Question 1: The readings for “Topic 3: Fieldwork” all touched on, to varying degrees, ethical concerns related to the idea of doing ethnography. Did the readings and video raise any ethical issues tha

You will notice these characteristics in this selection; for example, Sterk begins her book with a poem writ­ ten by one of her informants. Fieldwork is a slow process, because it takes time to win people's confi­ dence and to learn their language and way of seeing the world. In this regard, there are probably few differ­ ences between the work of a qualitative sociologist and that of a cultural anthropologist (although anthropolo­ gists would not use the term "deviant" to describe another society or a segment of their own society).

Throughout the world, HIV / AIDS is fast becoming a disease found particularly in poor women. Sex work­ ers or prostitutes have often been blamed for AIDS, and they have been further stigmatized because of their profession. In reality, however, entry into prostitution is Prostitution is a way of life. IT IS THE LIFE. We make money for pimps who promise us love and more, but if we don't produce, they shove us out the door. We turn tricks who have eex-ior-pav. They don't care how many times we serve every day. Reprinted with permission of Claire E. Sterk. not a career choice; rather, these women and girls are themselves most often victims of circumstances such as violence and poverty. Public health officials want to know why sex workers do not always protect their health by making men wear condoms. To answer such questions, we must know more about the daily life of these women. The way to do that, the cultural anthro­ pologist would say, is to ask and to listen. As you read this selection, ask yourself the following questions: 13 14 CULTURE AND FIELDWORK One night in March of 1987 business was slow. I was hanging out on a stroll with a group of street prosti­ tutes. After a few hours in a nearby diner / coffee shop, we were kicked out. The waitress felt bad, but she needed our table for some new customers. Four of us decided to sit in my car until the rain stopped. While three of us chatted about life, Piper wrote this poem.

As soon as she read it to us, the conversation shifted to more serious topics-pimps, customers, cops, the many hassles of being a prostitute, to name a few. We decided that if I ever finished a book about prostitu­ tion, the book would start with her poem. This book is about the women who work in the lower echelons of the prostitution world. They worked in the streets and other public settings as well as crack houses. Some of these women viewed themselves pri­ marily as prostitutes, and a number of them used drugs to cope with the pressures of the life. Others identified themselves more as drug users, and their main reason for having sex for money or other goods was to sup­ port their own drug use and often the habit of their male partner. A small group of women interviewed for this book had left prostitution, and most of them were still struggling to integrate their past experiences as prostitutes in their current lives.

The stories told by the women who participated in this project revealed how pimps, customers, and others such as police officers and social and health service providers treated them as "fallen" women. However, their accounts also showed their strengths and the many strategies they developed to challenge these others. Circumstances, including their drug use, often forced them to sell sex, but they all resisted the notion that they might be selling themselves. Because they engaged in an illegal profession, these women had little status: their working conditions were poor, and their work was physically and mentally exhausting.

Nevertheless, many women described the ways in which they gained a sense of control over their lives.

For instance, they learned how to manipulate pimps, how to control the types of services and length of time bought by their customers, and how to select customers.

While none of these schemes explicitly enhanced their working conditions, they did make the women feel stronger and better about themselves. In this book, I present prostitution from the point of view of the women themselves. To understand their current lives, it was necessary to learn how they got started in the life, the various processes involved in their continued prostitution careers, the link between prostitution and drug use, the women's interactions with their pimps and customers, and the impact of the AIDS epidemic and increasing violence on their expe­ riences. I also examined the implications for women. Although my goal was to present the women's thoughts, feelings, and actions in their own words, the final text is a sociological monograph compiled by me as the re­ searcher. Some women are quoted more than others because I developed a closer relationship with them, because they were more able to verbalize and capture their circumstances, or simply because they were more outspoken.

THE SAMPLE The data for this book are qualitative. The research was conducted during the last ten years in the New York City and Atlanta metropolitan areas. One main data source was participant observation on streets, in hotels and other settings known for prostitution activity, and in drug-use settings, especially those that allowed sex­ for-drug exchanges. Another data source was in-depth, life-history interviews with 180 women ranging in age from 18 to 59 years, with an average age of 34. One in two women was African-American and one in three white; the remaining women were Latina. Three in four had completed high school, and among them almost two-thirds had one or more years of additional educational training. Thirty women had graduated from college.

Forty women worked as street prostitutes and did not use drugs. On average, they had been prostitutes for 11 years. Forty women began using drugs an average of three years after they began working as prostitutes, and the average time they had worked as prostitutes was nine years. Forty women used drugs an average of five years before they became prostitutes, and on the average they had worked as prostitutes for eight years. Another forty women began smoking crack and ex­ changing sex for crack almost simultaneously, with an average of four years in the life. Twenty women who were interviewed were ex-prostitutes. COMMENTS ON METHODOLOGY When I tell people about my research, the most fre­ quent question I am asked is how I gained access to the women rather than what I learned from the research.

For many, prostitution is an unusual topic of conversa­ tion, and many people have expressed surprise that I, as a woman, conducted the research. During my research some customers indeed thought I was a work­ ing woman, a fact that almost always amuses those who hear about my work. However, few people want to hear stories about the women's struggles and sad­ ness. Sometimes they ask questions about the reasons why women become prostitutes. Most of the time, they TRICKING AND TRIPPING: FIELDWORK ON PROSTITUTION IN THE ERA OF AIDS 15 are surprised when I tell them that the prostitutes as well as their customers represent all layers of society.

Before presenting the findings, it seems important to discuss the research process, including gaining access to the women, developing relationships, interviewing, and then leaving the field. 2 LOCATING PROSTITUTES AND GAINING ENTREE One of the first challenges I faced was to identify loca­ tions where street prostitution took place. Many of these women worked on strolls, streets where prostitu­ tion activity is concentrated, or in hotels known for prostitution activity. Others, such as the crack prosti­ tutes, worked in less public settings such as a crack house that might be someone's apartment. I often learned of well-known public places from professional experts, such as law enforcement officials and health care providers at emergency rooms and sex­ ually transmitted disease clinics. I gained other insights from lay experts, including taxi drivers, bartenders, and community representatives such as members of neighborhood associations. The contacts universally mentioned some strolls as the places where many women worked, where the local police focused atten­ tion, or where residents had organized protests against prostitution in their neighborhoods.

As I began visiting various locales, I continued to learn about new settings. In one sense, I was develop­ ing ethnographic maps of street prostitution. After sev­ eral visits to a specific area, I also was able to expand these maps by adding information about the general atmosphere on the stroll, general characteristics of the various people present, the ways in which the women and customers connected, and the overall flow of action. In addition, my visits allowed the regular actors to notice me.

I soon learned that being an unknown woman in an area known for prostitution may cause many peo­ ple to notice you, even stare at you, but it fails to yield many verbal interactions. Most of the time when I tried to make eye contact with one of the women, she quickly averted her eyes. Pimps, on the other hand, would stare at me straight on and I ended up being the one to look away. Customers would stop, blow their horn, or wave me over, frequently yelling obscenities when I ignored them. I realized that gaining entree into the prostitution world was not going to be as easy as I imagined it. Although I lacked such training in any of my qualitative methods classes, I decided to move slowly and not force any interaction. The most I said during the initial weeks in a new area was limited to "how are you" or "hi." This strategy paid off during my first visits to one of the strolls in Brooklyn, New York. After several appearances, one of the women walked up to me and sarcastically asked if I was look­ ing for something. She caught me off guard, and all the answers I had practiced did not seem to make sense.

I mumbled something about just wanting to walk around. She did not like my answer, but she did like my accent. We ended up talking about the latter and she was especially excited when I told her I came from Amsterdam. One of her friends had gone to Europe with her boyfriend, who was in the military. She under­ stood from her that prostitution and drugs were legal in the Netherlands. While explaining to her that some of her friend's impressions were incorrect, I was able to show off some of my knowledge about prostitution.

I mentioned that I was interested in prostitution and wanted to write a book about it. Despite the fascination with my background and intentions, the prostitute immediately put me through a Streetwalker 101 test, and apparently I passed. She told me to make sure to come back. By the time I left, I not only had my first conversation but also my first connection to the scene. Variations of this entry process occurred on the other strolls. The main lesson I learned in these early efforts was the importance of having some knowledge of the lives of the people I wanted to study, while at the same time refraining from present­ ing myself as an expert.

Qualitative researchers often refer to their initial connections as gatekeepers and key respondents. Throughout my fieldwork I learned that some key respondents are important in providing initial access, but they become less central as the research evolves.

For example, one of the women who introduced me to her lover, who was also her pimp, was arrested and disappeared for months. Another entered drug treat­ ment soon after she facilitated my access. Other key respondents provided access to only a segment of the players on a scene. For example, if a woman worked for a pimp, [she] was unlikely ... to introduce me to women working for another pimp. On one stroll my initial contact was with a pimp whom nobody liked.

By associating with him, I almost lost the opportunity to meet other pimps. Some key respondents were less connected than promised-for example, some of the women who worked the street to support their drug habit. Often their connections were more frequently with drug users and less so with prostitutes.

Key respondents tend to be individuals central to the local scene, such as, in this case, pimps and the more senior prostitutes. Their function as gatekeepers often is to protect the scene and to screen outsiders. Many times I had to prove that I was not an under­ cover police officer or a woman with ambitions to become a streetwalker. While I thought I had gained 16 CULTURE AND FIELDWORK entree, I quickly learned that many insiders subse­ quently wondered about my motives and approached me with suspicion and distrust.

Another lesson involved the need to proceed cau­ tiously with self-nominated key respondents. For ex­ ample, one of the women presented herself as knowing everyone on the stroll. While she did know everyone, she was not a central figure. On the contrary, the other prostitutes viewed her as a failed streetwalker whose drug use caused her to act unprofessionally. By associ­ ating with me, she hoped to regain some of her status.

For me, however, it meant limited access to the other women because I affiliated myself with a woman who was marginal to the scene. On another occasion, my main key respondent was a man who claimed to own three crack houses in the neighborhood. However, he had a negative reputation, and people accused him of cheating on others. My initial alliance with him de­ layed, and almost blocked, my access to others in the neighborhood. He intentionally tried to keep me from others on the scene, not because he would gain some­ thing from that transaction but because it made him feel powerful. When I told him I was going to hang out with some of the other people, he threatened me until one of the other dealers stepped in and told him to stay away. The two of them argued back and forth, and finally I was free to go. Fortunately, the dealer who had spoken up for me was much more central and posi­ tively associated with the local scene. Finally, I am unsure if I would have had success in gaining entrance to the scene had I not been a woman. DEVELOPING RELATIONSHIPS AND TRUST The processes involved in developing relationships in research situations amplify those involved in develop­ ing relationships in general. Both parties need to get to know each other, become aware and accepting of each other's roles, and engage in a reciprocal relationship.

Being supportive and providing practical assistance were the most visible and direct ways for me as the re­ searcher to develop a relationship.

Throughout the years, I have given countless rides, provided child care on numerous occasions, bought groceries, and listened for hours to stories that were unrelated to my initial research questions. Gradually, my role allowed me to become part of these women's lives and to build rap­ port with many of them. Over time, many women also realized that I was uninterested in being a prostitute and that I genuinely was interested in learning as much as possible about their lives. Many felt flattered that someone wanted to learn from them and that they had knowledge to offer.

Allowing women to tell their stories and engaging in a dialogue with them probably were the single most im­ portant techniques that allowed me to develop rela­ tionships with them. Had I only wanted to focus on the questions I had in mind, developing such relationships might have been more difficult.

At times, I was able to get to know a woman only after her pimp endorsed our contact. One of my scari­ est experiences occurred before I knew to work through the pimps, and one such man had some of his friends follow me on my way home one night. I will never know what plans they had in mind for me because I fortunately was able to escape with only a few bruises. Over a year later, the woman acknowl­ edged that her pimp had gotten upset and told her he was going to teach me a lesson.

On other occasions, I first needed to be screened by owners and managers of crack houses before the research could continue. Interestingly, screenings always were done by a man even if the person who vouched for me was a man himself. While the women also were cautious, the ways in which they checked me out tended to be much more subtle. For example, one of them would tell me a story, indicating that it was a secret about another person on the stroll. Although I failed to realize this at the time, my field notes revealed that frequently after such a conversation, others would ask me questions about related topics. One woman later acknowledged that putting out such stories was a test to see if I would keep information confidential.

Learning more about the women and gaining a better understanding of their lives also raised many ethical questions. No textbook told me how to handle situations in which a pimp abused a woman, a cus­ tomer forced a woman to engage in unwanted sex acts, a customer requested unprotected sex from a woman who knew she was HIV infected, or a boyfriend had unrealistic expectations regarding a woman's earnings to support his drug habit. I failed to know the proper response when asked to engage in illegal activities such as holding drugs or money a woman had stolen from a customer. In general, my response was to explain that I was there as a researcher. During those occasions when pressures became too severe, I decided to leave a scene.

For example, I never returned to certain crack houses because pimps there continued to ask me to consider working for them. Over time, I was fortunate to develop relationships with people who "watched my back." One pimp in particular intervened if he perceived other pimps, cus­ tomers, or passersby harassing me. He also was the one who gave me my street name: Whitie (indicating my racial background) or Ms. Whitie for those who disrespected me. While this was my first street name, I subsequently had others. Being given a street name was a symbolic gesture of acceptance. Gradually, I TRICKING AND TRIPPING: FIELDWORK ON PROSTITUTION IN THE ERA OF AIDS 17 developed an identity that allowed me to be both an insider and an outsider. While hanging out on the strolls and other gathering places, including crack houses, I had to deal with some of the same uncom­ fortable conditions as the prostitutes, such as cold or warm weather, lack of access to a rest room, refusals from owners for me to patronize a restaurant, and of course, harassment by customers and the police.

I participated in many informal conversations.

Unless pushed to do so, I seldom divulged my opin­ ions. I was more open with my feelings about situations and showed empathy. I learned quickly that providing an opinion can backfire. I agreed that one of the women was struggling a lot and stated that I felt sorry for her. While I meant to indicate my genuine concern for her, she heard that I felt sorry for her because she was a failure. When she finally, after several weeks, talked with me again, I was able to explain to her that I was not judging her, but rather felt concerned for her. She remained cynical and many times asked me for favors to make up for my mistake. It took me months before I felt comfortable telling her that I felt I had done enough and that it was time to let go. However, if she was not ready, she needed to know that I would no longer go along. This was one of many occasions when I learned that although I wanted to facilitate my work as a researcher, that I wanted people to like and trust me, I also needed to set boundaries. Rainy and slow nights often provided good oppor­ tunities for me to participate in conversations with groups of women. Popular topics included how to work safely, what to do about condom use, how to make more money. I often served as a health educator and a supplier of condoms, gels, vaginal douches, and other feminine products. Many women were very worried about the AIDS epidemic. However, they also were worried about how to use a condom when a customer refused to do so. They worried particularly about con­ dom use when they needed money badly and, conse­ quently, did not want to propose that the customer use one for fear of rejection. While some women became experts at "making" their customers use a condom­ for example, by hiding it in their mouth prior to be­ ginning oral sex-others would carry condoms to please me but never pull one out. If a woman was HIV positive and I knew she failed to use a condom, I faced the ethical dilemma of challenging her or staying out of it. Developing trusting relationships with crack pros­ titutes was more difficult. Crack houses were not the right environment for informal conversations. Typi­ cally, the atmosphere was tense and everyone was sus­ picious of each other. The best times to talk with these women were when we bought groceries together, when I helped them clean their homes, or when we shared a meal. Often the women were very different when they were not high than they were when they were high or craving crack. In my conversations with them, I learned that while I might have observed their actions the night before, they themselves might not remember them. Once I realized this, I would be very careful to omit any detail unless I knew that the woman herself did remember the event. IN-DEPTH INTERVIEWS All interviews were conducted in a private setting, including women's residences, my car or my office, a restaurant of the women's choice, or any other setting the women selected. I did not begin conducting official interviews until I developed relationships with the women. Acquiring written informed consent prior to the interview was problematic. It made me feel awk­ ward. Here I was asking the women to sign a form after they had begun to trust me. However, often I felt more upset about this technicality than the women themselves. As soon as they realized that the form was something the university required, they seemed to understand. Often they laughed about the official statements, and some asked if I was sure the form was to protect them and not the school." None of the women refused to sign the consent form, although some re­ fused to sign it right away and asked to be interviewed later.

In some instances the consent procedures caused the women to expect a formal interview. Some of them were disappointed when they saw I only had a few structured questions about demographic characteris­ tics, followed by a long list of open-ended questions. When this disappointment occurred, I reminded the women that I wanted to learn from them and that the best way to do so was by engaging in a dialogue rather than interrogating them. Only by letting the women identify their salient issues and the topics they wanted to address was I able to gain an insider's perspective.

By being a careful listener and probing for additional information and explanation, I as the interviewer, together with the women, was able to uncover the com­ plexities of their lives. In addition, the nature of the interview allowed me to ask questions about contra­ dictions in a woman's story. For example, sometimes a woman would say that she always used a condom. However, later on in the conversation she would indi­ cate that if she needed drugs she would never use one.

By asking her to elaborate on this, I was able to begin developing insights into condom use by type of partner, type of sex acts, and social context. The interviewer becomes much more a part of the interview when the conversations are in-depth than 18 CULTURE AND FIELDWORK when a structured questionnaire is used. Because I was so integral to the process, the way the women viewed me may have biased their answers. On the one hand, this bias might be reduced because of the extent to which both parties already knew each other; on the other, a woman might fail to give her true opinion and reveal her actions if she knew that these went against the interviewer's opinion. I suspected that some women played down the ways in which their pimps manipu­ lated them once they knew that I was not too fond of these men. However, some might have taken more time to explain the relationship with their pimp in order to "correct" my image.

My background, so different from that of these women, most likely affected the nature of the inter­ views. I occupied a higher socioeconomic status. I had a place to live and a job. In contrast to the nonwhite women, I came from a different racial background.

While I don't know to what extent these differences played a role, I acknowledge that they must have had some effect on this research.

LEAVING THE FIELD Leaving the field was not something that occurred after completion of the fieldwork, but an event that took place daily. Although I sometimes stayed on the strolls all night or hung out for several days, I always had a home to return to. I had a house with electricity, a warm shower, a comfortable bed, and a kitchen. My house sat on a street where I had no fear of being shot on my way there and where I did not find condoms or syringes on my doorstep.

During several stages of the study, I had access to a car, which I used to give the women rides or to run errands together. However, I will never forget the cold night when everyone on the street was freezing, and I left to go home. I turned up the heat in my car, and tears streamed down my cheeks. I appreciated the heat, but I felt more guilty about that luxury than ever before. I truly felt like an outsider, or maybe even more appropriate, a betrayer. Throughout the years of fieldwork, there were a number of times when I left the scene temporarily. For example, when so many people were dying from AIDS, I was unable to ignore the devastating impact of this disease. I needed an emotional break.

Physically removing myself from the scene was common when I experienced difficulty remaining ob­ jective. Once I became too involved in a woman's life and almost adopted her and her family. Another time I felt a true hatred for a crack house owner and was unable to adhere to the rules of courteous interactions.

Still another time, I got angry with a woman whose steady partner was HIV positive when she failed to ask him to use a condom when they had sex.

I also took temporary breaks from a particular scene by shifting settings and neighborhoods. For example, I would invest most of my time in women from a particular crack house for several weeks. Then I would shift to spending more time on one of the strolls, while making shorter and less frequent visits to the crack house. By shifting scenes, I was able to tell people why I was leaving and to remind all of us of my researcher role.

While I focused on leaving the field, I became interested in women who had left the life. It seemed important to have an understanding of their past and current circumstances. I knew some of them from the days when they were working, but identifying others was a challenge. There was no gathering place for ex­ prostitutes. Informal networking, advertisements in local newspapers, and local clinics and community settings allowed me to reach twenty of these women. Conducting interviews with them later in the data collection process prepared me to ask specific ques­ tions. I realized that I had learned enough about the life to know what to ask. Interviewing ex-prostitutes also prepared me for moving from the fieldwork to writing. It is hard to determine exactly when I left the field. It seems like a process that never ends. Although I was more physically removed from the scene, I continued to be involved while analyzing the data and writing this book. I also created opportunities to go back, for example, by asking women to give me feedback on parts of the manuscript or at times when I experienced writer's block and my car seemed to automatically steer itself to one of the strolls. I also have developed other research projects in some of the same communi­ ties. For example, both a project on intergenerational drug use and a gender-specific intervention project to help women remain HIV negative have brought me back to the same population. Some of the women have become key respondents in these new projects, while others now are members of a research team. For exam­ ple, Beth, one of the women who has left prostitution, works as an outreach worker on another project. SIX THEMES IN THE ETHNOGRAPHY OF PROSTITUTION The main intention of my work is to provide the reader with a perspective on street prostitution from the point of view of the women themselves. There are six funda­ mental aspects of the women's lives as prostitutes that must be considered. The first concerns the women's own explanations for their involvement in prostitution TRICKING AND TRIPPING: FIELDWORK ON PROSTITUTION IN THE ERA OF AIDS 19 and their descriptions of the various circumstances that led them to become prostitutes. Their stories in­ clude justifications such as traumatic past experiences, especially sexual abuse, the lack of love they experi­ enced as children, pressures by friends and pimps, the need for drugs, and most prominently, the economic forces that pushed them into the life. A number of women describe these justifications as excuses, as reflec­ tive explanations they have developed after becoming a prostitute.

The women describe the nature of their initial ex­ periences, which often involved alienation from those outside the life. They also show the differences in the processes between women who work as prostitutes and use drugs and women who do not use drugs. Although all these women work either on the street or in drug-use settings, their lives do differ. My second theme is a typology that captures these differences, looking at the women's prostitution versus drug-use identities. The typology distinguishes among (a) street­ walkers, women who work strolls and who do not use drugs; (b) hooked prostitutes, women who identify themselves mainly as prostitutes but who upon their entrance into the life also began using drugs; (c) prosti­ tuting addicts, women who view themselves mainly as drug users and who became prostitutes to support their drug habit; and (d) crack prostitutes, women who trade sex for crack.

This typology explains the differences in the women's strategies for soliciting customers, their screen­ ing of customers, pricing of sex acts, and bargaining for services. For example, the streetwalkers have the most bargaining power, while such power appears to be lacking among the crack prostitutes.

Few prostitutes work in a vacuum. The third theme is the role of pimps, a label that most women dislike and for which they prefer to substitute "old man" or "boyfriend." Among the pimps, one finds entrepreneur lovers, men who mainly employ streetwalkers and hooked prostitutes and sometimes prostituting addicts. Entrepreneur lovers engage in the life for business rea­ sons. They treat the women as their employees or their property and view them primarily as an economic commodity. The more successful a woman is in earn­ ing them money, the more difficult it is for that woman to leave her entrepreneur pimp. Most prostituting addicts and some hooked prosti­ tutes work for a lover pimp, a man who is their steady partner but who also lives off their earnings. Typically, such pimps employ only one woman. The dynamics in the relationship between a prostitute and her lover pimp become more complex when both partners use drugs. Drugs often become the glue of the relationship.

For many crack prostitutes, their crack addiction serves as a pimp. Few plan to exchange sex for crack when they first begin using; often several weeks or months pass before a woman who barters sex for crack realizes that she is a prostitute.

Historically, society has blamed prostitutes for introducing sexually transmitted diseases into the general population. Similarly, it makes them scape­ goats for the spread of HIV I AIDS. Yet their pimps and customers are not held accountable. The fourth theme in the anthropological study of prostitution is the im­ pact of the AIDS epidemic on the women's lives. Although most are knowledgeable about HIV risk behaviors and the ways to reduce their risk, many misconceptions exist. The women describe the com­ plexities of condom use, especially with steady part­ ners but also with paying customers. Many women have mixed feelings about HIV testing, wondering how to cope with a positive test result while no cure is available. A few of the women already knew their HIV­ infected status, and the discussion touches on their dilemmas as well.

The fifth theme is the violence and abuse that make common appearances in the women's lives. An ethnog­ raphy of prostitution must allow the women to describe violence in their neighborhoods as well as violence in prostitution and drug-use settings. The most common violence they encounter is from customers. These men often assume that because they pay for sex they buy a woman. Apparently, casual customers pose more of a danger than those who are regulars. The types of abuse the women encounter are emotional, physical, and sex­ ual. In addition to customers, pimps and boyfriends abuse the women. Finally, the women discuss harass­ ment by law enforcement officers. When I talked with the women, it often seemed that there were no opportunities to escape from the life. Yet the sixth and final theme must be the escape from prostitution. Women who have left prostitution can describe the process of their exit from prostitution.

As ex-prostitutes they struggle with the stigma of their past, the challenges of developing a new identity, and the impact of their past on current intimate relation­ ships. Those who were also drug users often view themselves as ex-prostitutes and recovering addicts, a perspective that seems to create a role conflict. Overall, most ex-prostitutes find that their past follows them like a bad hangover. NOTES 20 CULTURE AND FIELDWORK Anthropological Association; American Sociological Associa tion).