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Case Study: Impact of Taliban Rule on the Rights and Daily Lives of Women and Girls in Afghanistan (2021-Present)






Maryam Rehman

George Mason University

10/14/2024












Case Study: Impact of Taliban Rule on the Rights and Daily Lives of Women and Girls in Afghanistan (2021-Present)

Introduction

In August 2021, the Taliban seized control over Afghanistan, and since that time, there has been a notable rollback in the rights and the possibilities of women and girls. This paper aims to analyze the degree of these limitations, primarily in the spheres of education, employment, and social activities. This political shift in the past decade has undone all the previous transition processes of other post-conflict rebuilding phases to subordinate Afghan women, limiting their role in the future reconstruction of Afghanistan. Knowledge of these factors is crucial to solving humanitarian issues and shaping international policies.

Literature Review and Hypothesis

Many articles and scholarly papers have discussed how since the Taliban gained power in August 2021, women’s rights are being deliberately eroded systematically. Human Rights Watch (2024) found that Afghanistan has the worst crisis in women’s rights in the world, as the government has put in place measures that infringe on the right to education, employment, and movement. The Taliban’s Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice has reduced women’s rights to wear decent clothes, travel where they want, and mix with men; things that limit women from participating in public affairs (Amnesty International, 2023).

The hypothesis posits that the Taliban’s restrictive policies have not only rolled back gains in gender equity but also intensified socio-economic problems for women, thus barring them from contributing towards rebuilding Afghanistan and creating a stable nation. This regression shows the Taliban’s adherence to traditional gender roles, which limit women to domestic duties and deprive them of any decision-making power. The hypothesis goes further to postulate that such policies have long-term social, economic, and psychological implications for the growth of Afghanistan in the future.

Methodology

The study uses an exploratory, descriptive qualitative research design, which relies on documents from international human rights organizations, peer-reviewed journals, and first-hand narratives of Afghani women. Primary data was obtained from interviews and surveys which were done with the help of NGOs and academic institutions on the consequences of the Taliban rule on women. Some secondary data sources consist of other publications from Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and the U.S. Institute of Peace. They enable a better understanding of the living conditions of Afghan women and the socio-economic and psychological consequences of the Taliban’s actions.

Analysis

Education

The Taliban’s policies have remained very unfriendly towards girls as they have downplayed women’s ability to education. Girls were expelled from secondary schools shortly after the Taliban’s rise to power, and women were prohibited from entering universities (Amnesty International, 2023). Moreover, other measures that have been taken by the Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice like dressing codes and that a woman cannot travel without a male mate making women more or less abreast with education (Ahmadi, 2023).

According to the report, many girl-child were forced to be engaged as junior wives or house helps due to their inability to go to school (Simanjuntak, 2024). As a result of educational neglect, the right to education is infringed as women lack formal education that would otherwise lead to a better lifestyle or employment and political involvement. This educational repression is part of a worldview that opposes women's education, revealing a societal disposition that condemns the role and potential of women.

Employment

Women have also been locked out of employment opportunities during the regime of the Taliban. It reported that many women were fired or forced to accept workplace restrictions that came with 'Female Serialization' which demanded supervision from male counterparts. Such examples include the recent shutdown of beauty Parlors, which used to be a source of income for about 60,000 women in Afghanistan (Human Rights Watch, 2024). Due to this loss of employment, families have been oriented deeper into poverty, and women especially lack financial power and control. Such restrictions also have implications for the entire economy, notwithstanding the adverse impacts on the macroeconomy and community stability. Additionally, the exclusion of women in the workforce means that Afghanistan loses a precious tool of income generation and diversification which is critical to empower the country's overall sustenance and growth.

Social Participation

The Taliban has radically restricted women's visits outside the home and also reduced their mobility in general. Women cannot go out in public areas like parks or gyms and, if they dare to try and demonstrate against those actions, they are likely to be harassed or even physically attacked (Amnesty International, 2023). Taliban has strictly practiced gender apartheid which has forced women of all their rights to democracy such as free speech and association.

The stress rate experienced by the women is very high. Because of their inability to easily move around in public spaces, many of the subjects surveyed said they feel lonely, helpless, and depressed (Ahmadi, 2023). Afghan women are under so much pressure that mental health disorders have become rampant and female suicides common. According to sources, women are currently committing suicide in three out of four in Afghanistan, proving just how much Taliban rule harms the country in terms of mental health as well as almost every other aspect (Simanjuntak, 2024). Moreover, limited social participation is the implication of a societal policy in Afghan society. Community roles and cohesion and issues of social solidarity are particularly done through the efforts of women. Their exclusion reduces the effectiveness and capacity of Afghan society and hampers the process of cultivating an inclusive political culture and anti-discriminatory society.

Conclusion

The Taliban's rule since 2021 has led to significant setbacks for women's rights in Afghanistan. The systematic dismantling of educational opportunities, employment prospects, and social participation has not only exacerbated gender inequality but has also marginalized women, preventing them from contributing to Afghanistan’s social and economic development. The long-term effects of these policies are likely to have severe socio-economic and psychological consequences, hindering the country’s growth and stability.

Solving these challenges is urgently required to design a more fair and efficient future for society. Afghan women and girls require the voice and advocacy of the international community today more than before to listen to them and stand for them. Future ongoing cultural promoting gender equality in Afghanistan focusing on sustained cultural approaches involving communities, international organizations, and the Afghan civil society for after the Eleven.

References

Ahmadi, B. (2023, December 7). How the Taliban enables violence against women. United States Institute of Peace. https://www.usip.org/publications/2023/12/how-taliban-enables-violence-against-women

Amnesty International. (2023). Women in Afghanistan: The Back Story. Retrieved from https://www.amnesty.org.uk/womens-rights-afghanistan-history#:~:text=Our%20latest%20report%20has%20found,through%20the%20UN%20Security%20Council.

Human Rights Watch. (2024). The Taliban and the Global Backlash Against Women's Rights. Retrieved from The Taliban and the Global Backlash Against Women’s Rights | Human Rights Watch (hrw.org)

Simanjuntak, T. R. (2024). Monica Mondiale Action in Afghanistan: Representing the struggle of Afghan women post-Taliban return in 2021. International Journal of Social Science and Education Research Studies, 4(2), 108-114. https://doi.org/10.55677/ijssers/V04I2Y2024-03