Can anyone do my discussion1 wk.2 US?

5 The Progressive Era Paul Thompson/Archive Photos/Getty Images Female garment workers in Cincinnati sell newspapers to support their fellow workers in the International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union, who are striking in New York, circa 1910. bar82063_05_c05_131-164.indd 131 1/9/15 9:32 AM American Lives: Rose Rosenfeld Freedman Pre-Test 1. The Progressives were members of an easily defined movement that sought general improvement of human welfare. T/F 2. One of the most significant Progressive uses of the amendment process was the movement’s work toward making alcohol illegal in the United States. T/F 3. The suffrage movement to give women the right to vote began and successfully ended quickly after the Progressive era. T/F 4. President Theodore Roosevelt achieved successful reform of the railroad industry with the passage of the Hepburn Act in 1906. T/F 5. President Woodrow Wilson’s domestic policy was the New Nationalism. T/F Answers can be found at the end of the chapter.

Learning Objectives By the end of this chapter, you should be able to:

• Understand the various motives of Progressive reformers. • Explain the concept of efficiency and its relation to reform. • Discuss the need for urban reform and the methods proposed to solve the problems of cities. • Understand the role of women and middle-class professionals in driving the reform agenda. • Discuss the participation of women, workers, and minorities in Progressive reform. • Consider the role of democracy during the Progressive era. American Lives: Rose Rosenfeld Freedman Late in the afternoon of Saturday, March 25, 1911, a fire started on the 8th floor of a 10-story building in the Greenwich Village area of New York. It quickly spread to the 9th floor, where Rose Rosenfeld Freedman and her coworkers at the Triangle Shirtwaist Factory, which occupied the building’s top three floors, were trapped by both flames and locked doors (Ryan, 2006) . In rooms filled with cloth, scraps, and oiled machinery, they found little means to escape. The ele - vator did not reach the 9th floor, and the one accessible stairway quickly became jammed with panicked young women. To the horror of those watching from the street, many women jumped from the windows with their skirts on fire, hoping to reach the safety of a fire department net or perhaps preferring the impact to burning to death.

Freedman was one of the lucky few who made it to the crowded staircase. Instead of trying to fight her way down, she went up to the 10th floor, where the factory managers worked, and then out onto the roof. From there a fireman lifted her to the safety of the building next door, and she descended safely to the street (Martin, 2001). Many of her coworkers were not as fortunate; the fire claimed the lives of 146 people, including 23 men and 123 women. Kheel Center, Cornell University Rose Rosenfeld Freedman managed to escape the devastating Triangle Shirtwaist Factory fire in 1911. bar82063_05_c05_131-164.indd 132 1/9/15 9:32 AM Pre-Test 1. The Progressives were members of an easily defined movement that sought general improvement of human welfare. T/F 2. One of the most significant Progressive uses of the amendment process was the movement’s work toward making alcohol illegal in the United States. T/F 3. The suffrage movement to give women the right to vote began and successfully ended quickly after the Progressive era. T/F 4. President Theodore Roosevelt achieved successful reform of the railroad industry with the passage of the Hepburn Act in 1906. T/F 5. President Woodrow Wilson’s domestic policy was the New Nationalism. T/F Answers can be found at the end of the chapter.

Learning Objectives By the end of this chapter, you should be able to:

• Understand the various motives of Progressive reformers. • Explain the concept of efficiency and its relation to reform. • Discuss the need for urban reform and the methods proposed to solve the problems of cities. • Understand the role of women and middle-class professionals in driving the reform agenda. • Discuss the participation of women, workers, and minorities in Progressive reform. • Consider the role of democracy during the Progressive era. American Lives: Rose Rosenfeld Freedman Late in the afternoon of Saturday, March 25, 1911, a fire started on the 8th floor of a 10-story building in the Greenwich Village area of New York. It quickly spread to the 9th floor, where Rose Rosenfeld Freedman and her coworkers at the Triangle Shirtwaist Factory, which occupied the building’s top three floors, were trapped by both flames and locked doors (Ryan, 2006) . In rooms filled with cloth, scraps, and oiled machinery, they found little means to escape. The ele - vator did not reach the 9th floor, and the one accessible stairway quickly became jammed with panicked young women. To the horror of those watching from the street, many women jumped from the windows with their skirts on fire, hoping to reach the safety of a fire department net or perhaps preferring the impact to burning to death.

Freedman was one of the lucky few who made it to the crowded staircase. Instead of trying to fight her way down, she went up to the 10th floor, where the factory managers worked, and then out onto the roof. From there a fireman lifted her to the safety of the building next door, and she descended safely to the street (Martin, 2001). Many of her coworkers were not as fortunate; the fire claimed the lives of 146 people, including 23 men and 123 women. Kheel Center, Cornell University Rose Rosenfeld Freedman managed to escape the devastating Triangle Shirtwaist Factory fire in 1911. Rose Rosenfeld Freedman was born in 1893 in a small town north of Vienna, Austria. Her father ran a successful dried foods business and chose to bring the entire Rosen - feld family to New York City in 1909. Representing larger patterns of immigration, the Rosenfelds were drawn to better opportunities in America. Although her family was wealthier than most immigrants, as a teenager she chose to work at the Triangle Shirtwaist Factory, where she was given the high responsibility of attaching buttons to the shirts. In choosing factory work, Freedman joined countless other young women who worked in crowded and dangerous industrial conditions . The company’s 500 garment workers spent 8 to 12 hours a day, 6 days a week, sewing ladies’ blouses, known as shirtwaists. The rooms were small, with little ventilation, and the managers often locked the workers inside to keep them on task. The building had no sprinklers, and there had never been a fire drill. Smoking was forbidden, but a number of the men who worked in the factory were known to light a cigar or pipe while on the job. Fire mar - shals later speculated that a match or improperly extin - guished cigar or cigarette started the blaze . In the tragedy’s aftermath, an outraged public demanded reform. Within a few years of the fire, New York adopted strict worker safety protection laws that formed a model for laws passed in numerous states. Freedman never returned to factory work. She married, had three children, and later worked for an insurance company, but she never stopped speaking out about the events of that fateful day. She refuted the company’s denial that the doors had been locked, and when company officials were later acquitted of manslaughter, she decried the meager $75 paid to the families of the deceased. For the remainder of her life, she appeared at labor rallies and told her story in hopes of avoiding another workplace tragedy. She died at her California home in 2001 at age 107 (Martin, 2001).

In demanding reform, Freedman joined a chorus of voices seeking to curb the excesses and inhumanity of the industrial system in the Progressive era. In this period, lasting from the late 19th century through the end of World War I in 1918, workers, immigrants, middle-class men and women, and politicians sought answers to the many problems rapid industrialization and urbanization caused.

For further thought : 1. How did the Triangle Shirtwaist Factory fire help to spur the call for reform in the Progressive era? 2. Was Rose Rosenfeld Freedman a Progressive? What characteristics does that term envelop? American Lives: Rose Rosenfeld Freedman bar82063_05_c05_131-164.indd 133 1/9/15 9:32 AM Section 5.1  Defining Progressivism 5.1 Defining Progressivism The Triangle Shirtwaist Factory fire dramatically exposed the early 20th century’s unsafe working conditions, one of a growing number of significant social problems motivating a new generation of activists who struggled to improve the cities, make politics more democratic, and regulate the behavior of immigrants and the working class. They sought to inspire new levels of activism by organizing at the local, state, and national levels to bring about social, political, and economic change.

They were known as the Progressives because they sought to change society, improve condi - tions, and increase efficiency. They shared a belief in science and social science, organization, the ability of education to overcome personal barriers, and the power of the government to effect social change. In opposition to the Social Darwinists, who believed some people and races were naturally inferior, Progressives argued that education and science could help indi - viduals improve themselves and their society.

Who Were the Progressives?

Progressivism was not one single, easily defined movement. Some have even suggested that it encompassed so many ideas, goals, and causes that it is impossible to define at all. Segments of the movement often worked together out of different motives. Progressive reformers might narrowly come together to protest conditions found in a shirtwaist factory or more broadly to improve safety conditions in an entire industry. Journalists writing for Collier’s and McClure’s maga - zines and photographers such as Jacob Riis pro - vided evidence for the Progressives and were as driven as the reformers to expose corruption. Theo - dore Roosevelt called them the muckrakers because they were dredging up the worst muck and filth that they could find in society. Some of these investiga - tive journalists were personally committed to their causes, and many of them took jobs in factories or lived in slums to try to truly understand and empa - thize with the struggling poor. They exposed these issues to a middle class that was growing larger and more politically powerful (Cooper, 1990).

One of the earliest investigative muckrakers was Elizabeth Cochrane, who wrote under the name Nel - lie Bly. Her earliest work exposed the horrid working conditions young women faced in textile factories, where they endured long workdays squinting to see their work in poorly lit conditions.

One of Bly’s most sensational exposés appeared in Joseph Pulitzer’s New York World in 1887. Bly faked insanity to research and expose conditions inside Everett Collection/SuperStock Reformer Jacob Riis exposed the conditions of the urban poor and working class through his photographs. bar82063_05_c05_131-164.indd 134 1/9/15 9:32 AM Section 5.1  Defining Progressivism New York’s Bellevue Hospital, one of the most notorious insane asylums in the United States.

She reported that the rat-infested facility practiced little in the way of sanitation and tied sup - posedly dangerous patients together with ropes. The newspaper secured her release after she spent 10 days in the asylum, and she published a lengthy account of the experience. Public outcry and a grand jury investigation led to increased state funding and better care for the mentally ill.

Although Progressives all shared the common theme of activism that aimed to bring positive change to society through science, technology, and increased democracy, they had many dif - ferent faces and interests. Industrial workers like Rose Rosenfeld Freedman rallied to demand safe working conditions and regulation of child labor. Working-class and middle-class women suffragists came together and marched in the street to get the right to vote. Other Progres - sives believed that the nation would be better off if alcoholic beverages were illegal. In addi - tion, there were the settlement house workers who tried to ease the struggles of new immi - grants in America (see Chapter 3).

Although the movement attracted individuals from all classes of society, most Progressives were middle class, especially professional men and women. Although their causes were diverse, common to all of them were an adherence and commitment to ideals of democracy, efficiency, regulation, and social justice (Diner, 1998).

The Progressive Movement In one aspect of the movement, Progressives strove to examine every aspect of life itself and determine, often through new scientific principles, how to do more work with less energy, or how to make society run more effectively. For example, careful study of municipal affairs prompted Progressives to urge structural reforms in city governments, such as replacing elected mayors with professional city managers and instituting local civil service commis - sions. This was part of a broader trend in America supported by a new bureaucratic-minded middle class that was, for the most part, college educated because of the expansion of higher education in the 19th century.

This new middle class was urban and included professional men and women who saw gov - ernment as an ally in the struggle to improve life, and bureaucratic administration as a path to achieve it. They viewed themselves as experts in implementing and overseeing a new sci - entific style of administration. Middle-class Progressives believed that scientific study could provide the answer to most of society’s problems.

Struggles for Justice At a time when few government welfare systems were in place, those who were sick, injured, or unable to work for any number of reasons often found themselves destitute and home - less. Progressives committed themselves to improving and uplifting these unfortunate souls through social justice channels. Many Progressives were proponents of the Social Gospel (see Chapter 3). They believed that they had a special responsibility to improve society. By coordinating technological and governmental initiatives, Progressives believed that it was possible to fundamentally improve the lives of the poorest Americans through better educa - tion and housing. bar82063_05_c05_131-164.indd 135 1/9/15 9:32 AM Section 5.2  Urban and State-Level Reform With this goal in mind, leaders adopted scientific terms and applied them to “social experi - ments” designed to achieve important results (Feffer, 1993). Progressives collected “data,” analyzed their findings in social or economic “laboratories,” and used quantitative sta - tistical analysis to predict trends and events (Recchiuti, 2007). This approach had many proponents—including the Rockefeller Foundation, which donated millions of dollars to urban activists who improved health conditions in cities; churches that espoused the Social Gospel and engaged in charity work directed toward those in need; and politicians, who used the tools of government.

In many ways social justice unified the diverse goals of all the Progressives because, despite their differences, they “shared a belief in society, a common good, and social justice, and that society could be changed into a better place” (Nugent, 2010). These goals were also present at the foundations of society, and reform was often initiated by those who stood to benefit from it most.

5.2 Urban and State-Level Reform Progressive reform often began at the grassroots level when various segments of society expressed concern over one or more of the multiplying problems emerging as the United States became a modern, industrial nation. Local and regional needs and concerns then amplified toward state and national politics as reformers grappled with similar issues across the nation.

Historians have long associated three important developments with Progressive reform:

industrialization, immigration, and urbanization. American industries attracted millions of immigrant workers but also forced such rapid growth in major cities that basic services were unable to keep pace. More than 16,000 souls crowded each square mile in New York City in 1900, and the growth of the automobile industry tripled the population of Detroit in under 10 years until its population approached a million in 1910 (U.S. Census Bureau, 1998). Table 5.1 illustrates the growth of some of the largest cities, but others not listed here experienced significant changes as well.

Table 5.1: Urban growth in major U.S. cities, 1880–1920 City 1880 1900 1920 New York 1,772,962* 3,437,202 5,620,048 Philadelphia   847,170 1,293,697 1,823,779 Chicago   503,185 1,698,575 2,701,705 Detroit   116,342   285,704   993,678 * Includes Brooklyn, a separate city at the time.

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 1998. bar82063_05_c05_131-164.indd 136 1/9/15 9:32 AM Section 5.2  Urban and State-Level Reform Progressives and Civilizing the City Although Progressives focused on multiple issues in many venues across the country, much of their effort concentrated on urban settings. There some reformers focused on relieving overcrowded tenement housing, integrating immigrants into American society, and ensur - ing adequate city services such as clean water and waste disposal. Others were concerned with making city government more efficient, creating green spaces and parks, or waging cam - paigns to eradicate vice. Urban crusaders came from multiple segments of society, but women were critical to the success of many Progressive reforms.

The settlement house movement that started in the Gilded Age with the efforts of Jane Addams and others (see Chapter 3) was expanded and professionalized in the Progressive era. The model established at Chicago’s Hull House in 1889 inspired more than 400 similar homes by the early 20th century. Addams (1909) wrote that we often “forget how new the modern city is,” and argued for the need to “step back and analyze it” (p. 5). Offering settlement workers room and board, the houses provided on-the-job training for female Progressives. Most were college-educated young women from middle-class families who chose to dedicate their time to reform.

The houses served as laboratories in which Progressives could learn about urban problems firsthand. In addition, they offered classrooms in which to teach adult immigrants the English language and domestic skills like home canning, preserving, and proper housecleaning tech - niques. They also provided a new form of early childhood education—the kindergarten— that offered early training in middle-class American values to immigrant youth (Spain, 2001).

Some immigrants readily embraced the reformers’ efforts, but others saw their attempts at Americanization or improvement intrusive and at odds with their traditional culture.

Settlement workers such as Addams embraced the cause of social justice. They worked hard to characterize urban poverty as a systemic problem and a public issue that required institu - tional reform, rather than the fault of the individual. Their efforts evolved into the profession of social work and helped establish a place for women’s work outside the home (Spain, 2001).

Indeed, many came to see women settlement house workers as fulfilling a public role that was a natural extension of the domestic sphere and thereby a proper part of their domain. They were emblematic of the New Woman —college-educated, independent career women who pushed the limits of male-dominated society.

The needs of the urban community grew so large that universities developed degree pro - grams in social work. By the 1920s settlement house workers were more like professional social workers than reformers. Their profession remained dominantly female and took on new authority as they redefined a scientific basis for their work (Davis, 1984).

Municipal Housekeeping and Moral Reform Female settlement house workers joined with other women’s organizations and their male allies to take their newfound public role a step further and criticize the corrupt political estab - lishments operating in many urban areas. Collectively, they argued that their experiences as household managers and mothers made them uniquely qualified as municipal housekeepers bar82063_05_c05_131-164.indd 137 1/9/15 9:32 AM Section 5.2  Urban and State-Level Reform who could speak out publicly on issues of moral and physical cleanliness in the cities as well as in their own homes.

Some demanded food inspection, workplace safety, inspection of urban housing, and improved working conditions for women and children. Others established pilot programs in education and public health and then petitioned for government funding and support for them. For instance, the Women’s Health Protective Association of Philadelphia engaged an engineer to design a water delivery system to provide cleaner water and then lobbied for passage of a city bond to fund it. The Chicago Women’s Club organized and initially financially supported the nation’s first juvenile court (Jaycox, 2005).

Alcohol Municipal housekeeping linked with the reform agendas of other Progressives, including churches that advocated the Social Gospel. Seeking to improve society as well as the individual, these reformers advocated social purity and attacked vice, especially alcoholism. In addition to middle-class women and Protestant clergy, the movement attracted nativ - ists and racists, who argued that immigrants and African Americans were more likely to drink and engage in prostitution or other immoral behavior.

The antidrinking organizations that formed in the late 19th century, including the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union and the Anti-Saloon League, did little to curb alcohol consumption. The amount Americans drank rose dramatically after 1900, and many attributed the increase to the moral depravity of urban society and to the rising numbers of immi - grants from eastern and southern Europe whose cultures incorporated beer and liquor consumption.

Although most Progressive reformers worked within established organizations and channels, the era’s most colorful temperance (moderation) advocate, Carrie Nation, did not. Taking up a hatchet, she smashed and vandalized saloons across Kansas and surrounding states and was jailed some 30 times. Her followers, known as Home Defenders, expanded the campaign to cities across the country, but more moderate reform - ers condemned their efforts (Jaycox, 2005).

Prostitution Prostitution was another target for Progressives aiming to clean up the nation’s cities.

Prostitution was hardly new, but reformers believed it was increasing rapidly, bringing Everett Collection/SuperStock Temperance reformer Carrie Nation presented a formidable image, often wielding both a hatchet and a Bible.

During the Progressive era, temperance reform gained sufficient ground, and in 1918 the 18th Amendment outlawed the production, transportation, and sale of liquor. bar82063_05_c05_131-164.indd 138 1/9/15 9:32 AM Section 5.2  Urban and State-Level Reform with it increased incidences of venereal disease, a taboo subject in the era. Like the set - tlement house workers, most Progressives argued that vice was rooted in environmen - tal causes, especially urban poverty, and they identified a link between prostitution and low wages for women workers. Many Progressive era studies clearly showed that young women could not survive on the wages they earned in any industry and so turned to pros - titution to earn more (Jaycox, 2005).

Despite understanding the cause of the problem, the reformers did not agree on the solution.

The American Social Hygiene Association sought to educate the public and warned men to avoid prostitutes for the sake of their own health. The association created posters for boys and girls promoting character and sex education as a preventative measure. Others feared that unfaithful husbands would spread venereal disease to their wives and thus launched focused campaigns on the importance of remaining monogamous. Without the ability to address the underlying economic problem, however, concern and action from various groups did little to curb prostitution.

In 1909 muckraking journalist George Kibbe Turner ignited national debate with an arti - cle about organized prostitution in New York City. In “Daughters of the Poor,” he declared that rings in the city forced women into prostitution or “White slavery.” As the sensational reports continued, many Americans came to incorrectly believe that all prostitutes were act - ing against their will (Applegate, 2008). Public outcry forced Congress to act. It passed the Mann Act in 1910, making it a federal crime to transport across state lines “any woman or girl for the purpose of prostitution or debauchery, or for any other immoral purpose” (Ditmore, 2011, p. 164).

Although this law was rooted in a desire to protect women, some authorities misused it. African American boxer Jack Johnson, who won the world heavyweight championship in 1908 and held it until 1915, was twice arrested under the Mann Act. In the first racially charged case, Johnson was accused of taking a White woman, Lucille Cameron, across state lines for purposes of prostitution. Occurring at the height of Jim Crow segregation, authori - ties almost certainly used the law to lash out at Johnson for both claiming the championship title and for having a relationship across the color line. Cameron refused to testify against him, but when he was arrested again with another White woman, he was convicted and eventually served a year in prison.

Good Government Municipal government occupied another segment of Progressive reformers. Prompted by fears of both rapid growth and the changing ethnic composition of American cities, many mostly middle-class activists sought to regulate city government, reduce corruption, and especially curb the influence of urban political bosses and their immigrant allies. City govern - ments were in charge of sanitation, utilities, and other services vital to urban reform. Progres - sives sought to put the cities in the hands of experts such as city planners, city managers, and others who could improve urban life and increase the efficiency of government. Each city’s reforms took different shapes, but all aimed to make city government more democratic and to increase efficiency. bar82063_05_c05_131-164.indd 139 1/9/15 9:32 AM Section 5.2  Urban and State-Level Reform In Chicago, Jane Addams and other prominent Progressives were elected to a league of con - cerned citizens, a local nonprofit, nongovernmental organization that favored municipal own - ership of utilities and streetcar lines and conducted inspections of industrial worksites (Davis, 1984). In Toledo, Ohio, Mayor Samuel “Golden Rule” Jones spearheaded his own reform cam - paign, establishing a civil service system for hiring city workers. He also established parks and public playgrounds and tried unsuccessfully to bring utilities and public transit under the city’s ownership (Jaycox, 2005). Reformers in other cities—including Louisville, Kentucky; Memphis, Tennessee; and Jersey City, New Jersey—had more success in their campaigns for public ownership of utilities. Nationally, one in three municipalities eventually gained some form of city-owned public services.

Other cities abandoned or altered the traditional mayoral style of administration. Dayton, Ohio, was one of the first to replace its mayor with a professionally educated city manager.

This model was adopted fairly widely and included the election of a commission that in turn hired the city manager. After a massive hurricane in 1900 killed hundreds in Galveston, Texas, the inability of city officials to cope with relief efforts led business leaders and reformers there to adopt a nonpartisan commission to run the city. At least 500 cities adopted the com - mission model, with 167 hiring a city manager in addition to their commission by 1924 (Perry & Smith, 2006).

In addition to municipal government reforms, some Progressives took inspiration from the European movement to improve cities by engaging in the city beautiful movement , which aimed to make the urban environment more attractive and to enhance civic pride. Profes - sional city planners emerged. Following their proposals, many cities constructed elaborate public libraries, union stations, concert halls, banks, and monumental city halls, all designed to enhance civic pride, advance public morals, and promote an efficient hygienic city (Spain, 2001).

In some cities such as Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, the city beautiful movement mixed goals of beautification with sanitation needs, focusing on street paving and the construction of public parks as well as cleaning up the Susquehanna River, which had long been a dumping ground for trash and raw sewage (Peterson, 2003).

State-Level Reform Most states responded to pressures for reform by passing laws aimed at increasing demo - cratic participation, including the initiative and referendum , which empowered voters to initiate legislation or to overturn unpopular laws. Recall legislation established a process through which voters could replace ineffective elected officials.

Some states also sought to regulate commerce and control business monopolies within their borders. Ohio passed the Valentine Anti-Trust Act in an effort to eliminate price fixing, prod - uct limitation, and controlled sales. Protection for those injured at work was another popular Progressive era reform. Maryland enacted the nation’s first workers’ compensation law, and by 1920, 44 states adopted similar laws providing injured workers with varying benefits to cover wages and medical expenses (Goldin & Libecap, 1994). bar82063_05_c05_131-164.indd 140 1/9/15 9:32 AM Section 5.3  Progressive Politics and the Nation Wisconsin was among states with the strongest Progressive reform agendas. Republican Robert M. La Follette embraced Progressivism at the beginning of his long political career.

During his governorship (1901–1906), he adopted a scientific approach to governance and filled his cabinet and administration with experts, university professors, and scientists to study the state’s problems and help him make informed decisions.

He also reformed railroad rates and taxes, established a workers’ compensation system, and passed conservation laws. He implemented the first direct primary , allowing the state’s vot - ers to choose the parties’ nominees for office, and he initiated the first state income tax to pay for new services. La Follette’s far-reaching Progressive reforms gained him a national reputation that earned him a seat in the U.S. Senate, which he held from 1906 until 1925.

One of the governor’s supporters proclaimed, “With Roosevelt for our national leader and La Follette bearing our state banner, we of the ranks can fight with courage for the victory of right principle and honest government” (as cited in Thelen, 1976, p. 35).

Progressive reformers made government more responsible and receptive to the needs of citizens, and many saw a need to extend reform to government and politics at the national level.

5.3 Progressive Politics and the Nation In the Progressive era, state-level reforms expanded democracy for some Americans and contracted it for others. New policies, including direct primaries and initiative and refer - endum systems, varied by locality but generally increased the power of those who enjoyed the franchise. In the South, however, African Americans found their ability to cast a ballot increasingly denied (see Chapter 3). Women made some gains at the state and territorial level but still struggled to win the universal right to vote.

At the national level, Progressive politics struggled to tackle some of the era’s major prob - lems, also with limited success. Progressives expressed concern over the lack of government regulation of the economy, the lack of democracy in the electoral process, and the need to regulate certain businesses and industries, such as meatpacking and drug manufacturing.

Presidents serving in the Progressive era each had their own legislative agenda and plan to enact it. Theodore Roosevelt regularly sent special messages to Congress and set staff in the executive departments to drafting bills that expressed his legislative goals. William Howard Taft hoped to expand federal regulatory power but insisted on controlling that power himself.

Woodrow Wilson, the only Democrat to hold the office in the Progressive era, advocated an expansive reform agenda (Harrison, 2004).

Theodore Roosevelt and Progressive Reform Theodore Roosevelt became a strong advocate for a number of Progressive reforms and chal - lenged the power of large corporations. He used his personality and charisma to win votes and drum up support for his agenda, and he never shied away from taking public credit for bar82063_05_c05_131-164.indd 141 1/9/15 9:32 AM Section 5.3  Progressive Politics and the Nation popular reforms. After completing William McKinley’s second term, he easily won election in his own right in 1904. During the campaign, he promised a Square Deal for everyone, which included natural resource conservation and preservation and regulation of the railroads and food and drug industries. Through close cooperation with both Republicans and Democrats, he was able to enact much of his reform agenda.

Trust-Busting When he came into office in 1901, Roosevelt inherited the debate over business consolidation and regulation. The growth of corporations that began in the Gilded Age continued well into the Progressive era and raised the ire of many Americans, who decried their almost monopo - listic control over multiple sectors of the economy.

Seeking to reign in business to at least some degree, even dividing big businesses into catego - ries of “good trusts” and “bad trusts,” Roosevelt supported the Justice Department’s prosecu - tion of several cases under the Sherman Antitrust Act, which forbade raising prices through restricting trade or the supply of a commodity. The Interstate Commerce Commission also regulated transport between two or more states, and both the Sherman Act and the ICC informed the prosecution of the cases.

Among the targets was the Northern Securities Company, a massive consolidation of railroad lines controlled by J. P. Morgan. The industrialist’s defense team argued that as a holding com - pany and not the primary railroad carrier, Northern Securities was not subject to the ICC’s governance, but a federal court found that the Northern Sectaries Company was an illegal monopoly and ordered it dissolved.

The U.S. Supreme Court upheld the widely publicized case in 1903, earning Roosevelt a reputation as what became known as a trustbuster. Historians have debated the accuracy of that reputation, noting that McKinley actually appointed the attorneys and federal offi - cials involved and planned the antitrust prosecutions. The main difference between the two presidents was that Roosevelt publicized his involvement, whereas McKinley remained more circumspect.

Regulation of Industry Roosevelt further enhanced his reputation as a reformer by following the antitrust cases with a move to regulate several industries. Railroad reform had its roots in the 1887 Interstate Commerce Act, which had created the ICC. Over the years, the courts had limited the commis - sion’s power, and Roosevelt wanted to reinstate it.

By pushing through the Hepburn Act in 1906, Roosevelt enhanced the ICC’s ability to inspect the financial records of any railroad company it chose. The act also set a maximum rate the railroads could charge. Roosevelt’s active role increased the powers of the chief executive to regulate business and control the economy. It also showcased his ability to compromise and work with members of the opposing party. Before the act’s final passage, he agreed to a Democratic-proposed amendment that would allow judicial review of the ICC’s rate decisions (Cooper, 1990). Courtesy Everett Collection Muckraking author Upton Sinclair’s novel The Jungle (1906) sparked public outrage over conditions in Chicago’s meatpacking industry and led to legislative reform. bar82063_05_c05_131-164.indd 142 1/9/15 9:32 AM Section 5.3  Progressive Politics and the Nation Roosevelt also oversaw regulation of the nation’s food and drug providers. Upton Sinclair’s novel The Jungle (1906) brought nationwide attention to the unsanitary conditions in Chicago’s meatpack - ing industry. Graphically depicting industry prac - tices, the book called into question the safety of the nation’s meats. For example, Sinclair described a conversation with a government inspector whose job it was to inspect all hogs for deadly tubercu - losis. Sinclair (1906) noted that while the inspec - tor explained the “deadly nature of the ptomaines which are found in tubercular pork” (p. 42), dozens of carcasses passed by him on the conveyor belt completely uninspected.

At first Roosevelt found the novel hard to believe, but to be sure he ordered an investigation. He discovered the reality was even worse. Roos - evelt moved quickly; in 1906 Congress passed the Meat Inspection Act (establishing more stringent governmental oversight of this industry) and the Pure Food and Drug Act (banning the sale and transport of impure products). The Conservation Movement An avid outdoorsman, Roosevelt also became an important advocate for the conservation movement that sought to manage the use of America’s natural resources and preserve them for future generations. He held White House conferences that brought business leaders and academics together to discuss issues such as irrigation, grazing, timberland, and waterway management.

Roosevelt’s interest in the environment and the need for conservation reform was influenced by his friendship with naturalist John Muir. Born in Scotland, Muir came to the United States as a youth and studied botany at the University of Wisconsin before becoming a widely read essayist. He devoted most of his attention to preserving western forest lands from timbering and mining, and he formed the Sierra Club in 1892. Roosevelt traveled with Muir in Califor - nia, where the naturalist shared with him the wonders of the Yosemite Valley and the great Sequoia redwood forests. Taking his cue from Muir, Roosevelt expanded the nation’s national park system by establishing five important new parks: Crater Lake in Oregon, Wind Cave in South Dakota, Mesa Verde in Colorado, Sully’s Hill in North Dakota (now a game preserve) and Platt National Park in Oklahoma (now part of the Chickasaw National Recreation Area).

Roosevelt also appointed his friend Gifford Pinchot, a professionally trained forester, as chief of the newly created U.S. Forest Service. Pinchot recruited a force of forest rangers, and under his leadership, the Forest Service tripled the nation’s forest reserves to more than 172 million acres. popular reforms. After completing William McKinley’s second term, he easily won election in his own right in 1904. During the campaign, he promised a Square Deal for everyone, which included natural resource conservation and preservation and regulation of the railroads and food and drug industries. Through close cooperation with both Republicans and Democrats, he was able to enact much of his reform agenda.

Trust-Busting When he came into office in 1901, Roosevelt inherited the debate over business consolidation and regulation. The growth of corporations that began in the Gilded Age continued well into the Progressive era and raised the ire of many Americans, who decried their almost monopo - listic control over multiple sectors of the economy.

Seeking to reign in business to at least some degree, even dividing big businesses into catego - ries of “good trusts” and “bad trusts,” Roosevelt supported the Justice Department’s prosecu - tion of several cases under the Sherman Antitrust Act, which forbade raising prices through restricting trade or the supply of a commodity. The Interstate Commerce Commission also regulated transport between two or more states, and both the Sherman Act and the ICC informed the prosecution of the cases.

Among the targets was the Northern Securities Company, a massive consolidation of railroad lines controlled by J. P. Morgan. The industrialist’s defense team argued that as a holding com - pany and not the primary railroad carrier, Northern Securities was not subject to the ICC’s governance, but a federal court found that the Northern Sectaries Company was an illegal monopoly and ordered it dissolved.

The U.S. Supreme Court upheld the widely publicized case in 1903, earning Roosevelt a reputation as what became known as a trustbuster. Historians have debated the accuracy of that reputation, noting that McKinley actually appointed the attorneys and federal offi - cials involved and planned the antitrust prosecutions. The main difference between the two presidents was that Roosevelt publicized his involvement, whereas McKinley remained more circumspect.

Regulation of Industry Roosevelt further enhanced his reputation as a reformer by following the antitrust cases with a move to regulate several industries. Railroad reform had its roots in the 1887 Interstate Commerce Act, which had created the ICC. Over the years, the courts had limited the commis - sion’s power, and Roosevelt wanted to reinstate it.

By pushing through the Hepburn Act in 1906, Roosevelt enhanced the ICC’s ability to inspect the financial records of any railroad company it chose. The act also set a maximum rate the railroads could charge. Roosevelt’s active role increased the powers of the chief executive to regulate business and control the economy. It also showcased his ability to compromise and work with members of the opposing party. Before the act’s final passage, he agreed to a Democratic-proposed amendment that would allow judicial review of the ICC’s rate decisions (Cooper, 1990). Courtesy Everett Collection Muckraking author Upton Sinclair’s novel The Jungle (1906) sparked public outrage over conditions in Chicago’s meatpacking industry and led to legislative reform. bar82063_05_c05_131-164.indd 143 1/9/15 9:32 AM Section 5.3  Progressive Politics and the Nation Among Roosevelt’s legislative achievements in conservation are the Newlands Act of 1902, which initiated irrigation projects funded from public land sales; the creation of an Inland Waterways Commission to explore waterpower development and water transportation; and the National Conservation Commission, which established long-range plans for natural resource usage (Miller, 2013).

Taft’s Presidency Roosevelt announced his intention not to seek reelection in 1908, a decision he later regret - ted. Instead, he supported his secretary of war, William Howard Taft, to succeed him. With Roosevelt’s endorsement, Taft won easily, but he failed to continue the former president’s agenda. Roosevelt was soon deeply disappointed in his handpicked successor.

Many of Taft’s policies ran counter to the usual Republican agenda. For example, he lowered the McKinley tariff that many industrialists supported and showed disinterest in continu - ing Roosevelt’s conservation agenda. Taft approved the transfer of a million acres of protected national park service land to private industry. In 1910 he again earned Roosevelt’s anger when he fired Chief Forester Gifford Pinchot over disputed coal claims in the Alaskan wilderness.

Roosevelt had gained a reputation as a trustbuster, but Taft actually held responsibility for dissolving more trusts and monopolies. He urged a suit against the American Tobacco Company that resulted in an end to the price fixing that harmed small cigarette manufacturers. He also supported a Supreme Court action against the Standard Oil Company declaring it to be in violation of the Sherman Antitrust Act and ordering its vertical organization to be split into separate companies. Taft also supported the push for a graduated income tax, which would affect those with higher incomes most.

Taft stressed economic individualism and the need for government and business to work together to solve society’s problems, but he so alienated party Progressives that a movement to form a third party to express their goals emerged to challenge his reelection in 1912. Although Taft secured the Repub - lican nomination by courting the party’s conserva - tive wing, he put very little effort into the campaign.

Roosevelt and New Nationalism In 1910 Roosevelt embarked on a speaking tour through the United States, advocating a Pro - gressive governing philosophy he called New Nationalism , which featured a strong president, ©Bettmann/Corbis President William Howard Taft earned his trustbuster reputation by going after American Tobacco and using the Sherman Antitrust Act against John D.

Rockefeller’s Standard Oil Company, which was considered a monopoly. bar82063_05_c05_131-164.indd 144 1/9/15 9:32 AM Section 5.3  Progressive Politics and the Nation regulation of corporations and natural resources, and support for the social legislation being championed by social workers and other Progressives. The enthusiasm with which many Americans greeted the tour helped convince Roosevelt to challenge Taft for the Republican nomination in 1912.

Roosevelt at first believed he could easily secure his party’s nomination, but the geographic odds were not in his favor. Although Republican candidates had little chance of winning elec - toral votes in the solidly Democratic South, that region controlled fully a quarter of the nomi - nating delegates, and these stood firmly in Taft’s column. A divide between the Progressive and conservative delegates followed, creating a schism that threw the nomination to Taft.

Failing in his effort to secure the Republican nomination, Roosevelt ran as a third-party candi - date for the newly created Progressive Party . It was nicknamed the Bull Moose Party because Roosevelt reportedly told a reporter upon its founding that he felt as fit as a bull moose (Gable, 1978). In a four-way race for president, Taft and Roosevelt split the Republican vote and paved the way for the election of the Democratic contender, Woodrow Wilson. Socialist Eugene V.

Debs, who represented the most radical reformers, won no electoral votes but did gain more popular votes than any Socialist Party candidate in U.S. history (see Table 5.2).

The election demonstrated the nation’s continuing commitment to Progressivism, since both Wilson and Roosevelt campaigned on reform platforms. Together, Wilson, the Progressive Democratic governor of New Jersey, and Roosevelt, the head of the new Progressive Party, accounted for almost 70% of the popular vote.

Table 5.2: Election of 1912 Candidate Electors Popular vote (%) Woodrow Wilson (D) 435 41.8% William Howard Taft (R)   8 23.2% Theodore Roosevelt (P)  88 27.4% Eugene V. Debs (S)   0    6% Woodrow Wilson and New Freedom Wilson and Roosevelt were contemporaries just 2 years apart in age, yet despite this fact and their shared Progressive leanings, they were polar opposites in many of their political views.

Though they each believed that the president should have vastly expanded powers, they put this belief into practice very differently.

In contrast to Roosevelt’s New Nationalism, Wilson campaigned on what he called his New Freedom platform. He used poetic phrases and called for all Democrats to “organize the forces of liberty in our time in order to make conquest of a new freedom in America” (as cited in Cooper, 1990, p. 182). The main components of the New Freedom agenda focused on the national level and included tariff reform, banking reform, and antitrust laws.

Wilson believed that a lower tariff would weaken the power of large trusts in the United States by allowing more competition from imported goods. The Underwood–Simmons Tariff , also known as the Revenue Act of 1913, lowered basic tariff rates from 40% to 25% and bar82063_05_c05_131-164.indd 145 1/9/15 9:32 AM Section 5.3  Progressive Politics and the Nation reinstated a graduated federal income tax at the rate of 5%. Unlike earlier income taxes, which had been declared unconstitutional, the recently ratified 16th Amendment protected the tax under the Revenue Act.

Wilson also hoped to eliminate the possibility of future bank failures. His plan was to create a Federal Reserve System of 12 regional banks. The banks were not for the public; instead, they were “bankers’ banks” that set the nation’s interest and currency rates. This became law with the passage of the Federal Reserve Act of 1913, and it is considered one of Wilson’s most important domestic achievements. With the law’s passage, Congress required all nationally chartered banks to become members of the Federal Reserve System. Under the system, Fed - eral Reserve Notes (dollars) became the nation’s unifying and only currency.

A third key area of Wilson’s New Freedom was strengthening antitrust law, as outlined in his message to Congress in January 1914. Wilson felt strongly that government needed to intervene in the nation’s economy to prevent abuses by large corporations (Cooper, 1983).

He outlined two goals: an antitrust statute and a new regulatory agency to enforce the law.

The first was the Clayton Antitrust Act of 1914, which passed rather easily. It strengthened the Sherman Antitrust Act by eliminating price discrimination, making the acquisition of stock in competing companies to control markets illegal, and restricting mergers of large compa - nies with more than $1 million in capital. It remains today the nation’s basic law against the formation of large trusts. However, some have criticized the Clayton Act because corporate lawyers have been able to find ways around its central provisions.

The second part of Wilson’s plan was a regulatory agency called the Federal Trade Commis - sion (FTC), which further expanded the power of the federal government. This body heard complaints about trusts and scheduled hearings on unfair practices. Empowered to investi - gate and prohibit unfair business practices, it aimed to reduce monopolies and activities such as price fixing. Businesses generally supported both the FTC and the Federal Reserve because they leveled the playing field in the economic marketplace and avoided other, more radical, measures for reigning in out-of-control economic practices.

New Freedom for Whom?

Although Wilson expressed concern for social justice, this was one area of his presidency that was much less successful. His programs emphasized the needs of small businesses but did little to address the reform interests of women, workers, or even many middle-class profes - sionals. Social justice concerns had been more readily addressed in Roosevelt’s Progressive Party platform than in the policies of the sitting president. Although he ultimately supported woman suffrage, initially Wilson disappointed women’s activists. Likewise, few of his first- term policies dealt with the persisting problems of the working class.

African Americans fared even worse—they remained disfranchised in the South, and the president paid little attention to the startling violence of lynchings and race riots (Cooper, 2009). Perhaps revealing sensibilities tied to his Virginia roots, Wilson ordered racial separa - tion in government offices, even those that had been integrated since the Reconstruction era. bar82063_05_c05_131-164.indd 146 1/9/15 9:32 AM Section 5.3  Progressive Politics and the Nation More universally, Wilson preferred a segregated society, advising African Americans not to apply to elite universities but to enroll at African American colleges instead. So it was a New Freedom for some, but for many others, the Wilson years represented a status quo in society that many reformers fought valiantly against.

Constitutional Amendments During the Progressive era the push to bring change at the national level resulted in changes to the U.S. Constitution. Although multiple amendments were proposed, including one ban - ning alcohol production and consumption and another supporting woman suffrage, the states rati - fied only two major amendments before the entry of the United States into World War I in 1917.

The 16th Amendment , ratified in 1913 just before Wilson took office, provided the ability for the fed - eral government to collect an income tax from all workers. Support for the income tax came from Progressive reformers who approved of its ability to raise revenue for future reforms. It also came from imperialists, including Theodore Roosevelt, who hoped to use the funds raised to enhance U.S.

military capabilities. Earlier attempts to secure an income tax faced repeal, but this amendment ensured the endurance, for example, of the 5% graduated income tax imposed under the Revenue Act of 1913.

The 17th Amendment , ratified in April 1913, pro - vided for the direct election of U.S. senators by the American voters. Previously, they had been appointed by state legislatures. This amendment gained wide support from those who saw the Pro - gressive era as an important opportunity to increase democracy in America. Direct election of senators placed the election of all national legislators in the hands of the American electorate. Global Exchange of Progressive Ideas Progressivism touched almost every segment of American society, but the United States was not unique in its quest for reform. The social concerns and problems rapid urbanization and industrialization raised affected other areas of the world as well, and a global exchange of Progressive ideas took shape in the early 20th century. Critical thinkers and reformers in China, Europe, and other places were influenced by the writings of philosophers such as Courtesy Everett Collection Progressives and imperialists alike supported the 16th Amendment’s provision for the collection of federal income tax. This form, the 1040, was used in 1913, the first year a federal income tax was levied, to tax income from March through December of that year. bar82063_05_c05_131-164.indd 147 1/9/15 9:32 AM Section 5.4  Society in the New Century Edward Bellamy and Henry George (see Chapter 3). Many European nations more readily embraced their socialistic ideas by enacting minimum wage laws, unemployment insurance, old-age pensions, and other welfare reforms decades before the United States (Dawley, 2003).

In fact, some U.S. Progressives looked to the social legislation enacted in Europe as a model for change in America.

Americans arguing in favor of woman suffrage, wage and working standards, and temper - ance joined international coalitions of reformers. Many of the shared ideas came from the left, a political viewpoint that blamed many of society’s inequalities and problems on the rise of the capitalist system. Although many Progressives did not blame capitalism for all social problems, they often borrowed solutions from socialism as needed. Movements for munici - pal ownership of utilities, social legislation, and wealth redistribution mingled with those for private ownership but also public regulation of business (Dawley, 2003).

As war loomed in 1914, however, many of the Progressive reforms took a backseat to military preparation. Following World War I, global philosophies and entities advocating socialism were viewed in a very different light.

5.4 Society in the New Century At the turn of the 20th century, America was rapidly becoming a dominant industrial power, attracting millions seeking work and opportunity. However, significant problems lurked under the surface, most notably poor industrial working conditions, racism, gender inequal - ity, and a growing tide of anti-immigrant sentiment. Women, workers, and African Americans fought for rights that would allow them to access political and social channels that might improve their situation.

The Campaign for Woman Suffrage During the Progressive era, women gained ground in the workplace and in professions such as social work, but they still could not exercise the right to vote in most states. Gradually over the first two decades of the 20th century, the woman suffrage movement gained momentum. Much of this was due to the grassroots organization skills of Carrie Chapman Catt. In 1900 she became the president of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, which had been founded by Susan B. Anthony in 1890, and devised what she called her “winning plan.” The idea was to focus on winning the right to vote by promoting the issue at the state level.

This way she could tailor her message more directly to the people. For example, there was much more tolerance for gender equality in the western states, in part because the hardships of life on the frontier required a greater partnership between men and women than was the case elsewhere. Therefore, the suffrage message to the western women was different than that conveyed to those in the South, who supported more traditional gender roles. By 1914 Catt’s plan was returning important victories; 10 western states allowed women to vote in state elections. bar82063_05_c05_131-164.indd 148 1/9/15 9:32 AM Section 5.4  Society in the New Century Women and Children in the Workplace At the turn of the 20th century, while some American women filled increasingly public roles as settlement house workers, social workers, Progressive reformers, and suffrage activists, others faced a very different reality. Various cultural norms dictated a woman’s limitations and opportunities, such as where she could work, learn, and go for entertainment.

The typical life path for a middle-class or upper class White woman was marriage and fam - ily, where her responsibility was tending to a home and caring for the needs of her children and spouse. In the Progressive era this began to change as more unmarried middle-class women—not just the poor, immigrants, and non-Whites—entered the labor force, at least for a short period before marriage (Ryan, 2006). There were few professions for middle-class women other than teacher, nurse, or social worker, though.

Clerical work was another option for women. The introduction of the typewriter created the new position of typist, and this profession soon became gendered, or redefined as women’s work. Men slowly lost interest in clerical jobs, and as women filled them, employers began paying less money for the same work.

At the beginning of this transformation, middle-class, high school–educated, native-born White women were the ones who took advantage of these opportunities. Business schools began to emerge that taught women specific skills such as stenography, bookkeeping, and typewriting. In 1870 women accounted for just 3% of clerical workers; in 1890 this increased to 17%. By World War I, clerical work was almost completely feminized and by 1930 was dominated by working-class women (Davies, 1982).

The economic situations of African American, working-class, and immigrant families often demanded that married women, and even children, work outside the home. Many found jobs in tailors’ sweatshops, which were often dimly lit and unregulated workplaces, and in laun - dries, shoe factories, or other industrial shops. Rose Rosenfeld Freedman’s experience at the Triangle Shirtwaist Factory was common. Many similar employers preferred to hire teenag - ers or even younger children, who earned from pennies to 75 cents a day—much less than adult workers, who earned $1.50 to $2 a day (Perry & Smith, 2006). Others took sewing or other work into their homes, where they were generally paid by the piece completed rather than an hourly wage.

Progressive reformers, especially those engaged in settlement house work, took up the cause of women and children industrial workers. In 1903 Jane Addams joined with labor organizers from the American Federation of Labor to form the Women’s Trade Union League , which sought to organize women’s unions and restrict child labor. The league led a series of unions in a general strike in 1909. During what was known as the Uprising of the 20,000, New York’s female garment workers walked off the job demanding higher wages and safer conditions (Bender & Greenwald, 2003). Although the women at the Triangle Shirtwaist Factory were among the strikers and benefited from a wage increase and shortened workweek, the strike did little to improve working conditions, as evidenced by the 1911 fire.

Reformers were more successful in regulating child labor. As many as 1 in 6 children between ages 10 and 15 worked during the Progressive era, most of them because their families needed the income they could generate. In southern states the children of poor White and African bar82063_05_c05_131-164.indd 149 1/9/15 9:32 AM Section 5.4  Society in the New Century American families picked cotton, while other White children worked alongside their parents in textile mills. In the Northeast, children of immigrant families labored in sweatshops and factories, and many assembled hats or shoes as piecework from their homes. Children expe - rienced the same dangerous conditions as adults and also missed out on education (Perry & Smith, 2006).

A group of reformers and politicians responded to this growing phenom - enon by forming the National Child Labor Committee in 1904. Engaging in a national public relations campaign, members joined forces with other reformers to encourage the federal gov - ernment to create a children’s bureau within the Department of Labor. Con - gress passed child labor protection with the 1916 Keating–Owen Act , which established national standards of protection for child workers and prohibited those under 14 from work - ing in most industries. It also outlawed employment of those under 16 in mines or quarries.

Congress also allocated $150,000 for the bill’s enforcement, hiring settle - ment house worker Grace Abbott to direct a new Child Labor Division within the Department of Labor (Frankel & Dye, 1991).

Although the law covered only certain segments of the youth workforce, the movement for child protection spread. Unfortunately, the Supreme Court declared the law unconstitutional less than 2 years after its enactment, forcing advocates to continue fighting for fair labor stan - dards for children in many industries through state channels. By 1920 most states had passed laws limiting children’s employment and making school attendance compulsory up to age 14.

Margaret Sanger and Family Planning Another reformer, Margaret Sanger, championed family planning after spending time work - ing as a nurse among working-class families. There she witnessed the aftermath of botched back-alley abortions that desperate women sought because they lacked effective contracep - tives. In the early 20th century, before many of the advances of modern medicine, pregnancy and childbirth were still dangerous health conditions and could often result in death.

Married women were expected to fulfill their husbands’ sexual needs, and marital rape was not considered a crime. As one of 11 children born to an Irish American working-class family, Sanger witnessed firsthand the strains of motherhood on women. When she was just 19, her own mother, weakened from 11 live births and 7 miscarriages, died of tuberculosis at age 50.

Economics also figured into demands for family planning. The increased number of women in the workforce made birth control a central issue for Sanger and other reformers. Sanger, who The Museum of the City of New York/Art Resource, NY Muckraking journalist Jacob Riis captured this photo of a 12-year-old boy working in a New York City sweatshop. The Keating–Owen Act barred children under 14 from such work. bar82063_05_c05_131-164.indd 150 1/9/15 9:32 AM Section 5.4  Society in the New Century coined the term birth control , argued that controlling the number of children born to work - ing-class mothers could improve the quality of their lives. It would also give all women, includ - ing working-class women, more control over their bodies. More importantly, Sanger sought to provide women with access to basic information about how their bodies worked so they might better understand the female cycle and be able to more carefully control their family growth. The desire to reduce family size was common, and men and women had practiced methods of birth control throughout history. Condoms were available early in the 19th century, and methods such as coitus interrup - tus were commonly practiced to limit family size. Sanger’s advocacy of arti - ficial means such as douches and rub - ber diaphragms to prevent pregnancy, however, was radical and illegal.

Federal law prohibited the mailing of contraceptive devices or even informa - tion about contraception. The U.S. Post Office confiscated copies of Sanger’s journal, The Woman Rebel , and charged her with obscenity, forcing her to tem - porarily flee the country. The movement gained popularity in her absence, though, and in 1916 she returned to New York and opened the nation’s first birth control clinic. She was promptly arrested, gaining national notoriety for herself and additional support for the move - ment (Baker, 2011).

Race and the Challenges of Reform Women were not the only Americans struggling for rights in the Progressive era. African Americans’ hopes for full equality and civil rights, kindled during Reconstruction, had dissi - pated by the end of the 19th century. In both the North and the South, race relations continued to deteriorate. With the onset of Jim Crow laws across the South (see Chapter 3), the steady migration of African Americans to the northern states accelerated. The result was greater dis - crimination in public accommodations and segregated schools in northern communities with growing African American populations. For the majority of African Americans who remained in the South, meanwhile, segregation laws tightened, and by 1910 very few African American southerners were able to vote. All African American elected officials were voted out of office.

The Republican Party, once seen as the champion of African American civil rights, largely demurred on race issues. Hoping to continue courting the African American vote for the Republican Party, in 1901 Roosevelt invited African American leader Booker T. Washing - ton to dine at the White House, an act condemned by White southerners. Facing election in 1904, though, he made no effort to condemn the disfranchisement of African Americans and remained silent following a race riot that rocked Atlanta in 1906. In his public statements, Culver Pictures/The Art Archive at Art Resource, NY Margaret Sanger (1879–1966) controversially advocated birth control during the Progressive era. bar82063_05_c05_131-164.indd 151 1/9/15 9:32 AM Section 5.4  Society in the New Century American Experience: The Birth of a Nation D. W. Griffith’s 1915 silent film The Birth of a Nation , widely recognized as a cinematic mas - terpiece, is also one of the most controversial films of all time. Based on Thomas Dixon’s novel The Clansman (1905), it tells the story of the Civil War and Reconstruction through family drama and sweeping scenes depicting battles and the eventual triumph of the White South, represented by the Ku Klux Klan (KKK ).

Griffith spent more than $100,000 to make the 3-hour film, which featured complex edits, jump cuts, pans, and zooms. It was the first American blockbuster, the first film screened at the White House and before the Supreme Court, and the first moviegoing experience for millions of Americans (Stokes, 2007).

The plot follows the lives and relationships of t wo families, the northern Stonemans and the southern Camerons, through the Civil War and Reconstruction periods. The film’s controversy, then and since, lies in its depiction of African Americans, played by White actors in black - face, as alternatively ignorant, violent, and sexually aggressive toward White women. In contrast, the founding of the KKK appears as a heroic event, saving both White women and the South from race mixing and being overtaken by African Americans. Although offensive to 21st-century viewers, the film ref lects the state of race relations in the United States at the time and shows the immense barriers to equalit y African Americans faced daily.

When it first premiered, there were quite different reviews of the film from White and African American audiences. The Crisis , edited by W. E. B. Du Bois, declared: The Birth of a Nation is not history; it is travesty. It is not realism; it is an abomination. . . . Some of us have wondered that Negroes of New York and other cities have been patient enough to permit this vile spectacle to be presented day to day without being roused to some act of violence. (Opinions, 1916, p. 175) White reviewers reacted differently. The Moving Picture World reported, “The drama crit - ics of all of the New York newspapers attended the premiere, and in almost every instance the picture was reported at length and in glowing terms” (as cited in Stokes, 2007, p. 117). Roosevelt blamed lynching on African American rapists and argued “race purity must be maintained” (as cited in Klarman, 2004, p. 66). Buyenlarge/SuperStock The Birth of a Nation , a major motion picture from 1915, sparked a modern revival of the Ku Klux Klan in the United States. Although the NAACP managed to ban its showing in a few cities, it was widely acclaimed as an accurate historical portrayal of the Civil War and Reconstruction. (continued) bar82063_05_c05_131-164.indd 152 1/9/15 9:32 AM Section 5.4  Society in the New Century For further reading, see:

Staiger, J. (1992). Interpreting films: Studies in the historical reception of American cinema . Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Stokes, M. (2007). D. W. Griffith’s The birth of a nation: A history of “the most controversial motion picture of all time.” New York: Oxford University Press.

American Experience: The Birth of a Nation (continued) African American Leadership and the Problem of the Color Line Although some Progressive reforms, such as child labor laws and workers’ compensation, extended to African Americans, their unique concerns drew little attention from most of the reform community. Southern Progressives actually promoted segregation as a way to reduce racial violence and social unrest in that region.

Instead of relying on White reformers, African Americans developed their own leadership and institutions. African American intellectual W. E. B. Du Bois predicted correctly that one of the central problems of the 20th century would be how African American and White Ameri - cans could live together in a just and equal society. He called it “the problem of the color line” (Du Bois & Lewis, 1995, p. 11). Three distinct African American leaders offered their own solutions to the so-called American race problem, as summed up in Table 5.3.

Booker T. Washington Studying African American leadership styles, histo - rian Shelby Steele (2008) has suggested two major types of African American leaders: bargainers and challengers. Booker T. Washington, a former slave who used education to create a better life and escape poverty, publicly articulated the bargaining, or conciliatory, approach. In 1881 he established the Tuskegee Institute in Alabama, a vocational school for African American boys. Washington bar - gained for time and opportunity for African Ameri - cans to advance through hard work and vocational education.

Gaining national attention for his 1895 Atlanta Compromise speech, in which he encouraged Afri - can Americans to work hard but not to agitate for immediate equality, and for his autobiography, Up From Slavery (1900), Washington became one of the most important civil rights leaders of his day. He advocated career paths for African Americans in the agricultural and industrial trades while at the same Underwood Photo Archives/SuperStock Booker T. Washington urged African Americans to work hard and aspire to middle-class status. bar82063_05_c05_131-164.indd 153 1/9/15 9:32 AM Section 5.4  Society in the New Century urging African Americans to adopt White, middle-class behavioral standards as a means to overcome racism.

His measured and unthreatening philosophy gained support from many prominent Whites, including Presidents Roosevelt and Taft. Andrew Carnegie also supported Washington and partly funded his mission to bring education to southern African Americans (Smock, 2009).

Reaction from the African American community was more mixed, with some African Ameri - can leaders viewing his position as too accommodating to White interests. W. E. B. Du Bois African American scholar W. E. B. Du Bois publicly opposed Washington’s conciliatory agenda and advocated a more radical approach to race issues.

Born free in the North, he was the first African American to earn a PhD from Harvard University. In 1903 he published The Souls of Black Folk , in which he openly criticized Washington’s wait-and-see attitude.

Instead, Du Bois believed the so-called Talented Tenth within African American society should demand classical university education and aspire to the highest professions. His philosophy was to fight for civil rights and not simply hope that a benevo - lent White society would welcome African Ameri - cans into their social circles. In 1909 Du Bois lent his support to an integrated organization called the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and became the longtime editor of its journal, the Crisis (Fairclough, 2002). The NAACP remains the longest lived national orga - nization fighting for racial equality and civil rights in the United States. Marcus Garvey Du Bois also debated the proper path for African American leadership with Jamaican-born activist Marcus Garvey. Educated in the Caribbean and London, Garvey came to the United States in 1916 to establish a chapter of the Universal Negro Improvement Association . This fraternal organization advocated African American business and educational opportu - nities and grew into a Black Nationalist movement, which promoted a racial definition of national identity.

Garvey urged African Americans to seek kinship with African people around the world. He argued that people of African descent must put aside their cultural or ethnic differences and unite for racial advancement. They should support African American–owned businesses and Underwood Photo Archives/SuperStock Marcus Garvey was a Jamaican activist who supported Black Nationalism and advocated race pride. Underwood Photo Archives/SuperStock W. E. B. Du Bois argued that the so-called Talented Tenth of African Americans should lead the struggle for civil rights. bar82063_05_c05_131-164.indd 154 1/9/15 9:32 AM Section 5.4  Society in the New Century join together for the economic advancement of all African Americans. To that end, Garvey founded his own international shipping and transport company, named the Black Star Line to contrast with the Brit - ish White Star Line.

Garvey even suggested that African Americans should consider leaving the United States or sepa - rating themselves from the White community. Well into the 1920s Garvey’s radical message of racial uplift appealed to many across the country, espe - cially when he proclaimed, “God and Nature first made us what we are, and then out of our own cre - ative genius we make ourselves what we want to be” (as cited in Hill & Blair, 1987, p. 6).

Marcus Garvey societies formed across the United States, the Caribbean, Central America, and even Africa. Seeking the empowerment and uplift of men and women of African descent, the groups persist even today in many communities. Fearing disrup - tion to his own agenda for African American civil rights, Du Bois called Garvey “without doubt, the most dangerous enemy of the Negro race in Amer - ica” and warned “he is either a lunatic or traitor” (as cited in Shawki, 2006, p. 102).

Table 5.3: Solutions to the “Race Problem” Proposed solutions Leader Education Economics Civil rights Booker T.

Washington Pursue manual skills training and vocational education. Work hard, emulate the White middle class, and eventually gain acceptance. Take a slow, measured path and make no demands. W. E. B. Du Bois The Talented Tenth should lead through university education. Pursue middle-class professions such as doc - tor, lawyer, and university professor. Demand recognition of civil rights and the removal of Jim Crow and other barriers. Marcus Garvey Pursue either vocational training or a university education. Support African American– owned businesses; have no expectation for biracial cooperation. Demand recognition of civil rights, but be pre - pared to leave the United States to find equality. Immigrants, Workers, and the Progressives By the turn of the 20th century, industrialization had fundamentally altered American life.

In 1900 at least 56% of the nation’s labor force worked in industrial occupations, and only urging African Americans to adopt White, middle-class behavioral standards as a means to overcome racism.

His measured and unthreatening philosophy gained support from many prominent Whites, including Presidents Roosevelt and Taft. Andrew Carnegie also supported Washington and partly funded his mission to bring education to southern African Americans (Smock, 2009).

Reaction from the African American community was more mixed, with some African Ameri - can leaders viewing his position as too accommodating to White interests. W. E. B. Du Bois African American scholar W. E. B. Du Bois publicly opposed Washington’s conciliatory agenda and advocated a more radical approach to race issues.

Born free in the North, he was the first African American to earn a PhD from Harvard University. In 1903 he published The Souls of Black Folk , in which he openly criticized Washington’s wait-and-see attitude.

Instead, Du Bois believed the so-called Talented Tenth within African American society should demand classical university education and aspire to the highest professions. His philosophy was to fight for civil rights and not simply hope that a benevo - lent White society would welcome African Ameri - cans into their social circles. In 1909 Du Bois lent his support to an integrated organization called the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and became the longtime editor of its journal, the Crisis (Fairclough, 2002). The NAACP remains the longest lived national orga - nization fighting for racial equality and civil rights in the United States. Marcus Garvey Du Bois also debated the proper path for African American leadership with Jamaican-born activist Marcus Garvey. Educated in the Caribbean and London, Garvey came to the United States in 1916 to establish a chapter of the Universal Negro Improvement Association . This fraternal organization advocated African American business and educational opportu - nities and grew into a Black Nationalist movement, which promoted a racial definition of national identity.

Garvey urged African Americans to seek kinship with African people around the world. He argued that people of African descent must put aside their cultural or ethnic differences and unite for racial advancement. They should support African American–owned businesses and Underwood Photo Archives/SuperStock Marcus Garvey was a Jamaican activist who supported Black Nationalism and advocated race pride. bar82063_05_c05_131-164.indd 155 1/9/15 9:32 AM Section 5.4  Society in the New Century 39% worked in farming. The change from a rural and agricultural existence to an urban and industrial one accelerated over the first 2 decades of the new century. The U.S. labor force grew from 28.5 million in 1900 to 42 million in 1920, when nearly 70% of workers labored in mills, factories, or other industrial pursuits.

The massive waves of new immigrants that began arriving on U.S. shores in the Gilded Age continued to come right up until the eruption of World War I in 1914. Most came from Europe, but millions also came from south of the border—the number of Latino workers tripled dur - ing this time. By 1920 close to 60% of industrial workers were born outside the United States (U.S. Department of Labor, 2013). Native-born and immigrant workers alike had a stake in improving working and living conditions in the Progressive era.

Labor Organization Industrial workers found it necessary to sell their labor under increasingly tenuous circum - stances. Dangerous working conditions, low pay, and cyclical unemployment led many to organize collectively and demand reforms. Membership in the skilled unions of the American Federation of Labor tripled between 1900 and 1910 to nearly 1.5 million. This conservative confederation of trade unions had typically remained outside the realm of political action, but that changed in the Progressive era.

Supreme Court decisions made trade unions subject to the Sherman Antitrust Act, defining them as “a combination in restraint of trade” (as cited in Kersch, 2004, p. 156), and union lead - ers wanted their ranks exempted. Still headed by Samuel Gompers (see Chapter 2), the AFL began to press Congress and leaders of both major parties for relief. AFL leaders also asked politicians to back their organization drives and petitions to improve working conditions and limit working hours (Cooper, 1990).

Socialism and the Wobblies The AFL represented skilled and mostly native-born White workers and eventually managed to gain the respect of some politicians, including Roosevelt. Such was not the case for more radical and vocal segments of the labor movement that embraced socialism . Socialists sup - ported cooperation over competition and challenged capitalism by arguing that workers were entitled to the full value of their productive labor. This included a vision for worker-owned factories and industries.

The Socialist Party made inroads in several states, winning mayoral elections in Flint, Michi - gan; Schenectady, New York; and Milwaukee, Wisconsin; all heavily industrialized cities. They joined with many Progressives to call for factory inspections, better housing, and public rec - reation (Painter, 1998). Socialist Eugene V. Debs ran for president five times between 1900 and 1920 and gained the most support in 1912, at the height of Progressivism.

The Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), the largest Socialist labor union during the Pro - gressive era, drew wide public attention, much of it negative. Nicknamed the Wobblies, the union formed in 1905 to organize unskilled industrial workers and challenge capitalism. Debs and Western Federation of Miners leader William “Big Bill” Haywood were instrumental in creating what was known as the one big union, and Haywood recruited widely to increase the Washington State Historical Society/Art Resource, NY The Industrial Workers of the World, or Wobblies, challenged capitalism and sought to organize all workingmen and workingwomen to lobby for better economic conditions. bar82063_05_c05_131-164.indd 156 1/9/15 9:32 AM Summary and Resources union’s membership. The most militant of the era’s labor organizations, the IWW was willing to engage in general strikes, sabotage, and violence, believing the physical and economic oppression of workers justified their actions.

The IWW came under close scrutiny when Hay - wood called for a general strike in 1911. In the violence surrounding the larger labor distur - bance, regional tensions flared. A boycott at the Los Angeles Times office, for example, esca - lated into in a bombing that left more than 20 workers dead. Although Haywood was not involved in the bombing, the public was out - raged, and several IWW organizers were tried and convicted.

Nevertheless, the union continued to recruit and to represent a small segment of workers; perhaps 100,000 belonged to the IWW during the Progres - sive era (Cooper, 1998). Although Progressives made some inroads with workplace safety, child labor regulation, and factory inspection, incidents such as the Triangle Shirtwaist Factory fire ensured that socialism and Socialist labor organizations retained their popularity among the working class. Summary and Resources Chapter Summary • Progressive era reformers strove to enact a broad range of social, economic, politi - cal, and moral reforms. These included regulating trusts and big business, improving working conditions, eliminating child labor, integrating immigrants into American society, protecting American consumers, and managing the use of natural resources. • Early in the 20th century, muckraking journalists drew attention to the ills of the new urban, industrial environment, and Progressive reformers responded with a set of plans to improve society. • Progressives were often college-educated middle-class men and women, but some reforms required a broad coalition of politicians, industrialists, immigrants, and workers. Focusing at the urban or community level, Progressives aimed to eliminate corruption in government and operate cities more efficiently. They advocated clean water, public parks, and improved education. • At the state and national level, Progressives fought for and won direct primary election of candidates for office, and the initiative and referendum, as well as the recall. Congress passed legislation strengthening antitrust laws, initiated the Federal Reserve, and passed constitutional amendments authorizing a federal income tax and providing for the direct election of U.S. senators. • Despite their concerted effort, Progressives solved only a few of the problems facing industrial, modern America. 39% worked in farming. The change from a rural and agricultural existence to an urban and industrial one accelerated over the first 2 decades of the new century. The U.S. labor force grew from 28.5 million in 1900 to 42 million in 1920, when nearly 70% of workers labored in mills, factories, or other industrial pursuits.

The massive waves of new immigrants that began arriving on U.S. shores in the Gilded Age continued to come right up until the eruption of World War I in 1914. Most came from Europe, but millions also came from south of the border—the number of Latino workers tripled dur - ing this time. By 1920 close to 60% of industrial workers were born outside the United States (U.S. Department of Labor, 2013). Native-born and immigrant workers alike had a stake in improving working and living conditions in the Progressive era.

Labor Organization Industrial workers found it necessary to sell their labor under increasingly tenuous circum - stances. Dangerous working conditions, low pay, and cyclical unemployment led many to organize collectively and demand reforms. Membership in the skilled unions of the American Federation of Labor tripled between 1900 and 1910 to nearly 1.5 million. This conservative confederation of trade unions had typically remained outside the realm of political action, but that changed in the Progressive era.

Supreme Court decisions made trade unions subject to the Sherman Antitrust Act, defining them as “a combination in restraint of trade” (as cited in Kersch, 2004, p. 156), and union lead - ers wanted their ranks exempted. Still headed by Samuel Gompers (see Chapter 2), the AFL began to press Congress and leaders of both major parties for relief. AFL leaders also asked politicians to back their organization drives and petitions to improve working conditions and limit working hours (Cooper, 1990).

Socialism and the Wobblies The AFL represented skilled and mostly native-born White workers and eventually managed to gain the respect of some politicians, including Roosevelt. Such was not the case for more radical and vocal segments of the labor movement that embraced socialism . Socialists sup - ported cooperation over competition and challenged capitalism by arguing that workers were entitled to the full value of their productive labor. This included a vision for worker-owned factories and industries.

The Socialist Party made inroads in several states, winning mayoral elections in Flint, Michi - gan; Schenectady, New York; and Milwaukee, Wisconsin; all heavily industrialized cities. They joined with many Progressives to call for factory inspections, better housing, and public rec - reation (Painter, 1998). Socialist Eugene V. Debs ran for president five times between 1900 and 1920 and gained the most support in 1912, at the height of Progressivism.

The Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), the largest Socialist labor union during the Pro - gressive era, drew wide public attention, much of it negative. Nicknamed the Wobblies, the union formed in 1905 to organize unskilled industrial workers and challenge capitalism. Debs and Western Federation of Miners leader William “Big Bill” Haywood were instrumental in creating what was known as the one big union, and Haywood recruited widely to increase the Washington State Historical Society/Art Resource, NY The Industrial Workers of the World, or Wobblies, challenged capitalism and sought to organize all workingmen and workingwomen to lobby for better economic conditions. bar82063_05_c05_131-164.indd 157 1/9/15 9:32 AM February 4, 1887:

The Interstate Commerce Act creates a commission to oversee and regulate railroads. July 2, 1890:

The Sherman Antitrust Act prohibits monopolies and trusts, but lacks clear de�initions and enforcement power. September 6, 1901:

President William McKinley is assassinated. 1904:

The U.S. Supreme Court dissolves the Northern Securities Company as an unfair monopoly in the railroad industry.

1906:

The Pure Food and Drug Act regulates meat inspection and the production of medicine. 1914:

The Clayton Antitrust Act reinforces the power of the Sherman Antitrust Act. 1911:

President William Howard Taft uses the Sherman Antitrust Act to dissolve the Standard Oil Company. 1916:

The Keating-Owen Act �ights child labor but is eventually declared unconstitutional. February 3, 1913:

The 16th Amendment empowers Congress to levy income taxes on Americans.

April 1913:

The 17th Amendment provides for direct election of U.S. senators.

October 1913:

The Underwood-Simmons Tariff reduces taxes on imported goods but initiates a 5% graduated income tax on Americans. 1 885 1 9 20 © Bettmann/Corbis Mary Evans Picture Library/ Everett Collection Courtesy Everett Collection The Museum of the City of NewYork/ Art Resource, NY Courtesy Everett Collection Summary and Resources Chapter 5 Timeline February 4, 1887:

The Interstate Commerce Act creates a commission to oversee and regulate railroads. July 2, 1890:

The Sherman Antitrust Act prohibits monopolies and trusts, but lacks clear de�initions and enforcement power. September 6, 1901:

President William McKinley is assassinated. 1904:

The U.S. Supreme Court dissolves the Northern Securities Company as an unfair monopoly in the railroad industry.

1906:

The Pure Food and Drug Act regulates meat inspection and the production of medicine. 1914:

The Clayton Antitrust Act reinforces the power of the Sherman Antitrust Act. 1911:

President William Howard Taft uses the Sherman Antitrust Act to dissolve the Standard Oil Company. 1916:

The Keating-Owen Act �ights child labor but is eventually declared unconstitutional. February 3, 1913:

The 16th Amendment empowers Congress to levy income taxes on Americans.

April 1913:

The 17th Amendment provides for direct election of U.S. senators.

October 1913:

The Underwood-Simmons Tariff reduces taxes on imported goods but initiates a 5% graduated income tax on Americans. 1 885 1 9 20 © Bettmann/Corbis Mary Evans Picture Library/ Everett Collection Courtesy Everett Collection The Museum of the City of NewYork/ Art Resource, NY Courtesy Everett Collection bar82063_05_c05_131-164.indd 158 1/9/15 9:32 AM Summary and Resources Post-Test 1. Which of the following was NOT a Progressive era electoral reform?

a. direct primary b. referendum c. recall d. initiation 2. Public reaction to Upton Sinclair’s novel The Jungle eventually resulted in the: a. Hepburn Act. b. Interstate Commerce Commission. c. Meat Inspection Act. d. Endangered Species Act. 3. Which president oversaw reforms in the banking system?

a. Woodrow Wilson b. William Howard Taft c. William McKinley d. Theodore Roosevelt 4. Enacted throughout the United States by 1916, the direct primary system allowed voters to:

a. vote by secret ballot. b. directly elect their U.S. senators. c. vote for the candidate of their choice. d. initiate legislation at the state level. 5. Progressives attacked all of the following social, political, and economic problems in U.S. society EXCEPT:

a. child labor. b. African American civil rights. c. unsafe food and drugs. d. large corporations and trusts. 6. Which activist coined the term birth control and advocated family planning? a. Margaret Sanger b. Jane Addams c. Florence Kelley d. Rose Rosenfeld Freedman 7. The settlement house movement drew its workers mainly from which of the follow - ing groups?

a. members of the urban working class b. rural men and women who came to the cities expressly to work c. middle-class, college-educated women d. eastern and southern European immigrants bar82063_05_c05_131-164.indd 159 1/9/15 9:32 AM Summary and Resources 8. Which of the following became law during Woodrow Wilson’s presidency?

a. Sherman Antitrust Act b. federal income tax c. Social Security Act d. Hepburn Act 9. Two important amendments to the U.S. Constitution in the Progressive era were the 16th Amendment, which called for __________, and the 17th Amendment, which called for __________.

a. woman suffrage; the prohibition of alcohol b. prohibition of alcohol; direct election of U.S. senators c. income tax; prohibition of alcohol d. income tax; direct election of U.S. senators 10. Theodore Roosevelt decided to run for the presidency on the Progressive Party ticket because:

a. President Taft largely disregarded Roosevelt’s agenda and policies. b. the Democratic Party was split. c. Taft decided not to run for reelection. d. He feared what Woodrow Wilson would do if elected president. Answers: 1 (d), 2 (c), 3 (a), 4 (c), 5 (b), 6 (a), 7 (c), 8 (b), 9 (d), 10 (a) Critical Thinking Questions 1. Who were the Progressives? Why did they see the need for a reform movement? 2. Can reform movements improve American society? How? 3. In what ways did African Americans approach the problems unique to their place in U.S. society in the early 20th century? 4. Which Progressive era president, if any, succeeded in advancing a Progressive agenda? 5. Did the Progressive era reforms have any significant effect on the lives of women and children? 6. How were the Progressives different from the Populists? Additional Resources Ten Days in a Mad-House by Nellie Bly ht tp://digital.librar y.upenn.edu/women/bly/madhouse/madhouse.html Nelly Bly’s firsthand account of her experience in a New York insane asylum.

Keating–Owen Child Labor Act of 1916 ht tp://w w w.ourdocuments.gov/doc.php?f lash=true&doc=59&page=transcript The full text of this act that aimed to curb the abuses of child labor. bar82063_05_c05_131-164.indd 160 1/9/15 9:32 AM Summary and Resources 16th Amendment ht tp://w w w.ourdocuments.gov/doc.php?doc=57&page=transcript The text of the constitutional amendment allowing Congress to levy income tax.

17th Amendment ht tp://w w w.ourdocuments.gov/doc.php?doc=58&page=transcript The text of the constitutional amendment providing for the direct election of U.S. senators.

Booker T. Washington’s Atlanta Compromise speech http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ampage?collId=ody_mssmisc&fileName=ody/ody0605 /ody0605page.db&recNum=0&it The speech Washington delivered at the Cotton States and International Exposition in Atlanta, Georgia, in September 1895.

Gifford Pinchot, “The Fight for Conservation” ht tp://w w w.loc.gov/teachers/classroommaterials/presentationsandactivities/presentations /timeline/progress/conserve/fight.html The policy of the nation’s first chief forester regarding environmental preservation.

Answers and Rejoinders to Chapter Pre-Test 1. False. Progressivism was not one single, easily defined movement. Some have even suggested that it encompassed so many ideas, goals, and causes that it is impossible to define it at all. It could have been as narrow as rallying against conditions found in a shirtwaist factory or as broad as novelist Upton Sinclair in his book The Jungle , which exposed the significant health issues found in the meatpacking industry. 2. True . Overall, many Progressives adopted the goal of ending the evils of alcohol. Ultimately in 1919 they were successful in changing the U.S. Constitution with the 18th Amendment. This gave Congress the power to create laws to enforce the prohi - bition of the manufacture, sale, or transportation of alcohol. 3. False . Gradually over the first 2 decades of the 20th century, the suffrage move - ment gained momentum. On January 10, 1918, the suffragists won a major victory when the House of Representatives approved by a narrow margin an amendment to change the Constitution and allow women to vote. The Senate required further con - vincing, and by this time President Wilson worked with those in favor of the voting amendment and privately tried to convince key Democrats who threatened to block the vote in the Senate. In August 1920 the 19th Amendment became a part of the U.S. Constitution. 4. True . The 1906 Hepburn Act gave the Interstate Commerce Commission the ability to inspect the financial records of any railroad company it chose, and the act also set a maximum rate the railroads could charge. Roosevelt’s active role increased the powers of the chief executive to regulate business and control the economy. 5. False . Wilson campaigned on what he called his New Freedom, in contrast to Roos - evelt’s New Nationalism. bar82063_05_c05_131-164.indd 161 1/9/15 9:32 AM Summary and Resources Atlanta Compromise  A speech Booker T. Washington delivered at an agricultural exposition in Atlanta, Georgia, in 1895. He argued that African Americans should not agitate for civil rights but should receive basic education and expect reward in due time. The speech was lauded by White politi - cians and businessmen.

city beautiful movement  A reform phi - losophy that intended to increase the beauty and grandeur of American cities and to increase civil pride. Clayton Antitrust Act  Enacted in 1914, the act eliminated price discrimination, outlawed overlapping stock purchases that resulted in market control, and restricted and regulated mergers.

conservation movement  A political, social, and economic movement to preserve and manage the use of American natural resources. The movement aimed for the managed use of resources in order to use them wisely and preserve them for future generations. Rejoinders to Chapter Post-Test 1. Initiation was not a Progressive reform. The direct primary, referendum, and recall were all elements of the movement to increase the democratic participation of voters. 2. Sinclair’s novel detailed the mismanagement and unsanitary conditions in the meat - packing industry. Outrage at his exposé led to the passage of the Meat Inspection Act in 1906. 3. Under Woodrow Wilson, the Federal Reserve Act of 1913 created the Federal Reserve System of regional banks, which set the nation’s interest rates and manage currency. 4. The direct primary allowed a state’s voters to choose the parties’ nominees for office. 5. Progressive reformers did little to advance the cause of African American civil rights.

Three important African American leaders emerged in the Progressive era and established tactics that would later be useful during the civil rights movement, but very little changed for African Americans during the Progressive era. 6. Margaret Sanger was a nurse who began advocating the use of contraceptives after working among poor and working-class families in New York. 7. Settlement house workers tended to be college-educated women from affluent families who dedicated their lives to Progressive reform; many became professional social workers. 8. The 16th Amendment to the Constitution, ratified in 1913, provided for a graduated federal income tax. 9. The 16th Amendment provided for a federal income tax, and the 17th Amendment provided for the direct election of U.S senators by the voters. Although income tax laws had existed previously, they were repealed. A Constitutional amendment made the tax more permanent. Before the 17th Amendment passed, senators were chosen by state legislatures. 10. Since Taft was his handpicked successor, Roosevelt had expected him to continue his Progressive agenda and policies. When Taft failed to do so, Roosevelt decided to challenge him for the presidency. Together they split the Republican vote and made Wilson’s election possible. Key Terms bar82063_05_c05_131-164.indd 162 1/9/15 9:32 AM Summary and Resources direct primary  A preliminary election in which each party’s candidates for office are chosen by a direct vote of the people.

Federal Reserve System  The central bank - ing system of the United States, organized with a presidentially appointed board of governors and 12 regional Federal Reserve Banks.

Hepburn Act  Passed in 1906, the act enhanced the ability of the Interstate Com - merce Commission to regulate railroad rates and to inspect railroad business records.

initiative and referendum  A law that empowered voters to initiate legislation via petition or to overturn unpopular laws.

Keating–Owen Act  Passed in 1916, the act established national protection standards for child workers under age 14.

Mann Act  Enacted in 1910 and supported by antivice reformers, this law made it a fed - eral crime to transport women across state lines for “immoral purposes.” Meat Inspection Act  This 1906 act estab - lished inspection processes to ensure that meat products were slaughtered and pre - pared under sanitary conditions.

municipal housekeepers  Usually women, often settlement house workers, who advo - cated urban reforms such as food inspection, workplace safety, inspection of housing, and women’s and children’s working conditions.

Their reform activities blurred the lines between women’s domestic and public roles.

National Association for the Advance - ment of Colored People (NAACP)  Founded in 1909, the NAACP is an integrated orga - nization dedicated to the advancement of African Americans in U.S. society. New Freedom  The political program Democrat Woodrow Wilson espoused dur - ing the 1912 presidential election. He called for tariff reform and creation of the Federal Reserve and antitrust laws.

New Nationalism  The name for the Pro - gressive political agenda former president Theodore Roosevelt advocated during the 1912 presidential election. He supported social welfare reforms, woman suffrage, and a strong president.

New Woman  A term denoting the growing number of college-educated, career-oriented women who pushed the boundaries of male- dominated society in the United States.

Progressive Party  Also known as the Bull Moose Party, it was formed by former presi - dent Theodore Roosevelt in 1912, allowing him to run for president as a third-party candidate.

Progressives  Men and women who adopted a social philosophy of reform and activism. They supported making soci - ety more efficient and government more democratic, and they used social scientific methods to solve the problems of a modern, industrial America.

Pure Food and Drug Act  This 1906 act established consumer protection and inspection over the labeling and contents of foods and medicines.

recall  A process through which voters can remove an elected official from office.

16th Amendment  Ratified in 1913, this amendment provides for a congressionally regulated and determined income tax.

17th Amendment  Adopted in May 1913, this amendment shifted the election of U.S.

senators from state legislatures to a direct election by the voters. bar82063_05_c05_131-164.indd 163 1/9/15 9:32 AM Summary and Resources socialism  A social philosophy or theory of social organization in which the ownership and control of the means of production and distribution rests in the community as a whole.

Square Deal  Theodore Roosevelt’s 1904 campaign plan in which he promised to deal with important issues such as conservation and regulation of the railroads and other big businesses.

Underwood-Simmons Tariff  Also known as the Revenue Act of 1913, this law lowered the basic tax on imported goods to the low - est rate since 1857. Wilson believed that the reduction would stimulate trade. Universal Negro Improvement Association  An African American nationalist organization founded by Marcus Garvey, the association urged African Americans to support African American businesses and to separate from the United States if necessary to achieve full equality.

Women’s Trade Union League  Formed in 1903, this organization of working-class and middle-class women combined to sup - port the efforts of working women to join unions and to improve sweatshop working conditions.

workers’ compensation  Laws providing benefits for individuals injured on the job, these were passed at the state level and typi - cally paid medical bills and compensation for lost wages. bar82063_05_c05_131-164.indd 164 1/9/15 9:32 AM