BUS 372 wk 2 assignment (Creating a timeline table)(DO NOT CHANGE THE PRICE) IF YOU DO I WILL NOT SEND A HANDSHAKE.

25 2 An Overview of Labor History Mary Evans/Everett Collection Learning Objectives After completing this chapter, you should be able to:

• Describe the atmosphere surrounding union opposition and resulting court cases.

• Discuss each of the early labor unions, major strikes, and key players in labor relations.

• Relate the growth of industry to major strikes in the steel and textile industries at the turn of the 20th century. sea81813_02_c02_025-046.indd 25 12/5/14 2:25 PM Introduction Introduction The U.S. economy was formed around farms and small towns. If you were to view the United States in the early 1800s, you would see country roads, large farms, and towns erected at crossroads, serving the needs of farmers. Although there were factories, these were rare and usually located only in the larger cities. Early manufacturing took place in small shops run by craftsmen who were experts in one trade, such as barrel making or stitchery. Thus, America’s early industry was centered on individual trades and skilled workers.

These workers were called master craftsmen . Not only were they proficient at making spe - cific products, they were also multitalented businessmen. Consider, for example, Bostonian Paul Revere, who trained in the art of silversmithing and then became a shop owner, a teacher to his apprentices, a capitalist, an employer, and a highly skilled artisan.

Master craftsmen sat side-by-side at the bench with their workers, together making the prod - ucts of the shop, be it boots, silverware, horse bridles, or copper bowls. At first, slaves or indentured servants made up the group of workers, but as slavery decreased in the Northeast and indentured servants completed their terms, craftsmen searched for other types of help.

Soon a strata of workers developed that became known as apprentices or journeymen . These were the men who worked in the trades but would never be shop owners unless they started their own business.

The work environment in these shops was intimate. The boss knew each worker—his strengths and weaknesses, and certainly his personal life. Problems could be addressed directly and quickly if the master craftsman chose, which led the workplace to have a give-and-take quality.

Workers felt somewhat empowered by the fact that management was present, understood the conditions of work, and could be responsive to issues that arose.

This work environment also featured two distinct tiers: owners and laborers. Lines were clearly drawn regarding the rights of the owner to make fundamental decisions about the work envi - ronment while labor remained powerless, except about whether to leave the job and seek other employment. Work for laborers was a “take it or leave it” environment, and for those unwilling or unable to secure work elsewhere, the shop, its rules, and culture were nonnegotiable.

As the 19th century progressed, a notable change occurred that essentially put an end to this way of life. The United States underwent a great industrial boom, commonly referred to as the Industrial Revolution (1820–1840). The Industrial Revolution made small workshops obsolete and unprofitable.

A confluence of factors contributed to this new reality. Workers were plentiful and relatively cheap to employ; America had bountiful natural resources; tradesmen from Europe came to the United States with skills, inventions, and creativity; and as the population grew, the demand for goods increased tremendously. Small shops could no longer keep up with demand, and when they did, were too slow and costly. The 1800s also saw the rise of expanding transportation systems that made the export of goods to Europe possible and highly profitable. Additionally, transportation within the United States improved, which fostered domestic trade. Factories, too, began to expand; as a result, they employed a completely different type of worker than an apprentice or journeyman. sea81813_02_c02_025-046.indd 26 12/5/14 2:25 PM Section 2.1 Initial View of Unions as Illegal With the advent of factories, a new class of worker emerged: the unskilled worker, who could operate machinery or do repetitive tasks that required little skill. One of the earliest such industries was spinning yarn, which by 1860 involved more than 1,700 mills with 6,400 spin - dles and 16,000 looms; the industry had an annual output of $90 million and employed more than 60,000 laborers (Foner, 1998). Immigrants streamed into the United States during this time, providing inexpensive and often unskilled labor. As the factories grew, more workers were needed, and women and children soon became part of the workforce.

As large factories replaced farms and small shops run by artisans with thousands of workers, work became more impersonal; the lines between owners and workers grew even more distinct than before. Gone were the days of sitting at a bench as an apprentice and learning a trade from a master craftsman. With each of these changes, workers found that the give-and-take quality of the small shops was gone, and they had no relationship with the owner of the business.

2.1 Initial View of Unions as Illegal When businesses expanded from small shops to larger factories, owners turned their atten - tion to competing with other businesses without necessarily considering their employees’ welfare. As the employer became distanced from the worker, the expansion of the workplace and lowered wages (brought about by increased pressure on employers to compete nation - ally) led employees to feel disenfranchised and unappreciated. The conditions became ripe for workers to consider ways in which they could effectively demand better wages and condi - tions of employment. From this initial consideration came the idea of banding together and forming a union, much as their ancestors had done back in their countries of origin, before coming to the United States.

Commonwealth v. Pullis (1806) In 1806 U.S. courts had to consider for the first time whether or not a union in America was in fact legal and whether workers could go out on strike. The organization that struck was the Federal Society of Journeymen, commonly called Cordwainers . One of the first unions in the United States, it had formed in 1794 and consisted of workers who made shoes, boots, and other leather footwear (Foner, 1998). In 1805 there was a general pay cut throughout the industry, and in response the organization went on strike. The master craftsmen who employed the workers took them to court and charged them with the crime of conspiracy based on an old English law that prohibited workers from acting collectively, or in a conspir - acy, to seek better wages (Dau-Schmidt, 1993).

Because today’s Americans are accustomed to modern laws that protect union activity, charg - ing strikers with such a crime may seem incomprehensible; yet it was done, and done success - fully. The state of Pennsylvania (the “commonwealth” in the case) brought criminal charges against the strikers, including one named Pullis as the defendant, in the case Commonwealth v. Pullis . The state charged that the “defendants conspired and agreed that none of them would work at the shoe making craft except at certain specified prices higher than the price which had theretofore customarily been paid” ( Commonwealth v. Pullis , 1806). sea81813_02_c02_025-046.indd 27 12/5/14 2:25 PM Section 2.1 Initial View of Unions as Illegal In other words, the accusation of criminal conspiracy was based on the idea that the work - ers demanded a wage higher than the market was willing to pay them. The workers were also accused of conspiring to keep other craftsmen from working except at the same higher rate they demanded. Both actions were considered illegal and conspiratorial. The defendants were found guilty and ordered to pay fines and the cost of prosecution. These fines subse - quently bankrupted their union.

The threat of being charged with a crime and successfully convicted put a chilling effect on many workers’ desire to form a union. Commonwealth v. Pullis reflects the early climate in the United States regarding opposition to unions. Scholars who look back on the decision note how forcefully the workers were shut down in trying to unionize. It is one thing for courts to find civil or financial liability, but convicting workers of a criminal act was an onerous and foreboding result (Swartz, 2004).

In a social context the decision also highlights how little equality was offered to workers.

Instead, the American system was much like that of Britain, with distinct class systems. Pro - hibiting union activity prevents individuals from earning more money and thus rising above their station in life. Further, keeping workers from unionizing by threatening them with crim - inal charges would make any worker hesitant to question an employer, thus eliminating any hint of democratic decision making in the workplace. In short, Pullis had a chilling effect on labor activity for the next four decades (Conrad, 1997).

The outcome of cases such as Commonwealth v. Pullis considerably dampened enthusiasm for organizing. Knowing they would go to jail or pay hefty fines for union activity likely curbed or entirely halted such behavior from workers. Some writers who comment on this era note that most of the strikers who were convicted were never sent to jail, but instead ordered to pay fines (Lambert, 2005). The criminal charges brought against them were to frighten other workers and set an example. Whatever the philosophy of the time, by declaring it illegal to act or conspire together to protest one’s wages, the decision of the court made workers wary about participating in union activities.

This decision remained “good law” for some 40 years. This means that other courts would also follow or abide by the decision that union activity was illegal. It was not until 1846 that a Massachusetts court ruled that the decision in Pullis was wrong, replacing it in the case of Commonwealth v. Hunt with exactly the opposite view: that union formation was legal and not conspiratorial.

Commonwealth v. Hunt (1846) In the 40 years since the Pullis decision, industrialization of the United States had continued at a steady clip. As more workers were thwarted in their attempts to organize and condi - tions in factories worsened, public opinion increasingly changed about the need for unioniza - tion, which was reflected over several court decisions. Finally, in the case of Commonwealth v. Hunt , the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts stated unequivocally, and for the first time, “that trade unions are per se lawful organizations” (Perlman, 1922, ch. 7). This means that once formed, a labor organization will be presumed to be legal, thus opening the door for labor to organize without the threat of criminal charges. The court stated, “This doctrine that sea81813_02_c02_025-046.indd 28 12/5/14 2:25 PM Section 2.2 Early Labor Unions working men may lawfully organize trade unions has been adopted in nearly every case since Commonwealth v. Hunt ” (Perlman, 1922, p. 151). More changes were on the horizon for America’s workers. In 1861 the Civil War began. In addition to heralding dramatic social and legal changes, the war served as a major catalyst to further industrialize the country. Initially, the war accounted for an immediate and drastic need for troop supplies such as food, clothing, weapons, cannons, and horse bridles. As the war progressed, steel production increased dramatically, as did the need to expand roads, canals, and thoroughfares to transport troops and equipment. Commerce rapidly expanded, with dramatic and significant effects. The Commonwealth case provided an important basis for union formation in the times that were to come, when industry would become ever larger and impersonal and workers would strive for decent working conditions.

2.2 Early Labor Unions This section introduces some of the earliest and most significant labor organizations formed after the Civil War ended in 1865, and into the 20th century (see Table 2.1). As you read, note that although each of these organizations is a union, there are nevertheless fundamental differ - ences in their purpose, the economic sectors they serve, and their ultimate ability to survive.

Table 2.1: Early labor unions and associated activities Era 1866–1874 1869–1940s 1881–1886 1886– present (as the AFL-CIO) 1876–1942 1905– present Name of union National Labor Union Knights of Labor Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions American Federation of Labor Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers (evolved into the United Steelworkers) Industrial Workers of the World Found - ers Formed by William Sylvis Formed by Uriah Smith Stephens; succeeded by Terence V. Powderly Samuel Gompers Goals of the union To imple - ment an 8-hour workday To imple - ment an 8-hour workday and a ban on hir - ing children under age 14 To imple - ment an 8-hour workday To work toward large organiza - tion with power to implement legislation To obtain fair wages for its workers To unite workers in the textile mills from many back - grounds and nation - alities (continued) sea81813_02_c02_025-046.indd 29 12/5/14 2:25 PM Section 2.2 Early Labor Unions Era 1866–1874 1869–1940s 1881–1886 1886– present (as the AFL-CIO) 1876–1942 1905– present Major strikes Great Rail - way Strike in 1877 Reading Railroad Massacre Battle of the Viaduct Great South - west Strike of 1886 Haymarket Square Riot in 1886 Homestead Strike in 1892 Lawrence Textile Strike in 1912 The National Labor Union (1866–1874) The National Labor Union was not the first union in the United States, but it was the first to achieve a national identity, become somewhat recognizable to the common man, and enjoy a continuity of more than a few years. It was formed at the end of the Civil War by William Sylvis , a Pennsylvania native and iron molder. His goal was to form a union for everyone, no matter their occupation or whether they were skilled or unskilled.

As you will see later in this chapter, most unions would eventually be formed around a specific type of work or occupation. The National Labor Union, however, was aimed at “uniting work - ers across occupations and achieving economic and social reforms, including the eight-hour working day” (William H. Sylvis Historical Marker, 2011, para. 5). It fought for better wages and shorter hours, but more significantly, it also entered the political arena. Sylvis was especially interested in issues of the day that included prison labor and land reform laws.

The idea that a union would accept members of all occupations and engage in political activ - ity was radical in the 1800s. Nevertheless, the union attracted a large constituency. In 1869 the Chicago Tribune approximated it had about 800,000 members, whereas Sylvis estimated it was 600,000. It is likely that both estimates are exaggerated, but nevertheless, the orga - nization did represent a large portion of the nation’s labor force. At its height, it likely had between 200,000 and 400,000 members (Grob, 1954). Although the union was successful for 7 years, by 1874 it was totally defunct; the reason most often given is that it tried to represent too many different and varying interests.

The Great Railway Strike (1877) During the Civil War, industry could barely keep up with the demand for rifles, railroad tracks, cannon balls, and the like. But by the beginning of the 1870s, the war had been over for 5 years; demand was down and the country underwent a major economic contraction. In addition to the war’s end, many people had invested heavily in the further development of railroads. Towns ©Corbis The Great Railway Strike of 1877, which began in response to a pay cut, demonstrated the need for a cohesive organization of workers. Table 2.1: Early labor unions and associated activities (continued) sea81813_02_c02_025-046.indd 30 12/5/14 2:25 PM Section 2.2 Early Labor Unions and cities vied for the opportunity to have rails come into their communi - ties and issued bonds to finance them.

Many railroads were overbuilt, mean - ing there were too many lines running through the same places. There was not enough business or demand to sup - port the availability of lines throughout the country, which led to the longest depression in the nation’s history: It lasted for 65 months, from 1873 to 1879 (Barreyre, 2011).

It was during this economic downturn that the Great Railway Strike of 1877 occurred. Workers formed a wildcat strike that had an enormous effect on how unions would be thereafter viewed. A wildcat strike is organized by the workers without the blessing of union leadership.

The strike began when the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad announced a pay cut of 10% for all of its workers. As soon as the workers went on strike, the railroad responded by hiri ng new work - ers to take their place, which infuriated the strikers. In retaliation, they refused to let the new hires work; they stopped the trains by stepping onto the tracks or block - ing their passage. Commerce ground to a halt as the strike spread and the rail cars sat idle on the tracks.

The strike started in Martinsburg, West Virginia, and spread to Wheeling, West Virginia, then to Baltimore and Chicago. According to Harper’s Weekly , a newspa - per of the time, strikers blocked 1,500 freight cars and 13 locomotives on the side tracks in Martinsburg and in Pittsburgh. “At midnight fully 1400 men had gathered in the two yards, and 1500 cars were standing on the sidings, 200 of which contained perishable goods” (The Great Strike, n.d., para 3). As the strike escalated and trains came to a halt across the nation, the strikers were viewed with disdain by the public. Maryland governor John Carroll called for military action to quell the strikers, as described in an excerpt from Harper’s Weekly : The next day was a bloody one in the history of the strike on the Baltimore and Ohio road. The blockade at Martinsburg had been raised, and trains were again running both ways under the protection of the national troops. But on the afternoon of the 20th, word reached Baltimore that all the freight trains leaving Martinsburg that day were stopped at Cumberland, and the crews taken from them by the strikers. Governor Carroll at once issued a proclama - tion and ordered out the State militia. The sound of the fire-bells summoning the men to their armories created the wildest excitement. Baltimore and other streets of the city had been crowded during the day with throngs of citizens, anxiously watching the bulletin-boards at the different newspaper offices and discussing the situation. As the alarm pealed forth, the crowds made their way toward the armories of the different regiments. That of the Sixth is at Front Wat ch T hi s For more information about the Great Railway Strike of 1877, watch ht tps://w w w .youtube.com/watch?v=dHE3u5KkEZw Era 1866–1874 1869–1940s 1881–1886 1886– present (as the AFL-CIO) 1876–1942 1905– present Major strikes Great Rail - way Strike in 1877 Reading Railroad Massacre Battle of the Viaduct Great South - west Strike of 1886 Haymarket Square Riot in 1886 Homestead Strike in 1892 Lawrence Textile Strike in 1912 The National Labor Union (1866–1874) The National Labor Union was not the first union in the United States, but it was the first to achieve a national identity, become somewhat recognizable to the common man, and enjoy a continuity of more than a few years. It was formed at the end of the Civil War by William Sylvis , a Pennsylvania native and iron molder. His goal was to form a union for everyone, no matter their occupation or whether they were skilled or unskilled.

As you will see later in this chapter, most unions would eventually be formed around a specific type of work or occupation. The National Labor Union, however, was aimed at “uniting work - ers across occupations and achieving economic and social reforms, including the eight-hour working day” (William H. Sylvis Historical Marker, 2011, para. 5). It fought for better wages and shorter hours, but more significantly, it also entered the political arena. Sylvis was especially interested in issues of the day that included prison labor and land reform laws.

The idea that a union would accept members of all occupations and engage in political activ - ity was radical in the 1800s. Nevertheless, the union attracted a large constituency. In 1869 the Chicago Tribune approximated it had about 800,000 members, whereas Sylvis estimated it was 600,000. It is likely that both estimates are exaggerated, but nevertheless, the orga - nization did represent a large portion of the nation’s labor force. At its height, it likely had between 200,000 and 400,000 members (Grob, 1954). Although the union was successful for 7 years, by 1874 it was totally defunct; the reason most often given is that it tried to represent too many different and varying interests.

The Great Railway Strike (1877) During the Civil War, industry could barely keep up with the demand for rifles, railroad tracks, cannon balls, and the like. But by the beginning of the 1870s, the war had been over for 5 years; demand was down and the country underwent a major economic contraction. In addition to the war’s end, many people had invested heavily in the further development of railroads. Towns ©Corbis The Great Railway Strike of 1877, which began in response to a pay cut, demonstrated the need for a cohesive organization of workers. sea81813_02_c02_025-046.indd 31 12/5/14 2:25 PM Section 2.2 Early Labor Unions and Fayette streets, and in a neighborhood which is inhabited by the poorer classes, and much of the rough element frequents it. Within half an hour after the call had been sounded, a crowd numbering at least 2000 men, women, and children surrounded the armory and loudly expressed their feelings against the military and in favor of the strikers. At half past seven the streets leading to the armory were crowded with a struggling, shouting, and cursing mob.

The sight of a man in uniform endeavoring to get into the building was the sig - nal for an outbreak, and he was rushed upon, seized, and thrown over a bridge into Jones’s Falls’ stream which runs through that section of the city. Others were thrown over the heads of the surging mass, and were glad to escape with slight injuries. At this juncture someone threw a block at the soldier on guard at the door of the armory. (The Great Strike, n.d., para 4) The uprising became known as “The Great Strike” and demonstrated the need for a cohesive organization if any goals were to be accomplished. As one historian pointed out: Far from seeking to destroy modern civilization, labor leaders were busy in the aftermath of 1877 building new, more inclusive institutions of civil society.

The aggressive crowd actions—and even more, the myriad instances of unity across lines of skill, trade, ethnicity, religion and sex—made it clear to many labor leaders that new forms of organization and action for incorporating the unskilled laborers and factory hands were both necessary and possible.

(Stowell, 2008, p. 95) Perhaps one of the greatest effects of the strike was the expansion of the Knights of Labor, the labor organization that dominated the late 1800s.

The Knights of Labor (1869–1940s) Part secret society, part fraternal organi - zation replete with a secret handshake and initiation process, the Knights of Labor was one of the most successful attempts at union formation of this era.

Formed by a group of six garment cut - ters in Philadelphia in 1869, the organi - zation sought to protect all wage earn - ers, no matter their craft.

The driving force for the Knights was Uriah Smith Stephens , a tailor who molded much of the organization on the Masons (or Freemasons), which began as a fraternity of men who were stonemasons. As the fraternity grew, more types of workers were admitted. Courtesy Everett Collection This portrait shows the founders of the Knights of Labor, one of the earliest, largest, and most sustained labor unions of the 1800s. sea81813_02_c02_025-046.indd 32 12/5/14 2:25 PM Section 2.2 Early Labor Unions Members made pledges, prayed, sang songs, had secret handshakes, and swore an oath to the Knights. When later taken over by Terence V. Powderly , who focused the agenda much more on worker’s rights, many of the original rituals disappeared. Powderly instead concentrated on getting an 8-hour day for all workers and prohibiting children under age 14 being hired for factory work. By 1882 it was no longer a secret organization; by 1886 it was the most power - ful labor force in the country, with more than 700,000 members (Phelan, 2000).

In the 1880s the Knights had a strong toehold on John Mundell and Company, Philadel - phia’s largest shoe manufacturer. When the company tried to re-hire workers at a reduced wage, the workers refused. The company relented but took the pay cut out on the women in the factory, who went on strike. The men soon joined them, and none of Mundell’s 700 workers reported to work. Not only did this result in women being admitted to the Knights as members, but the strike was successful and the workers’ demands were met (Montgomery, n.d.).

The Knights gained further momentum with the Great Railway Strike of 1877. Sixteen citi - zens were shot by the state militia in Reading, Pennsylvania, in what came to be known as the Reading Railroad Massacre . The strike next spread to Illinois in July 1877, with the Battle of the Viaduct in Chicago. It then spilled into St. Louis, Missouri, where it was finally quashed by federal troops. The success of these strikes led to increased membership in the Knights of Labor and confidence in their cause (Ohio History, n.d.).

In 1886 the Knights organized the Great Southwest Strike , which took place predomi - nantly in southwestern states. The Knights began their strike against the Wabash Rail - road, owned by financier and railroad developer Jay Gould , a famous industrialist of the time. The strike against Gould failed, however, which began a downturn in the Knights’ power.

Like the National Labor Union before it, the Knights had a progressive agenda in that they welcomed laborers and farmers, African Americans, and eventually women. The framework had no provision for grouping workers by occupation, however, and this turned out to con - tribute to its subsequent downfall.

Nevertheless, the significant role the Knights played in American labor history cannot be understated. This organization bridged the gap between the craft union era and the heavily industrialized state that grew into a world power. The Knights flourished as an organization , attracting huge numbers of members and gaining great power, prestige, and notoriety. The organization led the labor movement into the next century, and although it did not survive, it set the bar for the organizations that followed (Weir, 2006). The Knights’ numbers dimin - ished to fewer than 100,000 members by the 1890s, down from a high of 800,000 in 1869. Wat ch T hi s For more information about the Knights of Labor, watch ht tps://w w w.youtube.com /watch?v=htNWwcZSupE sea81813_02_c02_025-046.indd 33 12/5/14 2:25 PM Section 2.2 Early Labor Unions Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions (1881–1886) Unlike the Knights of Labor, which wanted to be all-inclusive, master craftsmen sought a union that admitted only skilled labor. The resulting organization was the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions (FOTLU) . This group was created in 1881 and was the precursor to the modern-day American Federation of Labor . As part of its initial agenda, the FOTLU announced that on May 1, 1886, a nationwide strike would take place to declare that workers should have an 8-hour day. The movement gained momentum throughout the United States, and in Chicago alone a reported 80,000 workers marched up Michigan Avenue in support of the concept. After May 1 all workers who were not granted an 8-hour day were to cease working until their employers met this demand (Adelman, 2010).

On May 3 the strike turned violent at the McCormick Reaper Plant in Chicago when police killed picketing workers. In protest to this violence against the strikers, union activists rallied the next night at a place called Haymarket Square. Reportedly, there were only about 200 workers at the rally when 176 policemen carrying Winchester repeater rifles attacked them. Someone in the crowd retaliated by throwing a dynamite bomb, which killed seven policemen and four workers. Outraged, Chicago declared martial law, and authorities undertook a house-to-house search to find the person who threw the bomb. Eventually, eight men who were later described as a cross-section of union activists were rounded up and put on trial for murder (Adelman, 2010). Despite the fact that there was much doubt about whether they were even at the Haymar - ket Square Riot , the eight men were convicted of murder and sentenced to death by hang - ing. The incident gave antilabor governments around the world the opportunity to crush local union movements (Adelman, 2010). As for the 8-hour workday, it was not until 1938 and the passage of the Fair Labor Standards Act that this now commonly accepted standard became law.

The American Federation of Labor and Samuel Gompers (1886–Present as the AFL-CIO) Despite limiting itself to skilled workers, the FOTLU, like its predecessors, began to unravel.

Issues contributing to its downfall included what role politics should play in the organization, the country’s economic downturn, and the Haymarket Square Riot. Aware that their strength lay in organizing, workers were highly motivated to form an organization that could repre - sent them collectively.

As a result, a collection of trade unions met in 1886 and created a new union, the American Federation of Labor, or the AFL, the precursor to today’s American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO). By 1904 the AFL had 1,750,000 members and consisted of 115 national and international unions composed of 28,000 local unions in 38 states Wat ch T hi s For more information about the Haymarket Square Riot, watch ht tps://w w w.youtube.com/watch?v=_OQ xncb2ihQ&feature=youtube_gdata_player sea81813_02_c02_025-046.indd 34 12/5/14 2:25 PM Section 2.2 Early Labor Unions (Hearings, 1912). The following is a list of the initial national unions that formed the AFL: Typographical Workers Iron and Steel Workers Molders Glass Workers Cigar Makers Carpenters Central Labor Councils of 11 Cities 42 Local Unions 46 Local Assemblies of the Knights of Labor (LeBlanc, P., n.d.) The AFL is one of the best-known craft unions.

It sought to unite skilled craftsmen, rather than skilled and unskilled, in order to demand a higher wage. Its first president, Samuel Gompers , who held that position until his death in 1924, brought together craftsmen such as masons, cigar makers, and hat makers who each had their own local unions but joined together in a national union of skilled workers. Gompers reasoned that skilled workers made a better union because they were in high demand and were paid the highest wages (Digital History, 2013).

The election of Gompers as president in 1886 at age 36 was the culmination of a remark - able personal journey. Born in England, Gompers and his family immigrated to New York City where a young Samuel became a cigar maker. In those days there was no factory. Instead, the process of making cigars took place in tenements, apartments, and rooms that anyone could find in which to sit and roll cigars. The 16-hour workdays and poor working conditions made this particular job one of the many that took place in so-called sweatshops (Yellowitz, 1989).

How did Gompers advance from being a laborer to a labor leader? The cigar shop in which he worked was large, and he was highly respected by his fellow workers. They elected him to a local union, the Cigar Makers Union Local 144, and from there he was sent as a delegate to the FOTLU, where he quickly emerged as a leader. After the Haymarket Square Riot and the dwindling of union membership in the FOTLU, Gompers worked with other labor leaders to reorganize and begin a new union. He was known as a street-smart and savvy individual but also as a pragma - tist who wanted to unite trade unions under one umbrella in a new organization. Courtesy Everett Collection Samuel P. Gompers served as the first president of the American Federation of Labor. Wat ch T hi s For more information about Samuel Gompers, watch ht tps://w w w.youtube .com/watch?v=rnNIcHpNfgU&list=PLHZi 3eLSKGhSPLHlHMIWeBxaHhl9TKvEF sea81813_02_c02_025-046.indd 35 12/5/14 2:25 PM Section 2.3 Growth of Industry and Worker Unrest The initial objective of the AFL was to help more trade unions form, combine the power of all the trade unions into one organization, and then have that large and powerful organiza - tion work to implement legislation. The New York Tribune, a leading newspaper of the time, summed up the AFL this way: “An amalgamation has been formed which will result, it is hoped, in the establishment of an organization fully as powerful, better disciplined and more conservative than the Knights of Labor” (The American Federation, 1886, para. 1). Samuel Gompers succeeded where others before him had failed: He was able to unite a disparate group of workers into one organization that worked for the common man. His legacy lives on today, and he is still widely regarded as one of the most progressive and able labor leaders ever (Yellowitz, 1989).

2.3 Growth of Industry and Worker Unrest As the United States moved forward into the 20th century, the country experienced enor - mous industrial growth. The steel industry became a world leader in production under the direction of Andrew Carnegie , and other industries such as cotton mills flourished, too. But with the expansion of industry and the prosperity that followed, the gap between wealthy owners and poor laborers became even more pronounced, leading to tension, strikes, and occasional violence.

The Rise of Steel and the Homestead Strike (1892) While the Knights of Labor and the AFL were thriving and the craft industry was expanding, great strides were also underway in another sector—the steel industry. In the 1860s a new process for making steel called the Bessemer process made it possible to manufac - ture steel at much lower costs. A lead - ing industrialist of the day, Andrew Carnegie, figured out how to use the Bessemer process to manufacture steel rails for the railroads. Up to this point, there were no cheap or expedient ways to make rails, and his innovation led to the creation of huge steel mills under the name of Carnegie Steel , located in Pittsburgh.

Carnegie played a formidable role in American history. As the leading businessman of his time and the wealthiest of his era, he is viewed by some as an American success story. In the context of labor relations, however, Carnegie’s reputation is mixed, with some regarding him as an enemy of labor, while others respected the business he built and the jobs he provided to so many workers.

Carnegie did not come from wealth. His parents were poor and he worked at a young age.

Among his earliest jobs was being a runner, or messenger. In the late 1800s one of the only Courtesy Everett Collection Violence erupted during a labor strike at the Homestead Steel Works in 1892. sea81813_02_c02_025-046.indd 36 12/5/14 2:25 PM Section 2.3 Growth of Industry and Worker Unrest means of communication was the use of messenger boys, who ran notes from one person to another. In his role as a runner, Carnegie made a point of learning every man’s name to whom he delivered messages. In this way he quickly learned about the businessmen of Pittsburgh.

Over time he befriended many of them, and they taught him about business—specifically, the railroad business.

He used these connections to advance from telegraph boy at a telegraph company to general manager of the railroad by his early 20s, all the while absorbing information about invest - ing and finance. He saved money and invested wisely, based on stock tips from the men he had befriended while a runner. After the Civil War ended, he acquired enough money to pur - chase a highly profitable petroleum enterprise and soon was part owner in a steel-rolling mill, which expanded into his vast steel holdings.

One of Carnegie’s holdings was the Bessemer Iron Works in Pittsburgh, which he merged with Carnegie Steel. After making a substantial part of his fortune, Carnegie went to live in Scotland and turned over the daily minutiae of running the mills to Henry Clay Frick . Carnegie admired Frick’s harsh approach to labor issues and trusted him implicitly (Standiford, 2005).

Like Carnegie, Frick was born into a relatively poor family. Although his grandfather was the founder of Old Overholt, a rye whiskey distillery in Pennsylvania, the money did not benefit Frick’s generation, and he worked for much of his childhood. As a teenager Frick learned how to convert the vast deposits of coal in the mountains of Pennsylvania into coke, a product needed to make steel. When Frick met Carnegie in 1881, it was an especially fortuitous time since Frick had at his disposal vast quantities of coke, which Carnegie, the owner of steel mills, was in need of. They sealed a deal whereby Frick became the provider of all the coke for Carnegie’s mills. Carnegie and Frick soon became partners and had an interesting, compli - cated, and powerful partnership for the next 20 years (Standiford, 2005).

Over time, Carnegie made Frick the general manager of Carnegie Steel; when Carnegie began to spend more time in Scotland, Frick ran the mills. Carnegie considered Frick a genius at management and approved of Frick’s methods, even when they were cutthroat (PBS, 1999).

Steel mill employees worked a 14-hour day and had just one day off a year, on the Fourth of July. For this they earned 14 cents an hour. Carnegie and Frick’s steel mills were the most competitive and the most productive, making fortunes for both of them.

As the steel business expanded and more workers were hired, a new union formed in 1876 in Pittsburgh. It consisted solely of men who worked in steel and was called the Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers . It brought together workers in the iron and steel industry who believed that banding together, no matter their job in the mill, would empower them against management (Wright, 1893).

By the 1890s the Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel workers had an estimated 13,000 to 24,000 members. The men who formed the association were already established at the Homestead Steel Works , located in Pennsylvania, when Carnegie purchased it in 1883 and added it to his vast empire of holdings. Given Carnegie’s strict antiunion policy in his mills, the union and Carnegie seemed destined for conflict.

Prior to Carnegie’s acquisition of Homestead, Amalgamated had successfully negotiated a contract in which workers were paid on a sliding scale directly correlated to the price of steel: sea81813_02_c02_025-046.indd 37 12/5/14 2:25 PM Section 2.3 Growth of Industry and Worker Unrest The higher the price of steel, the more the workers earned. When times were good and prices and demand were up, the workers insisted on a larger share of money. They entered into such a contract, and it was effective for three years.

The contract was set to expire in 1892, and Carnegie seemed determined to break the union once and for all. He put Frick in charge of the dispute and went to Scotland, keeping in touch only by telegraph. Frick made clear that the sliding scale arrangement was to be abolished; he refused to recognize Amalgamated and would not bargain. The workers began to strike in one segment of the plant after another. They refused to allow replacements to go into the plant to do their jobs. These replacements, known disdainfully as scabs , were effectively chased out of town.

Frick was prepared for Homestead to shut down. He erected a large fortress around the plant, which later became known as Fort Frick. The “fort” had searchlights, barbed wire, and high walls with cutouts where rifles could be placed to shoot from inside the walls. Frick presented his wage offer but refused to meet to discuss any of its terms, essentially locking out the union from negotiations. At stake was the issue of whether wages should control the price of steel or the price of steel should control wages.

Next, Frick had the workers evicted from company housing. Women were carried out into the streets by the sheriff. Frick then fortified the steel mill by hiring 300 guards to protect the plant from the strikers. The guards were not located at Homestead, however; they had to be brought to the plant. Frick made arrangements for the guards to come down the river via barge.

It was well known that guards had been hired and were in the process of traveling to the plant by river. More than 10,000 strikers gathered on the river banks to await their arrival. As the barge pulled up to the dock, gunfire erupted. It was never determined who fired the first shot, but seven guards and nine strikers were killed and many others seriously injured. After an all-day melee, the guards tried to surrender and were escorted off the barges by the strikers, only to be attacked by the mob onshore as they walked the gauntlet. The strike continued.

Eventually, after numerous attempts by different factions, the state militia finally arrived at Homestead and quelled the riot. With an armed force in charge, the company was then able to hire replacement workers to get the plant up and running, and the strike came to an end. From Carnegie and Frick’s perspective, one could con - clude that the strike was a success: The Carnegie Steel Company remained without a union for the next 40 years (Brody, 1969).

Some of the strikers were arrested, and 16 were tried for conspiracy and murder. The union spent its time, energy, and finances defending those members; the strain on its coffers and the loss of jobs resulted in the union’s ruination. In the end only one of the workers was convicted of a crime and sentenced to serve time. The lingering effects of the violence and the bad impression it left on the American public, however, remained long after the strike was over. Shortly thereafter, Carnegie instituted lower Wat ch T hi s To learn more about the Homestead Strike, watch ht tp://w w w.af lcio.org/About/Our-Histor y /Key-Events-in-Labor-Histor y/1892-Home stead-Strike sea81813_02_c02_025-046.indd 38 12/5/14 2:25 PM Section 2.3 Growth of Industry and Worker Unrest wages and longer hours. Frick, however, may be considered a casualty of the strike. He and Carnegie worked together at arm’s length for some years and eventually had a falling out in 1899, at which time Carnegie bought him out for some $32 million. Frick went on to found United States Steel, as discussed in the next chapter. The reputations of both Carnegie and Frick, however, were forever tarnished by the events of the Homestead Strike (Standiford, 2005).

The Early 20th Century and the Lawrence Textile Strike of 1912 Steel was not the only major manufacturing enterprise in the United States. Another large and flourishing industry located predominantly in the northeast consisted of textile mills. The mills were large, impersonal places to work with dangerous machinery and poor working conditions. Workers got sick from inhaling dust and cloth fibers, caught limbs in the poorly maintained machinery, and generally suffered from debilitating conditions and long hours.

Unskilled workers were allowed to run the machinery, and as a result, the mills employed thousands of women and children who toiled for $6 per week that often included 6 or 7 work - ing days. When their long workday was over, workers returned home to a crowded and dirty tenement building where there was little food to sustain them.

One of the largest employers of the time was the American Woolen Mills in Lawrence, Mas - sachusetts. The intolerable conditions at places like the American Woolen Mills made joining a union appealing to the workers, and rising from the conditions of the time was the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) , whose members came to be known as Wobblies (Green, 1993). The IWW was considered by many to be a radical organization because it adhered to the belief that militant action was necessary to improve the lives of its members, and it was determined to represent the mill workers.

One daunting problem facing the IWW’s attempts at unification was the varied backgrounds of its members, who were immigrants from widely diverse places such as Poland, Italy, and Ireland. It was a daunting task to organize workers who spoke a variety of languages, prac - ticed different customs, and held strong but varying beliefs about unionization.

Nevertheless, the IWW was successful in organizing a significant number of the workers and planned a strike when the state of Massachusetts passed a law requiring that the workweek be reduced from 56 to 54 hours, which went into effect on January 1, 1912. In response to the decreased hours—which meant a corresponding cut in wages—the mills deducted money from their workers’ wages to represent the fewer hours worked. The first to notice the reduc - tion in their wages were the Polish women working in the Everett, Massachusetts, cotton mills. They walked out of the plant, leaving the mills idle. Soon both men and women went on strike, and within a week there were 20,000 strikers; it was estimated that more than 25 nationalities were represented in the strike, which included workers of German, Italian, Pol - ish, Scottish, and Lithuanian descent (Lawrence Textile Strike, 2014).

The women estimated that the pay cuts translated into two to three fewer loaves of bread a week, resulting in the now famous phrase shouted by the strikers, “We want bread and roses too.” The immediate reaction was to send in the militia to quell the strike; workers were attacked with water hoses from the rooftops of adjoining houses. Workers contacted the IWW to assist them with the strike, and the IWW sent Joe Ettor and Arturo Giovannitti, who came to unite the workers and form a democratic means of representing them. sea81813_02_c02_025-046.indd 39 12/5/14 2:25 PM Section 2.3 Growth of Industry and Worker Unrest One important tenet of the union was its belief in respecting the language and culture of each of the groups working in the mill, no matter what country they came from. Rather than divi - sion, the IWW sought to bring the workers together in a bid to gain better working conditions.

Women played a significant role in the Lawrence Textile Strike, not just because they were the key workers at the mill, but because they insisted on a nonviolent approach, often marching at the front of strike parades in an attempt to keep violence down.

National attention was drawn to the strike because the women sent their children out of town by train to protect them. The children were sent to New York City, where they took place in parades and otherwise drew attention to the strike. As a result, the next time the strik - ers tried to send more children on the trains, the militia showed up and tried to wrest the children away from their mothers (Kornbluh & Thompson, 1998). This resulted in massive publicity and eventual hearings in Congress. After the hearings commenced, the mill owners backed down and granted concessions to the strikers. The strikers received what they origi - nally asked for: wage increases between 5% and 25%, compensation for working overtime, and no retribution against the strikers.

At the congressional hearings on the strike, one woman’s testimony stood out. Her name was Camella Teoli, and she was just a teenager when she appeared before Congress. Some of her testimony is as follows: CHAIRMAN. Camella, how old are you?

Miss TEOLI. Fourteen years and eight months.

CHAIRMAN. How many children are there in your family?

Miss TEOLI. Five.

CHAIRMAN. Where do you work?

Miss TEOLI. In the woolen mill. A Closer Look : Bread and Roses Today The rallying cry of the women at the American Woolen Mills may seem a distant historical incident, but “bread and roses” is alive and still part of American labor culture.

A movie by that name, released in 2000, depicted the struggle of workers in Los Angeles who worked at night cleaning downtown office buildings. The dichotomy between rich and poor was just as evident for the janitors as it was for the women in the mills.

The workers eventually formed an alliance named Justice for Janitors, which is an example of a ground-up organization that succeeded in attaining its demands. The story is especially intrigu - ing because the workers used unconventional methods such as “house-visits, face-to-face orga - nizing, member-intensive organizing and strategic analyses of the political and economic con - texts, and organizational renewal of moribund locals” (Milkman & Voss, 2004). sea81813_02_c02_025-046.indd 40 12/5/14 2:25 PM Section 2.3 Growth of Industry and Worker Unrest CHAIRMAN. What sort of work do you do?

Miss TEOLI. Twisting.

CHAIRMAN. How much do you get a week?

Miss TEOLI. $6.55.

CHAIRMAN. What is the smallest pay?

Miss TEOLI. $2.64.

CHAIRMAN. Do you have to pay anything for water?

Miss TEOLI. Yes.

CHAIRMAN. How much?

Miss TEOLI. 10 cents every two weeks.

CHAIRMAN. Now, did you ever get hurt in the mill?

Miss TEOLI. Yes.

CHAIRMAN. Well, how were you hurt?

Miss TEOLI. The machine pulled the scalp off.

CHAIRMAN. The machine pulled your scalp off ?

Miss TEOLI. Yes, sir.

CHAIRMAN. How long ago was that?

Miss TEOLI. A year ago, or about a year ago.

CHAIRMAN. Were you in the hospital after that?

Miss TEOLI. I was in the hospital seven months.

CHAIRMAN. Did the company pay your bills while you were in the hospital?

Miss TEOLI. The company only paid my bills; they didn’t give me anything else.

CHAIRMAN. They only paid your hospital bills; they did not give you any pay?

Miss TEOLI. No, sir. sea81813_02_c02_025-046.indd 41 12/5/14 2:25 PM Section 2.3 Growth of Industry and Worker Unrest CHAIRMAN. But paid the doctors bills and hospital fees?

Miss TEOLI. Yes, sir.

Mr. LENROOT. They did not pay your wages?

Miss TEOLI. No, sir. (Camella Teoli testifies, n.d.) By the end of the 19th century, the labor movement had come a long way. From the shopkeep - ers in the beginning of the century to the AFL and IWW at its end, labor had experienced great strides in organizing successful unions and affecting changes in working conditions; but it had also experienced violence and had yet to universally achieve better working conditions, wages, and hours for all workers. Americans were starting to become more outraged at the treatment their fellow workers received both at the hands of the factory owners and by police sent in to stop the riots. Their disbelief led to anger and demands that working conditions change, setting the stage for the significant legislation about to be passed by Congress and state governments. In the News: From Lawrence to Bangladesh—Is It Any Better for Factory Workers Today?

Based on the article, Despite Low Pay, Poor Work Conditions, Garment Factories Empowering Mil - lions of Bangladeshi Women, by Palash Ghosh. International Business Times (March 25, 2014). The intolerable conditions at the American Woolen Mills in Lawrence, Massachusetts, that eventually led to the successful strike by the Wobblies took place in 1912, more than 100 years ago. Textile mills in the United States have now been replaced by mills overseas, with Bangla - desh second only to China in terms of production.

Bangladesh has close to 6,000 garment factories and exports the majority of goods, generat - ing more than $20 billion in annual revenues. The entire country depends on these exports to prop up its immensely poor population. It was under this sort of economic pressure that in April 2013, the dilapidated conditions at the Rana Plaza factory on the outskirts of Dhaka led to its collapse. It is considered the deadliest garment factory accident in history: 1,129 work - ers were buried alive and another 2,515 injured (Ghosh, 2014). Read the following article about this calamity and then answer the questions below: http://w w w.ibtimes.com/despite -low-pay-poor-work-conditions-garment-factories-empowering-millions-bangladeshi -women-1563419 . Discussion Questions 1. To what lengths should employers go to ensure the health and safety of their workers? Are there any aspects of health and safety for which employers should not be responsible? 2. How would you as a manager handle a situation in which employees were placed in an unsafe environment and the owners of the business did not care? 3. Do you think that managers and/or owners should be personally liable for deaths and injuries that result from workplace catastrophes? 4. How do you think union representation benefits workers in such circumstances? 5. How could the formation of a union in an unsafe factory lead to better working condi- tions for the employees? sea81813_02_c02_025-046.indd 42 12/5/14 2:25 PM Summary & Resources Summary & Resources Summary of Chapter Concepts • The 1700s and 1800s featured rural farms and master craftsmen who ran their own shops. Master craftsmen ran businesses in which they knew their employees, under - stood their needs, and treated them as individuals. • The Industrial Revolution took place during the mid- to late 1800s, during which there was an influx of cheap labor, a massive expansion of railways, the start of numerous factories, the requirement to arm soldiers for the Civil War, and later, the importance of meeting the needs of a growing population. • As travel and commerce began to cross state lines, so did competition, making businesses more cost-conscious. This often resulted in lower wages, which caused worker disgruntlement. • Commonwealth v. Pullis held that workers who joined together to strike were engaging in illegal conspiracy. This antiunion decision was not overturned for some 40 years until the decision in Commonwealth v. Hunt, which held that trade unions are per se lawful organizations. • The first major union in the United States was the National Labor Union, which was founded for any workers, skilled or unskilled, and sought an 8-hour workday and better wages. • The Great Railway Strike in 1877 shut down the nation’s railroads and resulted in extensive damage to railroad property; it ended only when the militia was called in to quell the strike. This strike demonstrated the need for a cohesive, strong organization. • The Knights of Labor reached a force of 700,000 workers, who were socialistic in outlook. They also focused on achieving an 8-hour workday and on prohibiting chil - dren under age 14 from being hired for work. The group dwindled in membership in part because its acceptance of all types of workers blurred its focus. • The fall of the Knights of Labor occurred as the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions was rising. This group limited its membership to only skilled workers but was decimated by the Haymarket Square Riot. • The American Federation of Labor emerged as a powerful successor to FOTLU.

Under the leadership of Samuel Gompers, it became an amalgamation of 38 trade unions and quickly reached a membership of close to 2 million. • The late 1800s also featured the rise of the steel industry and the emergence of Henry Clay Frick and Andrew Carnegie. Despite their brilliance in building the steel industry, Carnegie and Frick’s actions during the Homestead Strike raised serious issues about their treatment of workers. • In the textile industry a strike in which women demanded “bread and roses” became a national event. Key Terms Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers A union made up of workers in the steel industry in Pittsburgh in the late 1800s.

American Federation of Labor An amalga - mation of trade unions founded by Samuel Gompers in the early 1900s. apprentices Young men who trained in a shop to learn a skill.

Battle of the Viaduct An uprising that was an offshoot of the Great Railway Strike of 1877 and occurred in Chicago, Illinois. sea81813_02_c02_025-046.indd 43 12/5/14 2:25 PM Summary & Resources Bessemer Iron Works Part of the large steel holdings of Andrew Carnegie.

Andrew Carnegie A steel magnate and head of Carnegie Steel during the Homestead Strike.

Carnegie Steel The name of the steel plants owned by Andrew Carnegie.

Commonwealth v. Hunt A law case that held that forming a labor union is per se legal; it overturned the decision in Common - wealth v. Pullis . Commonwealth v. Pullis A law case that held that forming a labor union is an illegal and criminal conspiracy; it was overturned by Commonwealth v. Hunt . conspiracy When two or more people join together and plan a crime.

cordwainers The name given to early shoemakers.

Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions (FOTLU) A union that formed in the 1880s and admitted only skilled labor. It declared the strike at the McCormick Reaper Plant that led to the Hay - market Square Riot.

Henry Clay Frick An entrepreneur who was a colleague of Andrew Carnegie and who ran the Homestead Steel Works during the Home - stead Strike; the violence and death during that strike are attributed to him.

Samuel Gompers A union activist and one of the founders of the American Federation of Labor, the precursor to the AFL-CIO.

Jay Gould A financier and railroad devel - oper to whom a great economic crash is attributed in the 1880s; it led to the Great Southwest Strike. Great Railway Strike of 1877 A particu - larly bloody and violent strike that took place against the nation’s railroads in 1877 and led to the formation of the Knights of Labor; also known as the Great Strike.

Great Southwest Strike A strike organized by the Knights of Labor in 1886.

Haymarket Square Riot A riot that took place as a result of a strike by FOTLU on the McCormick Reaper Plant in 1886.

Homestead Steel Works One of Carnegie’s steel plants; the site of the Homestead Strike.

Industrial Revolution An era in U.S. his - tory spanning the years 1820 to 1840, during which there was a tremendous growth in industry.

Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) A union based on socialist principles that arose out of the Lawrence Textile Strike of 1912.

journeymen Apprentices in a workshop; young men who learned a trade by assisting in a shop.

Knights of Labor One of the earliest, larg - est, and most sustained labor unions of the 1800s, which sought to be inclusive of both skilled and unskilled labor and worked to implement an 8-hour workday.

master craftsmen Skilled tradesmen who often started as apprentices in a shop.

National Labor Union One of the earliest unions formed (1866–1873) that represented workers and sought an 8-hour workday.

Terence V. Powderly The successor to Uriah Smith Stephens as president of the Knights of Labor. sea81813_02_c02_025-046.indd 44 12/5/14 2:25 PM Summary & Resources Reading Railroad Massacre Part of the Great Railroad Strike of 1877; a shooting in Reading, Pennsylvania, that resulted in 16 casualties.

scabs A derogatory term for workers who replace people on strike.

Uriah Smith Stephens The founder of the labor union the Knights of Labor. William Sylvis The founder of the National Labor Union.

wildcat strike A strike organized by the workers without the permission or blessing of union management.

Wobblies The name given to the members of the Industrial Workers of the World; the term has no clear origin or explanation. Critical Thinking Questions 1. What were the driving forces that led people to sacrifice so much to form unions?

Was it worth it? What benefits were derived? What sacrifices were made? 2. Compare and contrast the first unions. What did they have in common? What are some of the distinctions between them? What unions had conservative philosophies? Which ones were more liberal? 3. Violence played a large role in the formation of the early unions. To what do you attribute this? What part did the unions play in creating situations that engendered violence? What part did the government play? 4. How did the economic boom and depression in the 19th century contribute to both the development and destruction of unions? Research Projects 1. Watch the film The Homestead Steel Strike of 1892 at ht tp://w w w.youtube.com /w a t c h? v =1N ljbZ AG k 0 w . a. After watching the film, describe the strike from the viewpoint of the steel work - ers and then from the viewpoint of the Pinkerton guards. b. Some commentators have stated that the strike was both a victory and a defeat for organized labor. In your opinion, what does this mean? c. Martha Frick Sanger, great-granddaughter of Henry Clay Frick, appears in the film.

What position does she take about her great-grandfather’s actions in the strike? d. What is your opinion of the strike after watching the movie? Has your opinion changed since reading the chapter? 2. The labor movement has many heroes, from Samuel Gompers to the Wobblies. Much information and research about early labor leaders is available on the Internet and YouTube. Choose one person or organization that you find particularly interest - ing and write a brief biography and description of this party’s accomplishments on behalf of labor. 3. Andrew Carnegie and Henry Clay Frick are often portrayed as enemies of labor. Is this portrayal accurate? Choose one of these men and investigate if this assumption is really true. Some good places to start include “Where a Tycoon Made It Just to Give It Away” at ht tp://w w w.ny times.com/2007/10/21/travel/21footsteps.html?pagewanted=all& _r=0 ; “Carnegie vs. Frick Dueling Egos on Fifth Avenue” at ht tp://w w w.ny times.com /2000/04/02/realestate/streetscapes-the-frick-mansion-carnegie-vs-frick-dueling -egos-on-fif th-avenue.html?module=Search&mabReward=relbias%3Aw%2C%7B%22 2%22%3A%22RI%3A15%22%7D ; and “Henry Clay Frick: Blood Pact” at http://www .pit tsburghquarterly.com/index.php/Historic-Profiles/article-template.html . sea81813_02_c02_025-046.indd 45 12/5/14 2:25 PM sea81813_02_c02_025-046.indd 46 12/5/14 2:25 PM