Psychology Essay
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Figure 13.4 In The Extraction of the
Stone of M adness, a 15th century
painting by Hieronym us Bosch, a
practitioner is using a tool to extract an
object (the supposed "stone of
m adness") from the head of an affl icted
person.
M o d u le 1 3 .3 : P e r s p e c t iv e s o n P s y c h o lo g ic a l D is o r d e r s
Scientists and m ental health professionals m ay adopt different perspectives in attem pting to understand
or explain the underlying m echanism s that contribute to the developm ent of a psychological disorder. The
perspective used in explaining a psychological disorder is extrem ely im portant, in that it w ill consist of
explicit assum ptions regarding how best to study the disorder, its etiology, and w hat kinds of therapies or
treatm ents are m ost beneficial. D ifferent perspectives provide alternate w ays for how to think about the
nature of psychopathology.
S u p e rn a tu ra l P e rs p e c tiv e s o f P s y c h o lo g ic a l D is o rd e rs
For centuries, psychological disorders w ere view ed from a supernatural perspective: attributed to a force
beyond scientific understanding. Those affl icted w ere thought to be practitioners of black m agic or
possessed by spirits (Figure 13.4). For exam ple, convents throughout Europe in the 16th and 17th centuries
reported hundreds of nuns falling into a state of frenzy in w hich the affl icted foam ed at the m outh,
scream ed and convulsed, sexually propositioned priests, and confessed to having carnal relations w ith
devils or Christ. Although, today, these cases w ould suggest serious m ental illness, at the tim e, these
events w ere routinely explained as possession by devilish forces. Sim ilarly, grievous fits by young girls are
believed to have precipitated the w itch panic in N ew England late in the 17th century. Such beliefs in
supernatural causes of m ental illness are still held in som e societies today; for exam ple, beliefs that
supernatural forces cause m ental illness are com m on in som e cultures in m odern-day N igeria.
D ig D e e p e r
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Figure 13.5 Although the cause of dancing m ania,
depicted in this painting, was unclear, the behavior was
attributed to supernatural forces.
D ancing M ania
Betw een the 11th and 17th centuries, a curious epidem ic sw ept across
W estern Europe. G roups of people w ould suddenly begin to dance w ith
w ild abandon. This com pulsion to dance— referred to as dancing m ania—
som etim es gripped thousands of people at a tim e (Figure 13.5). H istorical
accounts indicate that those affl icted w ould som etim es dance w ith
bruised and bloody feet for days or w eeks, scream ing of terrible visions
and begging priests and m onks to save their souls. W hat caused dancing
m ania is not know n, but several explanations have been proposed,
including spider venom and ergot poisoning.
H istorian John W aller has provided a com prehensive and convincing
explanation of dancing m ania that suggests the phenom enon w as
attributable to a com bination of three factors: psychological distress,
social contagion, and belief in supernatural forces. W aller argued that various disasters of the tim e (such as fam ine, plagues,
and floods) produced high levels of psychological distress that could increase the likelihood of succum bing to an involuntary
trance state. W aller indicated that anthropological studies and accounts of possession rituals show that people are m ore
likely to enter a trance state if they expect it to happen, and that entranced individuals behave in a ritualistic m anner, their
thoughts and behavior shaped by the spiritual beliefs of their culture. Thus, during periods of extrem e physical and m ental
distress, all it took w ere a few people— believing them selves to have been affl icted w ith a dancing curse— to slip into a
spontaneous trance and then act out the part of one w ho is cursed by dancing for days on end.
B io lo g ic a l P e rs p e c tiv e s o f P s y c h o lo g ic a l D is o rd e rs
The biological perspective view s psychological disorders as linked to biological phenom ena, such as genetic factors, chem ical im balances, and
brain abnorm alities; it has gained considerable attention and acceptance in recent decades. Evidence from m any sources indicates that m ost
psychological disorders have a genetic com ponent; in fact, there is little dispute that som e disorders are largely due to genetic factors. For
exam ple, a person's risk of developing schizophrenia increases if a relative has schizophrenia. The closer the genetic relationship, the higher the
risk.
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D espite advances in understanding the biological basis of psychological disorders, the psychosocial perspective is still very im portant. This
perspective em phasizes the im portance of learning, stress, faulty and self-defeating thinking patterns, and environm ental factors. Perhaps the
best w ay to think about psychological disorders, then, is to view them as originating from a com bination of biological and psychological
processes. M any develop not from a single cause, but from a delicate fusion betw een partly biological and partly psychosocial factors.
The diathesis-stress m odel integrates biological and psychosocial factors to predict the likelihood of a disorder. This diathesis-stress m odel
suggests that people w ith an underlying predisposition for a disorder (i.e., a diathesis) are m ore likely than others to develop a disorder w hen
faced w ith adverse environm ental or psychological events (i.e., stress), such as childhood m altreatm ent, negative life events, traum a, and so on.
A diathesis is not alw ays a biological vulnerability to an illness; som e diatheses m ay be psychological (e.g., a tendency to think about life events
in a pessim istic, self- defeating w ay).
The key assum ption of the diathesis-stress m odel is that both factors, diathesis and stress, are necessary in the developm ent of a disorder.
D ifferent m odels explore the relationship betw een the tw o factors: the level of stress needed to produce the disorder is inversely proportional
to the level of diathesis.
M odule 13.2 M odule 13.4