1 page Apa
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Part 1: An Overview of Human Resource Management
claimed to be harassed by his co-workers and supervi
sor on an offshore oil rig was indeed the victim of sexual
harassment.
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Several recent cases involving same-sex
harassment have focused new attention on this form of
sexual harassment.
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Regardless of the pattern, however,
the same rules apply: Sexual harassment is illegal, and it is
the organization’s responsibility to control it.
In 2011, everyone in the United States was reminded
of exactly how troubling charges of sexual harassment
can be. Herman Cain, a retired executive running for the
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HR
in the
21st
Century
Recent research shows that more
than 30 percent of female workers
in the United States have been harassed at work, virtually all of
them by men. Forty-three percent identified the male harasser
as a supervisor, 27 percent as an employee senior to them, and
19 percent as a coworker at the same level. In 2012 (the last year
for which there are complete data), nearly 13,000 charges of
sexual harassment were filed with the U.S. Equal Employment
Opportunity Commission (EEOC), 84 percent of them by women.
Why does sexual harassment (mostly of women) occur in
the workplace? “Power,” says researcher Debbie Dougherty,
who conducted a study in conjunction with a large midwestern
health-care organization. “It was the common answer. It came
up repeatedly,” says Dougherty, a specialist in communications
and power in organizations. She also found that men and women
understand the idea of power differently, and that difference in
understanding, she reports, may play an important part in the
persistence of harassing behavior in the workplace:
■
For most men, power is something that belongs to superiors—
managers and supervisors—who can harass because they
possess the power to do so. By definition, a male coworker
cannot harass a female coworker who is at the same level
because he doesn’t possess sufficient power over her.
■
Women, on the other hand, see power as something that can
be introduced into a relationship as it develops; it’s something
more than the mere formal authority built into the superior’s
job description. Harassment can be initiated by anyone who is
able to create the perception of power.
According to Dougherty, gender differences in the perception
of power may account, at least in part, for gender differences in
perceptions of behavior. “If a man,” she suggests, “thinks that
sexual harassment only comes from a supervisor, he may feel
free to make sexual comments to a female coworker,” reasoning
that because he holds no power over her, she won’t perceive the
behavior as harassment. She, however, probably regards power
as something that can be sought and gained in a relationship and
may therefore “see the sexual comments as a quest for power and
label it as sexual harassment.”
The findings of another recent study tend to support
Dougherty’s conclusions. Researchers from the University of
Minnesota discovered that women in supervisory positions
were 137 percent more likely to be harassed than women in
nonsupervisory roles. Although many of the harassers were men
in superior positions, a large number were coworkers in equivalent
positions. It would seem, then, that male coworkers felt free to
behave in a harassing manner because they believed that their
female targets would not perceive their behavior as efforts to
exert power. As Dougherty predicts, however, they were wrong:
The women perceived the harassing behaviors as power plays.
“This study,” says researcher Heather McLaughlin, “provides the
strongest evidence to date supporting the theory that sexual
harassment is less about sexual desire than about control and
domination...
. Male coworkers ... and supervisors seem to be
using harassment as an equalizer against women in power.”