1960, September 27). First 1960 presidential debate [Photograph]. Retrieved from https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:First_1960_presidential_debate.jpg Central Intelligence Agency. (1962, October 16). Cuban crisis map missile range [Photograph]. Retrieved from https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File :Cuban_crisis_map_missile_range.jpg Kennedy, J. F. (1961, January 20). Inaugural address [Speech]. Retrieved from http://www.ushistory.org/documents/ask -not.htm Muto, F. (1969, December). LBJ and JFK [Photograph]. Retrieved from https://commons.wikimedia .org/wiki/File:LBJ_and_JFK.jpg HY 1120, American History II 10 UNIT x STUDY GUIDE Title Nixon, R. M. (1958, August 8). Address accepting the presidential nomination at the Republican national Convention in Miami Beach, Florida [Speech]. Retrieved from http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=25968 Stoughton, C. (1963, November 22). LBJ taking the oath of office [Photograph]. Retrieved from https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:LBJ_taking_the_oath_of_office.jpg Stoughton, C. (1964, July 2). Lyndon Johnson signing Civil Rights Act, July 2, 1964 [Photograph]. Ret rieved from https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Lyndon_Johnson_signing_Civil_Rights_Act,_July_2,_1964.jp g Tapes show Johnson saw Vietnam War as pointless in 1964. (1997, February 15). New York Times. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/1997/02/15/us /tapes -show -johnson -saw -vietnam -war -as - pointless -in-1964.html Suggested Reading To see some of the ways the U.S. attempted to, or considered attempting to assassinate Fidel Castro, be sure to view the following short video: Fidel Castro Videos. (n.d.). History rocks: Castro must die [Video]. Retrieved from http://www.history.com/topics/cold -war/fidel -castro/videos/history -rocks -castro -must -die (http://www.history.com/topics/cold -war/fidel -castro/videos/history -rocks -castro -must -die ) Learning Activities (Non -Graded) Power Point For a review of the Key Terms of the unit, click here to access the interactive Unit VII Q uestions in PowerPoint form. (Click here to access a PDF version.) Non -graded Learning Activities are provided to aid students in their course of study. You do not have to submit them. If you have questions, contact your instructor for further guidance and information.