Can anyone do my discussion1 wk.2 US?

6 The First World War Imperial War Museum/The Art Archive at Art Resource, NY The Mark V tank was an important technological advance that helped the Allies achieve victory in World War I. bar82063_06_c06_165-198.indd 165 1/9/15 9:32 AM American Lives: Eugene V. Debs Pre-Test 1. One of the important ways the United States mobilized for World War I was through the National Defense Act of 1916. T/F 2. American involvement in World War I was relatively short, and American fighters were spared from the most deadly fighting in the war. T/F 3. Women largely contributed to the war effort by holding scrap paper drives and fund- raising campaigns. T/F 4. One of the main challenges in 1919 was racial conflict, and in some cities this erupted into riot conditions. T/F 5. The United States led the way by being the first nation to join the League of Nations after the war. T/F Answers can be found at the end of the chapter.

Learning Objectives By the end of this chapter, you should be able to:

• Consider why it became increasingly difficult for the United States to maintain an isolationist stance in the early 20th century. • Explain the causes of World War I. • Discuss the effects mobilization had on the American economy and society. • Explain how the war changed the lives of African Americans and women. • Discuss the ways in which the United States moved in a conservative direction following the war. American Lives: Eugene V. Debs Earning nearly a million votes—6% of the total cast—in his fourth run for the presidency in 1912, Socialist Eugene V. Debs mistakenly believed that the Socialist Party of America (SPA) stood on the edge of an impending electoral revolution. Known as a radical advocate for the working class, Debs and other Socialists shared a vision for a new America in which workers would stand united and solve many of the ills of industrial society . Under ideal socialism, collective or government ownership of utilities, services, and businesses would in theory equalize the social classes and evenly distribute wealth among the population.

Poverty would be reduced, and all citizens would share in the nation’s prosperity. In the Pro - gressive era more than 100 local and state officials and two congressmen were elected under the SPA. Although Progressives were not Socialists, they expressed similar ideals such as mak - ing capitalism more responsive to the needs of the average citizen and regulating businesses to level the playing field in major industries. bar82063_06_c06_165-198.indd 166 1/9/15 9:32 AM Ailing health prevented Debs from challenging incumbent Woodrow Wilson in the 1916 presi - dential election, but as Wilson prepared the country to enter the world war a year later, Debs returned to public life and delivered a series of scathing antiwar speeches. Debs argued that workingmen were disproportionately affected when the nation went to war. They were, he said, exploited as a fighting force for the capitalists who controlled the country. He often told crowds : The working class who fight all the battles, the working class who make the supreme sacrifices, the working class who freely shed their blood and furnish the corpses, have never yet had a voice in either declaring war or making peace. (Debs, 1918) World War I (1914–1918) posed a more immediate threat to Debs as well. The war sparked Americans’ fears of radi - calism from both domestic and inter - national sources, and the Communist victory in the 1917 Bolshevik Revolu - tion in Russia only added to the hyste - ria (Goldberg, 1999). Together, these events destroyed the hopes of the coun - try’s growing Socialist movement. The U.S. government directed a campaign to repress Socialists, radical unions such as the Industrial Workers of the World, and other dissidents who dared speak out against the war and the triumph of industrial capitalism . After a speech in Canton, Ohio, Debs was arrested under the Espionage Act of 1917, which outlawed antiwar activi - ties or anything that might be seen to aid the enemy. He was convicted and sentenced to 10 years in federal prison. In 1920 he campaigned from his jail cell for president for a fifth time, again gaining nearly a million votes.

Debs and the Socialist movement continued to lose support in the 1920s, however. Those who applauded Russian bolshevism abandoned socialism for communism (see Table 6.1 later in the chapter). Meanwhile, the currents of conservatism that sparked anti-Socialist and antiforeign hysteria during the war continued, leading to immigration restriction, support for Prohibition, and a diminished tolerance for radicalism.

President Warren G. Harding pardoned Debs in 1921. Unlike many Socialists at the time, Debs did not join the Communist movement (Goldberg, 1999). He never wanted to overthrow the American capitalist system; he only wanted to make it more equitable for the workers who gen - erated the nation’s industrial wealth. He returned to Indiana, and in his remaining years he © David J. & Janice L. Frent Collection/Corbis Debs (right) and running mate Emil Seidel earned 6% of the popular vote in the presidential election of 1912. American Lives: Eugene V. Debs bar82063_06_c06_165-198.indd 167 1/9/15 9:32 AM Section 6.1  Latin American Concerns dwelled on the failure of his brand of socialism and Progressive reform. He died in a convalescent sanitarium outside Chicago in 1926 (Salvatore, 1984) . For further thought : 1. Was Debs’s arrest under the Espionage Act justified? Why or why not? 2. Why did many Americans come to fear socialism? 6.1 Latin American Concerns Debs opposed war because he believed it exploited the working classes of America and the world, but his position found waning support as the United States expanded its influence internationally. Victory in the Spanish–American War (1898) established the United States as the dominant force in the Western Hemisphere. The territories and protectorates it claimed, and the opening of the Panama Canal in August 1914, gave the United States important rea - sons to become involved in the region.

Wilson and the Challenge of Spreading Democracy Woodrow Wilson came to the presidency with little foreign policy experience. His 1912 campaign had focused on domestic issues, especially his agenda for Progressive reform.

He appointed pacifist and anti-imperialist William Jennings Bryan as secretary of state and announced that the United States would avoid conflicts in Latin America and respect its move - ments toward economic development.

Despite his pacifist and isolationist rhetoric, however, international developments such as French and German incursions into Haiti and the eruption of war in Europe forced Wilson to militarily intervene more than any previous president. He promoted the idea that Americans had a responsibility to ensure the spread of democracy, but he limited his idealized demo - cratic vision largely to the White residents of the United States, Canada, and Europe. His inter - ventions in Latin America, for example, suggest Wilson had little confidence in the ability of Haitians and Dominicans to govern themselves.

Haiti and the Dominican Republic Practical economic concerns fueled Wilson’s interventions into Haiti and the Dominican Republic. The Monroe Doctrine proclaimed U.S. dominance in the Western Hemisphere, and the Roosevelt Corollary (see Chapter 4) forewarned European nations against involvement in the region. But growing global interconnections made Latin American nations tempting sources of trade and natural resources. bar82063_06_c06_165-198.indd 168 1/9/15 9:32 AM Section 6.1  Latin American Concerns Haiti was formerly a French colony, and German merchants increased their presence by establishing trading posts in the nation. The country was also wracked with political insta - bility, including the assassination or overthrow of seven presidents in 4 years. Wilson grew concerned that the French and Germans would take advantage of the country’s chaotic politi - cal system and jeopardize U.S. economic interests and control of the Western Hemisphere. In 1915 he ordered a military takeover of the nation’s operations, establishing a new constitu - tion that put an American-controlled government in charge of Haitian affairs for the next decade. U.S. troops would occupy Haiti continuously until 1934.

Similar circumstances led to Wilson’s imposition of a military government in the Dominican Republic the following year. He sought to protect U.S. Naval interests and to prevent European nations from stepping into a political vacuum. The interventions in Haiti and the Domini - can Republic asserted American dominance over Latin America and stabilized U.S. economic investments, but they did little to spread democracy (Clements, 1992). In fact, Wilson’s actions left Haiti with little say in its own governance and forced the election of a pro-American presi - dent in 1915. The Dominican Republic similarly fell under U.S. occupation until 1922, with free elections finally held in 1924.

The Mexican Revolution More extensive U.S. intervention came in Mexico, where a revolution led by Francisco Madero deposed the dictatorial government of Porfirio Díaz in 1910. American business leaders, who were heavily invested in Mexico’s agriculture and industries, sought a fast resolution to the ensuing unrest and supported the bloody coup of military commander Victoriano Huerta, who assassinated Madero in 1912. Most Mexicans despised Huerta. Most European nations recognized the new Mexican government, but Wilson, infu - riated by Huerta’s actions, refused.

After Mexican officials arrested a group of American sailors who intentionally entered a restricted area in Tampico, Wilson sent 800 marines south into Mexico to block arms shipped to Huer - ta’s forces and occupy the city of Vera - cruz. His power greatly weakened in the face of U.S. military power, Huerta relinquished control to Venustiano Carranza, whom Wilson recognized as the Mexican president.

Instead of a secure government dur - ing Carranza’s presidency, however, instability increased, as bands of workers and farmers demanded that the revolution’s goal of economic equality be upheld. The country’s northern border region became a hotbed of radicalism, with strikes, riots, and bandits attacking individuals and businesses. © Bettmann/Corbis Mexican revolutionaries fought to oust the autocratic government of Porfirio Díaz and eventually produced a new constitution and a more stable political system. bar82063_06_c06_165-198.indd 169 1/9/15 9:32 AM Section 6.2  To Make the World Safe for Democracy Francisco “Pancho” Villa, a rebel commander, emerged as one of the movement’s leaders. He seized property for redistribution to small farmers and took supplies and valuables. During a January 1916 raid on a train carrying gold from an American-owned mine to Texas, Villa’s men killed 17 Americans on board. Two months later Villa and his men crossed into New Mexico to perpetrate another raid, killing more Americans. Wilson promptly sent more than 10,000 troops under control of Maj. Gen. John J. Pershing to pursue Villa, but he eluded cap - ture. The conflict resulted in deaths on both sides and nearly sparked a war between Mexico and the United States.

For some Progressives, including Wilson, the Mexican Revolution, along with instability in Haiti and the Dominican Republic, reinforced their belief in the need for White Americans to manage the affairs of so-called lesser races. Others, such as Theodore Roosevelt, expressed concern that revolutionary chaos in Latin America posed a grave threat to economic invest - ment and property. They believed that American interventions defended rather than under - mined republican self-government in Latin America (Dawley, 2003). Some Americans, like Eugene V. Debs, believed that American involvement abroad—and war in general—resulted in unnecessary exploitation of the working class.

Divided reaction to these events reflected a diversity of opinion that would carry over to American involvement in the growing world conflict. The conflict in Europe would find Amer - ica divided along ethnic lines as well, with many immigrants and newly naturalized U.S. citi - zens finding it necessary to choose sides between their new nation and their homeland.

6.2 To Make the World Safe for Democracy In an instant on June 28, 1914, the world changed forever. Bullets fired by a Serbian terror - ist killed Archduke Franz Ferdinand, heir to the Austro–Hungarian throne, and his wife in Sarajevo, Bosnia (see Figure 6.1). Six weeks later, the world was at war. The assassination was like the falling of a single domino that set into motion a chain of events leading to the largest conflict the world had ever seen.

Making up the Central Powers were Germany, Austria–Hungary, and the Ottoman Empire (modern-day Turkey and the Middle East). Against them initially were the Triple Entente (Allies) of Great Britain, France, and Russia. These combatants in the Great War, which would later be called World War I, fought for 3 long and deadly years before the United States ended its isolation and joined the Allies in the conflict.

President Wilson signed a declaration of war against Germany on April 6, 1917, rapidly alter - ing more than a century of American foreign policy (Morton, 1989). In hindsight most histori - ans agree that global and regional developments and incidents in the years leading up to 1917 made American involvement in the Great War all but inevitable. Figure 6.1: European military alliances, 1914 This map shows the European military alliances in 1914 at the onset of World War I. Russia, the United Kingdom, and France (which includes Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia) made up the Triple Entente (Allies), while the German Empire, Austria–Hungary, and Italy made up the Central Powers. Montenegro and Serbia were allies of Russia but not part of the Triple Entente. Some European countries, namely Spain, Greece, and several Slavic nations, avoided the conflict. RUSSIA GERMAN EMPIRE OTTOMAN EMPIRE FRANCE UNITEDKINGDOM SPAIN ITALY GREECE BULGARIA ROMANIA AUSTRIA-HUNGARY SERBIA MONTE-NEGRO PORTUGAL SPANISHMOROCCO ALGERIA(FRANCE) TUNISIA(FRANCE) MOROCCO(FRANCE) ATLANTIC OCEAN North Sea Mediterranean Sea Black Sea Baltic Sea Central Powers Triple Entente Slavic Allies of Russia Neutral Countries bar82063_06_c06_165-198.indd 170 1/9/15 9:32 AM RUSSIA GERMAN EMPIRE OTTOMAN EMPIRE FRANCE UNITEDKINGDOM SPAIN ITALY GREECE BULGARIA ROMANIA AUSTRIA-HUNGARY SERBIA MONTE-NEGRO PORTUGAL SPANISHMOROCCO ALGERIA(FRANCE) TUNISIA(FRANCE) MOROCCO(FRANCE) ATLANTIC OCEAN North Sea Mediterranean Sea Black Sea Baltic Sea Central Powers The Allies Slavic Allies of Russia Neutral Countries Section 6.2 To Make the World Safe for Democracy Francisco “Pancho” Villa, a rebel commander, emerged as one of the movement’s leaders. He seized property for redistribution to small farmers and took supplies and valuables. During a January 1916 raid on a train carrying gold from an American-owned mine to Texas, Villa’s men killed 17 Americans on board. Two months later Villa and his men crossed into New Mexico to perpetrate another raid, killing more Americans. Wilson promptly sent more than 10,000 troops under control of Maj. Gen. John J. Pershing to pursue Villa, but he eluded cap - ture. The conflict resulted in deaths on both sides and nearly sparked a war between Mexico and the United States.

For some Progressives, including Wilson, the Mexican Revolution, along with instability in Haiti and the Dominican Republic, reinforced their belief in the need for White Americans to manage the affairs of so-called lesser races. Others, such as Theodore Roosevelt, expressed concern that revolutionary chaos in Latin America posed a grave threat to economic invest - ment and property. They believed that American interventions defended rather than under - mined republican self-government in Latin America (Dawley, 2003). Some Americans, like Eugene V. Debs, believed that American involvement abroad—and war in general—resulted in unnecessary exploitation of the working class.

Divided reaction to these events reflected a diversity of opinion that would carry over to American involvement in the growing world conflict. The conflict in Europe would find Amer - ica divided along ethnic lines as well, with many immigrants and newly naturalized U.S. citi - zens finding it necessary to choose sides between their new nation and their homeland.

6.2 To Make the World Safe for Democracy In an instant on June 28, 1914, the world changed forever. Bullets fired by a Serbian terror - ist killed Archduke Franz Ferdinand, heir to the Austro–Hungarian throne, and his wife in Sarajevo, Bosnia (see Figure 6.1). Six weeks later, the world was at war. The assassination was like the falling of a single domino that set into motion a chain of events leading to the largest conflict the world had ever seen.

Making up the Central Powers were Germany, Austria–Hungary, and the Ottoman Empire (modern-day Turkey and the Middle East). Against them initially were the Triple Entente (Allies) of Great Britain, France, and Russia. These combatants in the Great War, which would later be called World War I, fought for 3 long and deadly years before the United States ended its isolation and joined the Allies in the conflict.

President Wilson signed a declaration of war against Germany on April 6, 1917, rapidly alter - ing more than a century of American foreign policy (Morton, 1989). In hindsight most histori - ans agree that global and regional developments and incidents in the years leading up to 1917 made American involvement in the Great War all but inevitable. Figure 6.1: European military alliances of World War I This map shows the European military alliances during World War I. Russia, the United Kingdom, France (which includes Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia), and Italy were the primary nations of the Allies, while the German Empire, Austria–Hungary, the Ottoman Empire, and Bulgaria made up the Central Powers. Several other European nations, including Romania, Greece, and Portugal, joined the Allies as the war progressed. RUSSIA GERMAN EMPIRE OTTOMAN EMPIRE FRANCE UNITEDKINGDOM SPAIN ITALY GREECE BULGARIA ROMANIA AUSTRIA-HUNGARY SERBIA MONTE-NEGRO PORTUGAL SPANISHMOROCCO ALGERIA(FRANCE) TUNISIA(FRANCE) MOROCCO(FRANCE) ATLANTIC OCEAN North Sea Mediterranean Sea Black Sea Baltic Sea Central Powers The Allies Slavic Allies of Russia Neutral Countries The Causes of World War I The assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand was not the sole cause of the war. A decades- long series of diplomatic clashes involving Italy, France, Germany, Britain, Russia, and Austria–Hungary over colonial and European territory and political issues also lay behind the conflict. As these empires grew larger, the balance of power within Europe shifted and argu - ments over economic and political control flared around the globe.

Just before fighting began, an important dispute centered on territorial control of the Balkans, a geographic region in southeastern Europe claimed by both Austria–Hungary and Russia.

Bickering over economic and territorial control in the Balkan region drew in other European bar82063_06_c06_165-198.indd 171 2/5/15 1:25 PM Section 6.2  To Make the World Safe for Democracy nations due to the webs of treaties and alliances that had accumulated over time (Strachan, 1998). Ferdinand’s assassination prompted Austria–Hungary to declare war on Serbia, and the elaborate alliance system soon drew Germany into conflict against Russia, France, and Great Britain.

Growing nationalism —a sense of extreme patriotism that leads citizens to believe in the superiority of their nation’s culture, economy, and military—was another contributing factor.

Citizens become more likely to engage in war when they believe that their nation’s leaders and governments are in the right and that their military can quickly win any conflict (Stra - chan, 1998). Most European leaders believed that the war would be brief, with decisive eco - nomic and political benefits to their own nations. Instead, this first major conflict of the mod - ern industrial age proved to be long and vastly more destructive than any previous war.

A New Kind of War The interconnections among modern and emerging nations made World War I as much an economic contest as a diplomatic or military one. Often called the first total, or modern, war, it quickly became a global conflict. The heaviest fighting occurred in Europe, the Middle East, and parts of Africa. But Europe’s global dominance reached across multiple continents; the colonial empires of Great Britain, Germany, France, and other nations meant that a Euro - pean conflict had intercontinental implications. Because of the global economic reach of the Europeans, it was difficult for many nations of the world to maintain neutrality, especially when the combatants, or belligerents, could call on colonial subjects in far-flung areas of Asia, Africa, and the Middle East to engage in fighting on their behalf (Strachan, 1998).

Modern War and Trench Warfare Technological sophistication and indus - trial mobilization made World War I unlike any previous conflict. Technol - ogy outpaced war strategy as nations equipped their armies with new and more deadly artillery, hand grenades, machine guns, poison gas, airplanes, and armored tanks. Communication technology in the form of wireless radio transmission made it possible to bet - ter coordinate troop movements and transmit intelligence in real time. The belligerent nations combined these powerful technologies with vibrant propaganda campaigns that kept their citizens focused on the war. Britain, France, and Russia each used posters, films, literature, and photographs to mobilize public opinion against Ger - many, and the Germans similarly vili - fied their rivals through propaganda. Everett Collection/SuperStock World War I technology and tactics forced troops to fight and live within the confines of trenches that often stretched for miles along the front. bar82063_06_c06_165-198.indd 172 1/9/15 9:32 AM Section 6.3  The United States in the Great War The advances in firepower in World War I were not accompanied by similar gains in troop mobility. Instead, armies used a defensive system of trench warfare , digging miles of trenches along a front often protected with barbed wire. Much of the war saw thousands of soldiers trapped in muddy trenches, dugouts, or craters as they simultaneously defended their posi - tions and tried to flush the enemy from its facing trenches (Ellis, 1976). This system of under - ground encampment ensured that the war would drag on much longer than anyone could have imagined when it began.

6.3 The United States in the Great War When World War I began, Wilson and most Americans favored a policy of neutrality. Sepa - rated from Europe by a vast ocean, most viewed the conflict as a calamity that was happening “over there.” Many Americans also believed the conflict demonstrated that a cultural, moral, and political dichotomy divided the warlike, feudalistic Old World and the peaceful, demo - cratic New World.

Though aid organizations collected charitable relief in the form of food, clothing, and medical supplies for civilians in war-torn areas of Europe, for most Americans the outbreak of war was something to be watched from afar. Few believed that the United States would ever be drawn into the fight (Cooper, 1990). The global interconnections of the modern age, however, and especially America’s standing as the world’s major industrial producer, would severely test that belief in the years to come.

America Enters the War Over There In its nearly 150-year history, the United States had never sent troops into Europe. There were, however, several reasons neutrality in the Great War did not and could not last. One of the most important ones was that by early 1917, Germany appeared to be winning (Mearsheimer, 2003). If in fact Germany did secure victory and rule over Europe, it would damage Ameri - can economic interests, in part because Britain was a valued trading partner.

Global business connections made it virtually impossible for the United States to remain completely neutral in the conflict; in fact, the United States continued to trade with Britain after the war began by sidestepping a Ger - man blockade around England.

While the British navy was extremely powerful, its strength was on the sur - face of the water. In contrast, Germany developed a new submarine technology Everett Collection/SuperStock A German U-boat torpedoed the RMS Lusitania on May 7, 1915, killing 1,198 passengers, including 128 Americans. bar82063_06_c06_165-198.indd 173 1/9/15 9:33 AM Section 6.3  The United States in the Great War called the Unterseeboot , or U-boat, which it used very effectively against the British fleet. On May 7, 1915, the world’s attention focused on this deadly weapon when a German U-boat fired on and sank the British luxury liner the Lusitania off the coast of Ireland (Cooper, 1990). Of the 1,198 passengers who died, 128 were Americans.

The American public’s reaction to the attack was initially one of outrage, but once it became known that the ship was in fact listed as an auxiliary warship, tempers cooled considerably.

It was soon learned that the Lusitania carried more than 50 tons of munitions produced by a U.S. steel manufacturer.

Few people in the United States called for war even after the sinking of the Lusitania . Wilson worked through diplomatic channels to force Germany to apologize for the attack, compen - sate American victims, and avoid future strikes. Wilson refused to accept that the British were partly to blame for allowing civilian passengers aboard a ship carrying arms, however. His resolve on the subject led to a bitter disagreement with Secretary of State William Jennings Bryan, who resigned over his belief that Wilson was leading the United States closer to the conflict.

In 1916 Americans reelected Wilson, who, despite his growing militancy, campaigned on the slogan “He kept us out of war.” The nation’s hopes for peace and continued isolation from war were soon to end, however. In early 1917 Germany increased its U-boat attacks and declared a new policy of unrestricted submarine warfare, which superseded the agreement it struck with Wilson after the sinking of the Lusitania . Germany also made a bold attempt to strike an alliance with Mexico, in clear violation of the Monroe Doctrine. Arthur Zimmermann, the German foreign secretary, telegrammed the German embassy in Mexico City and said that the submarines would once again be resuming their destruction.

The telegram also suggested that if Mexico entered the war, Germany would return New Mexico, Arizona, and Texas to Mexico when the Central Powers won. Britain intercepted and decoded the Zimmermann telegram on January 19, 1917, and several weeks later it was in the hands of Americans. Although it inflamed the American public, Mexico had little intention of accepting Germany’s offer. Mexican president Carranza had already experienced the strength of the U.S. military and harbored few illusions that his nation could win. Mexico would also have little ability to integrate and govern the large expanse of territory, especially since Amer - ican citizens largely inhabited it. Despite these realities, the fact that U.S. territory had been threatened caused many Americans to quickly become prowar.

After the telegram was made public, there were quiet rumors that it was a British ruse aimed at gaining U.S. support. However, Zimmermann himself put such theories to rest when he admitted to sending the message. In April Wilson, hoping to bring a swift end to the conflict, asked Congress to declare war on Germany and commit troops and supplies (Cooper, 1990).

In his war message, he mentioned democracy only twice and instead argued that America’s entrance into the war should be considered a necessary means of overthrowing what many came to see as the irresponsible government of Germany.

Mobilizing for War Although the United States did not enter the war until 1917, the nation had begun prepar - ing for conflict almost since the fighting started. In 1915 Wilson had endorsed a proposal to bar82063_06_c06_165-198.indd 174 1/9/15 9:33 AM Section 6.3  The United States in the Great War expand the military. The first step was the National Defense Act of 1916, which increased the size of the U.S. Army and the National Guard and allowed the president to federalize the National Guard, which had previously been under the control of state governors. The act also spurred the production of wartime weapons.

That same year, the Naval Appropriations Act strengthened the navy. Four battleships and eight cruisers were built in the first year (Herring, 2008). As part of a long-term plan of naval preparedness, the bill paved the way for a two-ocean fleet of 60 battleships, making the United States competitive on the high seas (Byrne & Sweeney, 2006).

Despite these efforts, in many ways the United States was unprepared for the hostilities.

Assembling a large fighting force was a particular challenge for the nation. At the outbreak of war, the United States had an army that was smaller than the armies of even small European nations. When Wilson declared war, the U.S. Army was still only the 17th largest military in the world. The deadly trench warfare of World War I could deplete the American fighting force of 100,000 very quickly. Britain, for instance, had lost 60,000 men in one day at the Battle of the Somme in 1916 (Ciment, 2007).

Within 2 weeks of declaring war on Germany, Wilson endorsed the first military draft since the Civil War. Congress passed a conscription bill, and the president signed it into law on May 18, 1917. To make conscription more palatable, the bill also initiated a civilian-led Selective Service System to manage the draft and lead a public relations campaign to convince Ameri - cans that military service was necessary and their patriotic duty. The draft built a force of more than 2.7 million soldiers over the course of the war. Another 1.5 million volunteered for the army, and 520,000 joined the navy and marines (Cooper, 1990).

On July 4 the first contingent of the American Expeditionary Forces appeared in Paris. Their arrival provided a much-needed morale boost to the Allies. One French soldier observed the U.S. troops as they marched in: “As human beings and raw material, they’re the very best,” he commented to an American reporter. “But they need a deal of training. The hardest thing to teach them is not to be too brave” (as cited in Coffman, 1998, p. 4).

Enemy machine guns had a way of quickly silencing youthful bravado. Before long many suf - fered from shell shock in response to the trauma of battle. Akin to the post-traumatic stress disorder common in today’s soldiers, those who saw the horrors of battle that modern weap - ons made possible often experienced intense fear, ringing in the ears, and a sense of helpless - ness. Some World War I soldiers suffering shell shock were initially considered cowardly, and in 1917 the British army banned it as a medical diagnosis. As more soldiers exhibited symp - toms, the military experimented with treatments, but the condition remained ill defined and ill treated throughout the war.

The American Soldier The average American infantry soldier was 22 years old and leaving the United States for the first time in his life. Nearly 20% of soldiers were foreign born and 1 in 10 were African Ameri - can. Many were working class and young, did not possess a high school diploma, and were linked to various ethnic groups. bar82063_06_c06_165-198.indd 175 1/9/15 9:33 AM Section 6.3  The United States in the Great War Martin Hogan recalled joining the National Guard at 17, lying about his age and believing he could “go to France and grow up with war” (Hallas, 2000, p. 8). As an Irish American he chose to join the New York 69th Infantry Regiment because it included many Irish among its ranks. Joseph E. Rendinell from western Pennsylvania quit his job in a steel mill to join the U.S. Navy over the objections of his parents. Ranch hand Dan Edwards was already in the U.S. Army Reserve but reenlisted as soon as he heard of the declaration of war. Along with 32 of his coworkers, he caught a train to Waco, Texas, where they were processed and classified (Hallas, 2000).

Progressive era efficiency was applied to the military, with recruits classified through intel - lectual and psychological testing and assigned according to their abilities and aptitudes. Over the course of the American involvement in the war, almost 1.7 million intelligence tests were administered. An alpha test was administered to literate recruits, and a beta test to those who could not read or with poor English skills. Most recruits performed poorly because the tests were designed with literate high school graduates in mind, and many soldiers did not fit that background (Keene, 2006).

Clergymen, psychologists, social workers, and recreational specialists worked to provide recruits with a morally uplifting and sometimes repressive introduction to military life (Cooper, 1990). Organizations held soldiers’ dances but often imposed strict rules of conduct, including dress codes, control over lighting and music, and the types of dance allowed. Sing - ing was another group activity for recruits and soldiers. Songs for group performance were carefully selected to promote patriotism and moral uplift (Keene, 2006).

African American Soldiers Among the more than 4 million who served in the U.S. military during World War I were 367,710 African Americans, 96% of whom were conscripts (during the period when the military accepted volunteers, only 4,000 slots were opened for African Americans). African Americans constituted 13% of the mili - tary, but only 10% of the general popu - lation. Subjected to the same testing as White soldiers, African Americans were mustered into segregated regiments.

African American leaders, including W. E. B. Du Bois, urged African Ameri - cans to support the war, arguing that their valiant service would help bring down some of the walls of prejudice. In the end, however, the war did little to advance civil rights. © Bettmann/Corbis Over the course of the American involvement in World War I, almost 1.7 million intelligence tests were administered to recruits, many of whom performed poorly because the tests were designed with literate high school graduates in mind, and many soldiers did not fit that background. bar82063_06_c06_165-198.indd 176 1/9/15 9:33 AM Section 6.3  The United States in the Great War Few African Americans saw combat. Many African American troops hoped that combat ser - vice would demonstrate their ability to fight alongside White soldiers and curb some of the virulent racism permeating American society. Instead, most who were sent to Europe, about half of those conscripted, worked as manual laborers, loading and unloading supplies and equipment under White supervision. Others served as drivers, personal aides, or porters for White officers (Lentz-Smith, 2009). The other half remained in the United States, serving out their conscription in manual labor positions on the home front. Overall, African Americans made up a third of the military’s laboring units (Keene, 2006).

Following complaints from the NAACP, the War Department finally established an African American officer candidate’s program in June 1917, and some 1,200 African American offi - cers earned an officer’s commission by the war’s end (Cooper, 1990). Even those advancing to officer rank encountered discrimination that prevented their advancement in the military, however. Some White commanding officers routinely declared African American artillery offi - cers inefficient, for example, and recommended that all of them be replaced.

African American recruits were also often hassled or attacked by southern Whites. In August 1917 a clash between Whites and African American soldiers in Houston, Texas, prompted the harassed soldiers to lash out against those imposing the laws that kept African Americans and Whites separate, known as Jim Crow laws. The riot was sparked when an African American sol - dier intervened to prevent a White policeman from beating an African American woman. The soldier was arrested and beaten, and a rumor spread among African American recruits that he had been murdered. The 2-day riot resulted in 19 deaths, including 2 African American soldiers and 17 White men, at least 4 of whom were police officers. More than 100 African American soldiers were court-martialed and 13 were hanged (Barbeau & Henry, 1996).

Industry and the War While the war began to expose the cracks in America’s racist and discriminatory systems, it served to stimulate the U.S. economy. The United States was economically committed to the Allied effort long before declaring war in 1917. Soon after hostilities erupted, the British ordered 400,000 rifles from U.S. manufacturers. Under the advisement of Allied experts, many factories retooled their production lines to shift from producing consumer goods to military ones, and began mass-producing rifles, artillery, machine guns, car - tridges, and gunpowder.

The House of Morgan, the large bank headed by J. P. Morgan, Jr., acted as commission bro - ker for the Allies. Between January 1915 and April 1917, Morgan purchased a staggering $3 billion worth of munitions, foodstuffs, raw materials, chemicals, and machine tools. By the time the United States entered the war, American manufacturing plants were producing 15,000 rifles daily for shipment to the British and Russians.

The British and the Allies became dependent on the United States for the munitions, sup - plies, and financing needed to wage the war, and the economic benefit to American industri - alists grew exponentially as the conflict continued. In order to pay for the needed supplies, bar82063_06_c06_165-198.indd 177 1/9/15 9:33 AM Section 6.3  The United States in the Great War the Allies liquidated their assets and overseas investments, sending gold and seeking credit from the United States (Zieger, 2000). The Home Front Military mobilization required a corresponding civilian mobilization. The conception of a total war meant that most of the nation’s resources were refo - cused on the war effort. The military had to be sup - plied with equipment and transported to the war zone. Americans also had to be convinced that the significant strains the war placed on the economy and individual lives were worth it. As young men moved from production occupations to the mili - tary, women stepped in to fill their roles in factories and mills across the nation. Conservation of food resources was also essential to the war effort.

Bureaucracy and the War The United States had few centralized agencies that could be used to manage the massive mobiliza - tion the war effort required. The Selective Service System, for example, had no federal police force to enforce the draft. Instead, the government relied on people to voluntarily comply with many aspects of the war’s administration.

The creation of a War Industries Board (WIB) under the direction of Bernard M. Baruch, a Wall Street investment banker, aimed to coordinate a number of committees to oversee the pro - duction and distribution of war materials across a number of industries. For example, the WIB was charged with convincing the automobile industry to convert to production of tanks and trucks for the war effort.

Wilson put the nation’s railroads under the supervision of the U.S. Railroad Administration and funneled $500 million in federal funds for improvements and equipment. Wilson also recruited a number of academics and business experts to supervise various segments of the wartime economy. Many of the businessmen donated their time or received $1 in government salary, becoming known as “dollar-a-year men.” Among them, the president of the Aluminum Company of America oversaw the WIB’s aluminum needs, and a former executive of the John Deere Corporation headed the agricultural implements division.

Guaranteeing companies would recover the cost of retooling plus make a profit, the WIB con - vinced Black & Decker to manufacture gun sights and Akron Tire to retool for production of army cots. The Evinrude Company stopped making boat motors and instead turned out Everett Collection/SuperStock Wartime propaganda aimed to draw Americans closer to their European allies and urged patriotic participation through the purchase of war bonds and savings bonds. bar82063_06_c06_165-198.indd 178 1/9/15 9:33 AM Section 6.3  The United States in the Great War grenades. Future president Herbert Hoover managed the production and distribution of food to American troops and the Allies (Cooper, 1990).

While the United States did not experience food shortages, the Allied nations in Europe were in dire need of basic supplies such as flour. World War I interrupted the ability of Allied nations to plant food crops necessary to sustain their populations. Americans were urged to conserve wheat, corn, barley, meat, and vegetables in order to supply the citizens of Allied nations. U.S. Food Administration advertising campaigns reached out in multiple languages, ensuring that recent immigrants would receive the conservation message alongside native English speakers.

Management of the economy had the unexpected consequence of drumming up government support for labor organization. Wilson’s administration grew concerned that a tight labor market, in which there were more jobs than workers, would disrupt wartime production.

Between 1914 and 1920 Americans witnessed an average of 3,000 significant strikes occur annually, as workers demanded workplace security and safety and a fair share of the growing fruits of consumer capitalism (Zieger, 2000).

In an effort to quell labor unrest, Wilson formed the National War Labor Board . Headed by former president Taft, the board affirmed workers’ rights to collective bargaining, set mini - mum wages and maximum work hours, and even guaranteed equal pay for female workers.

In exchange, labor organizations agreed not to strike for the duration of the war. Never com - pletely successful in preventing work stoppages, government support did help swell union membership. The nation’s largest trade union, the American Federation of Labor, grew from 2.7 million members in 1916 to more than 4 million a year later.

Women, African Americans, and Wartime Industry America’s entrance into World War I brought issues of race, class and gender to a critical head at home. Mobilization created an urgent demand for workers, but the onset of war in 1914 had all but stopped the flow of European immigrants who had filled many of the industrial jobs during the Gilded Age and Progressive era. Immigration fell from 1.2 million in 1914 to less than 300,000 the following year. In many industries women and African Americans stepped into industrial occupations that had long been the domain of White men.

The number of women employed outside the home had increased after 1910, but most worked in gender-specific occupations such as office work, teaching, or textile manufacturing. Wom - en’s work during the Great War represented a shift within the female labor force. Work in war industries provided opportunities for clerks, schoolteachers, and telephone operators to move into well-paying industrial jobs in the war industries (Greenwald, 1980).

Many of the women laboring in war industries were already part of the workforce at the onset of mobilization. Unlike middle-class women, who were generally able to remove their labor from the workforce after marriage, many working-class women continued to work even after marrying and having children. The war offered an opportunity for these women to earn higher wages and better contribute to the family economy. bar82063_06_c06_165-198.indd 179 1/9/15 9:33 AM Section 6.3  The United States in the Great War The best opportunities were open to White women who labored as welders, operated heavy equipment, and worked in tire factories, and for the duration of the war they earned wages equivalent to those paid to men. African Americans found the war opened job opportunities to them as well. Labor agents for industry, railroads, and coal mines traveled south to recruit African American men and some women to fill the void left when more than 3 million entered military service.

Part of a massive migration of men and women from the South, called the Great Migration, that would continue into the next decade, African American workers were welcomed into many positions and industries previously denied to them. In the years surrounding World War I, between 450,000 and 500,000 reached the cities of the North.

For many African American men, migration during the war gave them their first foothold in solid industrial employment. African American men earned good wages in heavy indus - try, but African American women found their experiences very different from those of their White counterparts. Most remained concentrated in traditional forms of female employment, especially agricultural labor and domestic or personal service. Those who did enter industry found the best paying options in garment trades, government arsenals, or the railroad. Afri - can American women constituted only about 15% of female industrial employees during the war (Greenwald, 1980).

Although conditions were better in the North, few African American migrants found their new homes to be the “promised land” they sought. The war years were fraught with racial conflict in the labor market, and many faced hostility from Whites in the workplace as well as housing discrimination. At the conclusion of the war, the nation faced an economic downturn when wartime production suddenly stopped. African American populations came under attack in numerous cities, and race riots erupted in places such as Chicago dur - ing the so-called red summer of 1919. But despite the violence and discrimination, African Americans continued to migrate north and eventually west in search of better conditions and economic opportunities.

Patriotism and Loyalty Patriotism was another issue that concerned the Wilson administration. Opposition to Amer - ican intervention did not end once Congress declared war. A persistent peace contingent, which included a growing number of Socialist Party members, especially Eugene V. Debs, stood against U.S. involvement.

It might be expected that Socialists and other radicals would speak out against a war that they saw as a capitalist endeavor, but so too did important conservative voices, including industrialist Andrew Carnegie. He opposed the conflict on moral grounds, and since he had already sold his steel corporation, he was not concerned with the earnings to be made from production of armaments that might have kept some other industrialists from speaking out.

Devoting many of his later years to the goal of world peace, Carnegie worked diligently to form a religiously oriented organization to bring an end to war for all time (Chambers, 1991).

To counter the objections of such diverse segments of society and to rally support for the war effort, Wilson embarked on a campaign to sell the war to the American public. In April 1917 bar82063_06_c06_165-198.indd 180 1/9/15 9:33 AM Section 6.3  The United States in the Great War the Committee on Public Information (Creel Committee) organized to guide public opinion. Headed by George Creel, a Progressive reformer and journalist, the committee hired journal - ists, scholars, moviemakers, and psychologists to publicize the war effort. The committee cre - ated poster campaigns, short videos, and, most effectively, recruited speakers known as Four Minute Men. Mostly local volunteers, these 75,000 speakers disseminated a new speech to their fellow community members each week on topics such as conserving food and why the nation was fighting.

The Creel Committee effectively sold the war, but at the expense of some segments of society.

Portraying the Allies in a favorable light and the enemy, especially Germans and radicals, as evil or less than human took its toll on the ethnic and immigrant populations in the United States (Harries & Harries, 1997). As a result, many ethnic Americans, especially Germans, felt split between their heritage and their American identity.

One Hundred Percent Americanism and Civil Liberties Patriotism also meant defining just what it meant to be American. This aspect of the war led to a measurable curtailing of civil liberties , the basic rights and freedoms guaranteed under the Constitution. The Creel Committee inspired ordinary citizens to be on the watch for dis - loyalty. German Americans, radical labor unions such as the Industrial Workers of the World, and members of the Socialist Party came under increasing suspicion.

Before the war, German was the most widely taught language in American schools, but it soon disappeared from the nation’s curriculum. Some states, such as Ohio, enacted laws forbidding the teaching of German language below the eighth grade in both public and private schools.

The New York Times announced that any books or journals printed in German should be con - sidered potentially suspicious. Pittsburgh banned Beethoven’s music, frankfurters became Liberty sausages, and hamburgers became Salisbury steak. More importantly, German Ameri - cans’ homes and businesses were attacked, and individuals were regularly harassed. Some were forced to salute the American flag in public, while others were beaten or even lynched (Harries & Harries, 1997).

The IWW and the Socialist Party of America both condemned American entrance into the war and urged the world’s workers to refuse to fight. Both the union and the SPA argued that war only exploited the working class and brought them no benefits. The government countered the outspoken behavior of the IWW and radical leaders such as Debs with a series of laws that restricted civil liberties and suppressed dissent. The 1917 Espionage Act prohibited spy - ing and interfering with the draft and suppressed any false statements that might harm the war’s progress. Newspapers and magazines critical of the government were removed from the nation’s mail.

The following year Congress passed the Sedition Act, making it a crime to criticize the govern - ment in print or in speech. Over the duration of the U.S. involvement in the war, more than 2,000 people were arrested and about half of them convicted. The act gained strength after a unanimous decision of the Supreme Court in the case of Schenck v. United States in 1919. Upholding the conviction of Socialist Charles T. Schenck for mailing antidraft flyers, the court argued that the First Amendment did not guarantee speech designated to provoke “clear and present danger” (as cited in Cooper, 1990, p, 300) and inspire criminal behavior. bar82063_06_c06_165-198.indd 181 1/9/15 9:33 AM Section 6.3  The United States in the Great War Most famous among the applications of the Sedition Act was the 1919 conviction of Debs for delivering an antiwar speech at Canton, Ohio. His sentence of 10 years in prison was the most onerous of all those convicted, and President Wilson ignored the advice of his attorney gen - eral to free him on the grounds that his imprisonment would garner support for the Socialists’ cause (Cooper, 1990).

The new laws prompted an outcry from some Progressives. Roger Bald - win, a social worker who refused to register for the draft, formed an orga - nization aimed at protecting civil liber - ties. Founded in 1917 as the National Civil Liberties Union, the organiza - tion was renamed the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) . Beginning as a coalition of pacifists and Progressives who were shocked at the repression of free speech during the war, the group actually found its own pamphlets sup - porting free speech banned. Persisting after the war, the ACLU grew into its modern role as the champion of tradi - tional civil liberties. The organization remains the nation’s most prominent defender of the freedom of speech and the right to privacy (Cooper, 1990).

The War and Its Aftermath American conscripts and volunteers mustered into units and were trained to be both good soldiers and men with high morals and civic values. Progressive reformers, including many settlement house workers, educated troops on proper etiquette and the necessity of abstain - ing from vice and drinking, but neither the military nor civic education fully prepared them for the reality of battle. Although American involvement in World War I was relatively short, between March 1918 and the war’s end in November of that year, more than 2 million U.S. troops served in combat areas and participated in four major engagements.

The largest contingent of the American Expeditionary Forces arrived in France, where they huddled alongside the Allies in trenches that stretched for miles across the Western Front (see Figure 6.2). This line stretched across France, marking the division between territory controlled by the Central Powers to the east and the Allies to the west. Separated from the enemy’s trenches by only a few hundred feet, when ordered “over the top,” they emerged to face the enemy, barbed wire, poison gas, and machine-gun fire (Zieger, 2000). Everett Collection/SuperStock The Espionage and Sedition Acts were protested by the family members and supporters of those who were imprisoned for exercising their right to free speech. Figure 6.2: The Western Front, 1914–1918 The Western Front, geographically centered in France and Belgium, saw some of the heaviest fighting during World War I. Passchendaele(July–Nov. 1917) Ypres (Oct.–Nov. 1914 April 1915) Somme (July–Nov. 1916) Cantigny(May 1918) BelleauWood (June 1918) Marne (Sept. 1914, July–Aug. 1918) Château–Thierry(May 1918) St. Mihiel(Sept. 1918) Verdun(Feb.–July 1916) Meuse–Argonne(Sept.–Nov. 1918) Brussels Dunkirk Liege Sedan Strasbourg Paris London Seine River Meuse River Marne River SommeRiver North Sea English Channel Rhine River GERMANY FRANCE NETHERLANDS LUX. SWITZ. BELGIUM Major battle Armistice line, 1918 Stabilized front, 19 14 –1918 Farthest German advance, 19 14 Allied Powers forces, 1918 Central Powers forces, 19 14 bar82063_06_c06_165-198.indd 182 1/9/15 9:33 AM Passchendaele(July–Nov. 1917) Ypres (Oct.–Nov. 1914 April 1915) Somme (July–Nov. 1916) Cantigny(May 1918) BelleauWood (June 1918) Marne (Sept. 1914, July–Aug. 1918) Château–Thierry(May 1918) St. Mihiel(Sept. 1918) Verdun(Feb.–July 1916) Meuse–Argonne(Sept.–Nov. 1918) Brussels Dunkirk Liege Sedan Strasbourg Paris London Seine River Meuse River Marne River SommeRiver North Sea English Channel Rhine River GERMANY FRANCE NETHERLANDS LUX. SWITZ. BELGIUM Major battle Armistice line, 1918 Stabilized front, 19 14 –1918 Farthest German advance, 19 14 Allied Powers forces, 1918 Central Powers forces, 19 14 Section 6.3  The United States in the Great War Most famous among the applications of the Sedition Act was the 1919 conviction of Debs for delivering an antiwar speech at Canton, Ohio. His sentence of 10 years in prison was the most onerous of all those convicted, and President Wilson ignored the advice of his attorney gen - eral to free him on the grounds that his imprisonment would garner support for the Socialists’ cause (Cooper, 1990).

The new laws prompted an outcry from some Progressives. Roger Bald - win, a social worker who refused to register for the draft, formed an orga - nization aimed at protecting civil liber - ties. Founded in 1917 as the National Civil Liberties Union, the organiza - tion was renamed the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) . Beginning as a coalition of pacifists and Progressives who were shocked at the repression of free speech during the war, the group actually found its own pamphlets sup - porting free speech banned. Persisting after the war, the ACLU grew into its modern role as the champion of tradi - tional civil liberties. The organization remains the nation’s most prominent defender of the freedom of speech and the right to privacy (Cooper, 1990).

The War and Its Aftermath American conscripts and volunteers mustered into units and were trained to be both good soldiers and men with high morals and civic values. Progressive reformers, including many settlement house workers, educated troops on proper etiquette and the necessity of abstain - ing from vice and drinking, but neither the military nor civic education fully prepared them for the reality of battle. Although American involvement in World War I was relatively short, between March 1918 and the war’s end in November of that year, more than 2 million U.S. troops served in combat areas and participated in four major engagements.

The largest contingent of the American Expeditionary Forces arrived in France, where they huddled alongside the Allies in trenches that stretched for miles across the Western Front (see Figure 6.2). This line stretched across France, marking the division between territory controlled by the Central Powers to the east and the Allies to the west. Separated from the enemy’s trenches by only a few hundred feet, when ordered “over the top,” they emerged to face the enemy, barbed wire, poison gas, and machine-gun fire (Zieger, 2000). Everett Collection/SuperStock The Espionage and Sedition Acts were protested by the family members and supporters of those who were imprisoned for exercising their right to free speech. Figure 6.2: The Western Front, 1914–1918 The Western Front, geographically centered in France and Belgium, saw some of the heaviest fighting during World War I. Passchendaele(July–Nov. 1917) Ypres (Oct.–Nov. 1914 April 1915) Somme (July–Nov. 1916) Cantigny(May 1918) BelleauWood (June 1918) Marne (Sept. 1914, July–Aug. 1918) Château–Thierry(May 1918) St. Mihiel(Sept. 1918) Verdun(Feb.–July 1916) Meuse–Argonne(Sept.–Nov. 1918) Brussels Dunkirk Liege Sedan Strasbourg Paris London Seine River Meuse River Marne River SommeRiver North Sea English Channel Rhine River GERMANY FRANCE NETHERLANDS LUX. SWITZ. BELGIUM Major battle Armistice line, 1918 Stabilized front, 19 14 –1918 Farthest German advance, 19 14 Allied Powers forces, 1918 Central Powers forces, 19 14 Bloodshed at Meuse–Argonne U.S. troops were crucial in the final Allied offensive, which began on September 26, 1918, and lasted until the war’s end on November 11. More than a million U.S. soldiers, under the leadership of Gen. John J. Pershing, began an assault on German forces at Meuse–Argonne, a region of France. Though Pershing thought that he would only need 36 hours to break the German defenses, it required 6 weeks of some of the most fearsome and intense fighting— through hills, swamps, forests, and towns—that Americans had ever experienced. Using 324 tanks, 840 airplanes, and artillery that fired more than 4 million shells, it was America’s most important and costliest contribution to the war. bar82063_06_c06_165-198.indd 183 1/9/15 9:33 AM Section 6.3  The United States in the Great War By the end of the campaign, 26,277 Americans lay dead and another 95,786 were wounded, making it one of the bloodiest battles in American history. Today the Meuse–Argonne Ameri - can Cemetery and Memorial at Romagne is the resting place for 14,246 U.S. soldiers who died in this battle and is the largest American cemetery in Europe (Lengel, 2008).

The End of the Great War The same month that the bloody battle of Meuse–Argonne began, the Germans retreated to the Hindenburg Line, their defensive position on the Western Front, where during one 24-hour period, Britain and France fired nearly a million shells. Allied commanders convinced the Germans that they could not win the war, and negotiations for an armistice , or end to the fighting, began. One by one, the Central Powers surrendered. German military leaders, watch - ing as a quarter million of their troops deserted between August and September, knew that this was their only option as well.

At the end of the war, three great empires collapsed—the Austro–Hungarian, Russian, and Ottoman. All of Europe was devastated, and the continent had changed drastically. Old coun - tries were demolished and new boundaries drawn. Occurring a year before the armistice, the Russian Revolution resulted in significant additional casualties and the eventual creation of the Soviet Union. Revolutions spread through other European nations in the immediate post - war period. Militant nationalism split the Austro–Hungarian Empire into separate nations based on ethnicity and national alliance. Collapse of the Ottoman government at Constanti - nople paved the way for the shaping of the modern Middle East.

All of the empires and nations involved suffered substantial casualties. Among the Allies, Americans suffered the fewest military casualties, with 117,000 dead and 205,000 wounded.

France lost 1.4 million military personnel and civilians, Russia lost 2.8 million military per - sonnel and civilians, and the British Empire lost just over a million military personnel and civilians.

Fourteen Points and the League of Nations The armistice that was signed on November 11, 1918—Armistice Day—ended the fighting, but it took another 6 months of negotiation in Paris to settle the necessary division of terri - tory and responsibility for the conflict. Wilson traveled to the Paris conference, accompanied by a contingent of Progressive-minded experts and professionals, to press for acceptance of his Fourteen Points , which he believed would spread a lasting peace across Europe. His plan argued for freedom of the seas, free trade, arms reduction, and other measures aimed at specific nations. Perhaps idealistically expecting that the Allies shared his vision for world peace, Wilson was surprised to find that Britain, France, and Italy had little interest in his ideas. Ultimately, they rejected 13 of his 14 points. These European nations had faced serious physical devastation from the war and were most interested in regaining their territory and, especially, in punishing Germany.

The most important surviving point from Wilson’s Fourteen Points was the proposal for a League of Nations , an international government body to maintain world peace through bar82063_06_c06_165-198.indd 184 1/9/15 9:33 AM Section 6.4  Unease and Unrest on the Home Front collective security and disarmament. This portion of Wilson’s plan was popular with most of the Allies and earned him important diplomatic respect.

The Treaty of Versailles that finally emerged from the negotiations outlined the terms of peace between Germany, the main combatant among the Central Powers, and the Allies. Ger - many signed the treaty on June 28, 1919, precisely 5 years after the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand. Other members of the Central Powers signed additional treaties. Most strik - ing and significant for the future, Germany was forced to accept responsibility for causing all loss and damage during the war. The treaty imposed territorial concessions and severe finan - cial reparations on the Germans that left them angry and fostered discontent within German society (Andelman, 2008).

Wilson was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1919, but his peacemaking efforts received less approval in the United States than in Europe. Members of the U.S. Senate, which ratifies trea - ties, were reserved about accepting the results of the Paris conference, and especially about American membership in the League of Nations. Of particular concern was the league’s col - lective security clause, which required states to act, even against friendly states, in ways that might endanger their own national security and economic interests.

Isolationists feared further entanglement in European affairs and sought to limit and define the role of the United States under the treaty. Some Democrats sought to amend the league proposal to introduce some reservations on the collective security clause, but Wilson refused to consider any changes. Eventually, the senate rejected the treaty and U.S. membership in the League of Nations, citing American autonomy and fear of future wars (Cooper, 1990).

Between 1919 and 1939, 63 nations joined the League of Nations, but the United States was not among them.

6.4 Unease and Unrest on the Home Front In 1919 the American home front was a volatile place. There was peace because the fight - ing ended, but the atmosphere was in many ways savage: Demobilization after the war was chaotic; Americans grew hysterically fearful of communism, especially after a terrorist bomb exploded on the doorstep of the U.S. attorney general; J. Edgar Hoover established what would become the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) to gather intelligence on “suspicious people”; labor unrest and conflict occurred daily; the League of Nations failed; and legislation restricted First Amendment rights and curbed governmental criticism.

To make matters even worse, the world suffered from an influenza pandemic, which brought misery and death to many families across the nation. There were even scandals in the national pastime, with the 1919 baseball World Series deliberately fixed by some of the players. In Boston the police went on strike. Finally, there was tremendous racial unrest. The most sadly symbolic story was of an African American man in northern Alabama who was hung from a tree on Armistice Day. He was one of 64 African American men and women lynched that year.

It was indeed a tenuous peace (Hagedorn, 2007). bar82063_06_c06_165-198.indd 185 1/9/15 9:33 AM Section 6.4  Unease and Unrest on the Home Front American Experience: The Influenza Epidemic While the United States was spared from mili - tary battles on its home territory, there were domestic causalities resulting in part from the war effort. Many of these stemmed from the Spanish inf luenza pandemic of 1918 and 1919. Its name came not because of where it originated, but because the king of Spain was one of the earliest and most notable people to contract it.

It remains the most lethal inf luenza virus in world history, killing more people in 24 weeks than AIDS claimed in a period of 24 years. In the United States the first outbreak hit an army camp in Kansas, and because the troops were mobile, it quickly spread east. Eventually, more than 675,000 people in the United States and 100 million people worldwide died ( B a r r y, 20 05 ) .

Although the inf luenza’s mortalit y numbers are staggering, it is illustrative to see how one communit y coped with the problems it caused.

Cities and hospitals were no strangers to com - municable disease in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Frequent epidemics of t yphoid, tuberculosis, and scarlet fever had struck in the past, but this time the outbreak trans - formed the cities.

In Hartford, Connecticut, as in many other places, individuals walking on the street often wore masks and avoided contact with oth - ers at all costs. Those who worked in industries where contact could not be avoided had to obey specific new laws. For instance, barbers followed cit y ordinances by wrapping them - selves in gauze that dripped with antiseptic. Eventually, many public places shut down altogether, and hospitals could not find enough nurses to help with the patient overload (Bowles, 2003).

At St. Francis Hospital in Hartford, Mother Valencia, the head of the hospital, worked all day and most of the night in the admitting room while the disease raged, sometimes tak - ing in whole families whose members had become ill. The most tragic situations occurred when parents died, leaving their children suddenly alone. Mother Valencia would sit with the patients as long as she could, until she had to tend to others. In the overcrowded condi - tions ward beds were placed so close together that the stout Mother Valencia could barely fit between them. Still other patients lined the corridors, and the Red Cross established its own makeshift ward in the basement of one of the buildings.

Physicians and nurses could do little to improve sufferers’ conditions. The inf luenza epi - demic hit at a time when medical researchers were just beginning to understand how infec - tious diseases spread. The germ theory of disease, the notion that microorganisms caused Courtesy Everett Collection Public health notices such as the one shown here were posted in major cities and warned citizens to take precautions against spreading and contracting the flu. (continued) bar82063_06_c06_165-198.indd 186 1/9/15 9:33 AM Section 6.4  Unease and Unrest on the Home Front some illnesses, was new and many physicians had yet to accept it. Rest, f luids, and aspirin were the most common treatments. Often the hardest jobs for doctors was convincing patients that this was the best and only treatment available. Nurses had the more difficult task of keeping patients in bed and ensuring that they were well hydrated, while at the same time doing whatever they could to protect themselves from the highly contagious disease.

Nurses on the front lines of care for those with the illness exhibited bravery, continuing to work even though they put themselves at risk of infection. In 1918 the nuns at St. Francis Hospital alluded to the warlike aspect of the job and wrote that several nurses contracted the disease themselves, with many succumbing to the illness.

As quickly and deadly as the Spanish f lu arrived, its disappearance was just as fast and mysterious. Though no cure or vaccination was developed, the disease eventually burned itself out, and by the end of 1919 most hospitals reported they were generally inf luenza free. By the end of the pandemic, nearly 1 in 4 Americans had become sick (Bowles, 2003).

For further reading, see:

Crosby, A. W. (2003). America’s forgotten pandemic: The influenza of 1918 . Cambridge: University of Cambridge Press. Phillips, H., & Killingray, D. (2003). The Spanish pandemic of 1918–19: New perspectives . New York: Routledge. American Experience: The Influenza Epidemic (continued) Demobilization and Labor on Strike While in many ways the end of the war brought welcome relief, in others it created new and significant problems. The U.S. military had expected the war to last at least another year, so it had constructed a massive fighting force of 4 million men, half of whom were in France when the fighting ceased. Although much forethought accompanied the mobilization process, few preparations had been made for how to demobilize after the war. One of the immediate prob - lems was employment for the returning veterans. There were suddenly 3 million young men looking for jobs. Along with the newly unemployed, the government also began canceling numerous wartime contracts with American businesses (Venzon, 1999).

As a result, most of labor’s wartime gains quickly eroded. Businesses attacked labor unions and rescinded the 8-hour workday and higher wartime wages. Strikes broke out throughout the nation as more than 3,600 small and large work stoppages occurred, involving as many as 4 million workers.

The most emblematic strike of the year affected the nation’s steel industry. Executives announced a return to 7-day workweeks with 12-hour shifts, all for lower wages (Brody, 1987). Leaders of the newly formed United Steelworkers called for a general strike across the industry, and in September more than 250,000 steel workers in 15 states walked off the job.

Corporate executives hired 30,000 strikebreakers and embarked on a publicity campaign to convince the public that the strikers were Socialists bent on overthrowing the American capi - talist system. After more than 3 months on the picket line, the strike collapsed, foreshadowing a major decline in the labor movement (Cooper, 1990). bar82063_06_c06_165-198.indd 187 1/9/15 9:33 AM Section 6.4  Unease and Unrest on the Home Front Race Riots Another challenge in 1919 was racial conflict; in several cities, this erupted into riots. Although African Americans fought brilliantly during World War I, they faced continual discrimination, which only intensified at the war’s end. The animosity reached its height during the summer of 1919 in Chicago.

The conflict started when an African American boy violated an unwritten law by visiting a “White beach” and entering the water in a raft. White boys began to throw rocks at him, eventually knocking him off the raft. The boy could not recover, and he drowned. Some nearby African Americans pleaded with the police to arrest the stone-throwing boys, but they would not.

From this epicenter, African Americans reacted violently to the failure to uphold justice, and the fighting spread throughout Chicago (Sandburg, 1919). Groups of armed Whites began heading toward the African American section of the city, where they shot their guns into crowds of gathering African Americans. One casualty was an African American soldier who was walking along the street, limping from a wound incurred fighting for the nation in the war just months before. Moments after he sar - castically remarked on the welcome home he was receiving, several Whites beat him to death (Painter, 2006).

The country had suffered similar violence for decades, but what was different this time was that African Americans fought back with a vengeance. One group of Afri - can Americans killed several Whites in the back of a pickup truck who were shooting a machine gun. The rioting lasted a week and resulted in 537 people injured, at least 1,000 houses burned, and 38 dead (23 Afri - can Americans and 15 Whites). The mag - nitude of the Chicago riot was duplicated in other cities in succeeding years, but the summer of 1919 became nationally known as the “red summer” due to the violence and bloodshed (Tuttle, 1996).

Red Scare Coincidentally, it was the “red summer” for another reason as well—the fear of the spread of radical political ideology. Americans’ fears of radicalism expanded during the war and contin - ued to spread after it ended. The Russian Revolution of 1917 put a new name on the radical threat emanating from Europe. Actually a series of revolutions that began in March 1917, by November the Bolshevik Party led by Vladimir Lenin emerged to control the Russian central government. As members of a Socialist-minded political organization, the Bolsheviks hoped © Bettmann/Corbis White children took part in the 1919 race riots in Chicago. The children shown here have just set fire to the house behind them, which belongs to an African American family. bar82063_06_c06_165-198.indd 188 1/9/15 9:33 AM Section 6.4  Unease and Unrest on the Home Front to reshape Russia into a worker’s paradise. By 1919 Bolsheviks and the Socialist system they advocated had become the most dangerous threat to American life.

The Bolsheviks called for worldwide Communist revolution in the spring of 1919, leading many Americans to fear they would take over the United States. Although there were several thousand Communists in the nation, there was no plan to overthrow the government or the economic system. Nevertheless, fear of a radical takeover led to a full-fledged Red Scare (so called because a red star was the most recognized symbol of worldwide communism).

Not taking time to understand the subtle but important differences between communism and socialism (see Table 6.1), Americans applauded attacks on anyone or any organization deemed to be radical. After an anarchist’s bomb exploded outside his home, Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer stepped up enforcement against radicals. He organized federal agents and local police departments, who executed a series of raids in November 1919. Agents rounded up more than 249 leftists, including the anarchist Emma Goldman, and sent them aboard a ship to Russia.

On the night of January 2, 1920, Palmer coordinated an even larger series of roundups, led by FBI head J. Edgar Hoover. Ignoring civil liberties, freedom of association, and restrictions on making arrests without cause, or habeas corpus, federal officers arrested more than 4,000.

The raid represented what one historian has called “the greatest single assault on constitu - tional rights that had ever taken place in the United States” (Dawley, 2003, p. 269). Instead of being an anomaly, the Palmer raids punctuated the nature of a growing national divide that became more evident in the decade to come as the United States struggled with the tensions between tradition and modernity.

Table 6.1: Communism versus socialism Comparative Criteria Communism Socialism Economic system Factories, farms, and other means of production are owned in common. Means of production owned by coopera - tives or public entities. Political system Theoretically, no leaders; the political system is directed by the people. In practice, it has been a one-party system. It can exist within various political systems and can function as a political party. Private property No private property; all have common ownership and user access. Private property includes houses, cars, etc. Public property includes factories, mills, utilities, and railroads. Philosophy All society members are expected to contribute according to their ability and to receive benefits according to their needs. Expectation that material abundance will allow free access to consumer goods and food. Members are to contribute according to ability and to benefit according to their contribution. Profits to be distributed along with wages. Source: Kornai, 1992. bar82063_06_c06_165-198.indd 189 1/9/15 9:33 AM Section 6.4  Unease and Unrest on the Home Front A Victory for Women Another sign of advancing modernity came with the long-awaited victory for woman suf - frage advocates. World War I presented new opportunities and offered new arguments for woman suffrage. Nearly 25,000 women had served as nurses and relief workers alongside American soldiers in France. Thousands more worked for war-related industries in the United States. Suffrage advocates found new allies during World War I and switched from a state-to-state approach to advocacy for a constitutional amendment that would give women the right to vote.

The more radical suffragist Alice Paul began advocating a more visible strategy, one quite dif - ferent from the controlled and refined suffrage movement of the 19th century. Paul organized 5,000 women in 1913 to rally in Washington on the day before the inauguration of new presi - dent Woodrow Wilson because, at the time, he was not certain that women should be allowed to vote. One year later, Paul left the National American Woman Suffrage Association and formed the Congressional Union. This organization strove to enact a constitutional amendment to grant women voting rights nation - ally. Paul also organized what she called the Silent Sentinels, who became the first group ever to picket in front of the White House. On January 1, 1917, they stood rigid and silent in front of the presiden - tial home with banners that demanded the right to vote. Paul said that the strategy was to “visualize the movement to the man and woman on the street” to become “part of the vocabulary of the nation” (Keene & Adams, 2008, p. 162). Because of the White House demonstrations, Paul was arrested for obstructing traffic and sent to jail, where she went on a hunger strike and was subjected to force-feed - ing. Vociferous public protest eventually secured her release.

On January 10, 1918, almost a year after the Silent Sentinels began protesting, the suffragists won a major victory when the House of Representatives narrowly approved a woman suffrage amendment.

The Senate required further convincing, but Wilson worked with those in favor of the amendment and privately tried to convince key Democrats not to block a vote. Wilson argued that women were cru - cial to the war effort at home and abroad. He asked, “Shall we admit [women] only to a partnership of suffering and sacrifice and toil and not to a partnership of privilege and right?” (as cited in Cooper, 1990, p. 308). Everett Collection/SuperStock Alice Paul, a radical suffragist, organized multiple protests in support of women gaining the right to vote. bar82063_06_c06_165-198.indd 190 1/9/15 9:33 AM Summary and Resources Though persuasive to some, Wilson’s efforts fell just short, and the amendment did not gain the necessary two thirds of the votes in the Senate. Suffrage organizations continued to fight, and in that fall’s election they campaigned against two Republican and two Democratic sena - tors who had opposed woman suffrage. In a demonstration of their growing political power, three of those senators lost their reelection bids and the fourth barely held on to his seat. In the wake of this display of power, 1 year later the amendment passed both the House and the Senate. It was then ratified by the required number of states, and in August 1920, the 19th Amendment became a part of the U.S. Constitution. In November of that year, for the first time women across the nation voted in a presidential election (Cooper, 1990).

Summary and Resources Chapter Summary • World War I brought the United States into a European conflict for the first time. As the world’s leading producer of industrial goods and also foodstuffs, it was inevi - table that the nation would be drawn into this global conflict. • Producing much of the materiel of war made it difficult to maintain neutrality, but the war was into its third year before the United States committed troops to the European-dominated conflict. • When the Germans appeared poised to intervene in the Western Hemisphere through an alliance with Mexico, President Wilson convinced Americans of the necessity of intervention, and the nation began to mobilize for war. • Through a draft and volunteer recruitment, the United States mustered a fighting force of almost 4 million men, leaving a huge vacuum in the domestic job market.

Since European immigration slowed to a trickle when war erupted, women and a great migration of African Americans from the southern states filled many of the industrial jobs. • Wartime management ensured workers higher wages and better pay, but only for the duration of the war. The end of the war and the need for industrial goods in 1918 led to unemployment and racial hostility in many American cites, conditions that extended well into the 1920s. • Support for Progressive reform also waned during the war years as the nation aimed for a more conservative agenda. • A cloud of suspicion overshadowed significant gains, including the passage of the 19th Amendment granting women the right to vote. • Although Progressives had cooperated with radicals such as members of the Social - ist Party of America and even adopted some of their ideology, during World War I radicals came under increasing suspicion. • Some important civil liberties, including the right to dissent and free speech, were subverted in the name of patriotic support for the war. The 1920s would see an extension of the tension between tradition and modernity that began in the war years. bar82063_06_c06_165-198.indd 191 1/9/15 9:33 AM June 28, 1914:

The assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria sparks hostilities that lead to World War I. May 7, 1915:

A German U-boat sinks British liner Lusitania, killing 128 Americans. 1916:

Woodrow Wilson is reelected president on the slogan “He kept us out of war.” January 19, 1917:

German foreign secretary Arthur Zimmerman sends a telegram to Mexico urging entry into war against the United States, and promising the return of territory.

April 1917:

The U.S. Congress declares war on Germany. July 1917:

The American Expeditionary Force lands in France. January 1918:

President Wilson proposes his Fourteen Points for world peace. May 1917:

A U.S. draft is enacted to �ill military ranks. November 11, 1918:

World War I ends and Armistice is declared. June 28, 1919:

The Treaty of Versailles ends World War I and divides territory. March 1918:

The Spanish In�luenza epidemic begins in America and kills more people than the war worldwide. 1 912 1 9 20 Everett Collection/SuperStock Courtesy Everett Collection © Bettmann/Corbis © Robert Hunt Library/Mary Evans/Everett Collection Associated Press Schultz Reinhard/Prisma/SuperStock Everett Collection/SuperStock Jerry Tavin/Everett Collection Summary and Resources Chapter 6 Timeline June 28, 1914:

The assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria sparks hostilities that lead to World War I. May 7, 1915:

A German U-boat sinks British liner Lusitania, killing 128 Americans. 1916:

Woodrow Wilson is reelected president on the slogan “He kept us out of war.” January 19, 1917:

German foreign secretary Arthur Zimmerman sends a telegram to Mexico urging entry into war against the United States, and promising the return of territory.

April 1917:

The U.S. Congress declares war on Germany. July 1917:

The American Expeditionary Force lands in France. January 1918:

President Wilson proposes his Fourteen Points for world peace. May 1917:

A U.S. draft is enacted to �ill military ranks. November 11, 1918:

World War I ends and Armistice is declared. June 28, 1919:

The Treaty of Versailles ends World War I and divides territory. March 1918:

The Spanish In�luenza epidemic begins in America and kills more people than the war worldwide. 1 912 1 9 20 Everett Collection/SuperStock Courtesy Everett Collection © Bettmann/Corbis © Robert Hunt Library/Mary Evans/Everett Collection Associated Press Schultz Reinhard/Prisma/SuperStock Everett Collection/SuperStock Jerry Tavin/Everett Collection bar82063_06_c06_165-198.indd 192 1/9/15 9:33 AM Summary and Resources Post-Test 1. The purpose of Woodrow Wilson’s Fourteen Points was:

a. to make the United States, Britain, and France important industrial partners. b. to punish Germany for causing World War I. c. to prevent future international tensions from erupting into war. d. to redistribute the colonial assets of the Central Powers among the Allied nations. 2. Which action best demonstrates the U.S. effort to isolate itself from European affairs after World War I?

a. refusing to join the League of Nations b. failing to sign the Treaty of Versailles c. lowering tariff rates on European imported goods but raising them on Asian goods d. expanding its colonial empire into Central and Southeast Asia 3. The Great Migration of African Americans to the North after 1915 was mainly the result of:

a. the urging of African American leaders such as Booker T. Washington. b. the pull of factory and industrial jobs and the decline of European immigration. c. the growing civil rights movement in the North. d. the better racial climate in the North. 4. After giving an antiwar speech in Canton, Ohio, Eugene V. Debs:

a. was applauded as a leader of the New Nationalism movement. b. was given a position on the American team that negotiated the Treaty of Versailles. c. faded from public life. d. was arrested under the Espionage Act, convicted, and sentenced to 10 years in prison. 5. Nationalism was a contributing cause of the war because it:

a. led a nation’s citizens to assume their culture, economy, and military to be supe - rior and able to prevail in any conflict. b. caused the Germans to avoid making alliances with other nations. c. was a unifying force between Serbia and the Austro–Hungarian Empire. d. required the wholehearted commitment of all citizens to the war effort. 6. The United States found intervention in the Mexican Revolution necessary because:

a. the League of Nations bound Mexico and the United States together through a col - lective security agreement. b. a secure Mexico was essential to traffic on the Panama Canal. c. of the fluid border between the United States and Mexico and strong economic ties between the nations. d. the United States feared the spread of communism in Mexico. bar82063_06_c06_165-198.indd 193 1/9/15 9:33 AM Summary and Resources 7. Why did the Zimmermann telegram influence many Americans to support going to war?

a. The telegram secretly promised to return the southwestern territories, including New Mexico, Arizona, and Texas, back to Mexico if the Germans won the war. b. The telegram outlined a secret plan to place several German colonies just south of the U.S. border with Mexico. c. The telegram promised support for an east–west railroad that would divert important commerce and trade from the United States. d. The telegram made clear the economic benefits of war. 8. What was the importance of the National War Labor Board?

a. It acted as a recruiting agency for wartime industries. b. It managed labor during the war, affirmed workers’ rights to join a union, and set fair wages and working hours. c. It mediated construction and war contracts for major defense contractors. d. It employed “dollar-a-year men” to oversee important segments of the economy and the workforce to ensure steady wartime production. 9. Which statement below is true of women during World War I?

a. Most women who entered jobs in war industry factories had never worked out - side the home before. b. Most women who entered jobs in war industry factories were already in the workforce, but during the war were able to switch to better paying jobs usually reserved for men. c. African American and White women found virtually the same job opportunities available to them during the war. d. African American women accounted for 50% of female industrial employees dur - ing the war. 10. What was the impact of the war on American civil liberties?

a. The war increased respect for individual liberties, especially the freedom of speech and expression. b. During the war, Americans were denied all of their civil liberties. c. The war led to new constitutional amendments protecting citizens from illegal search and seizure and self incrimination. d. Civil liberties were curtailed but not completely eliminated during the war, lead - ing to debate between the right to dissent and the protection of citizens’ rights. Answers: 1 (c). 2 (a), 3 (b), 4 (d), 5 (a), 6 (c), 7 (a), 8 (b), 9 (b), 10 (d) Critical Thinking Questions 1. How did nationalism and military buildup contribute to the outbreak of World War I? 2. Why did some consider World War I to be a total war? 3. How did wartime propaganda influence public opinion? 4. Do you agree with the restrictions placed on civil liberties during the war and after? 5. Why was 1919 such an important year for the United States? bar82063_06_c06_165-198.indd 194 1/9/15 9:33 AM Summary and Resources Additional Resources Zimmermann Telegram ht tp://w w w.ourdocuments.gov/doc.php?doc=60&page=transcript A transcript of the telegram sent by German foreign secretary Arthur Zimmerman to the German embassy in Mexico City.

Speech of Eugene V. Debs, Canton, Ohio, June 16, 1918 ht tp://research.archives.gov/description/2641497 A transcript of the antiwar speech that led to Deb’s arrest.

President Woodrow Wilson’s Fourteen Points ht tp://w w w.ourdocuments.gov/doc.php?doc=62&page=transcript A transcript of Wilson’s Fourteen Points for securing future peace.

19th Amendment ht tp://w w w.ourdocuments.gov/doc.php?doc=63&page=transcript The text of the constitutional amendment granting women the right to vote.

Answers and Rejoinders to Chapter Pre-Test 1. True . Though the United States did not enter the war until 1917, in reality it had been preparing for the eventuality of the conflict almost since the fighting started.

The first step was the National Defense Act of 1916, which increased the army from 90,000 to 233,000 troops. 2. False . Though American involvement in World War I was relatively short, it included the bloodiest battle in the nation’s history at Meuse–Argonne. 3. False . Women replaced men in many important industrial and production-related jobs and contributed importantly to keeping up with production schedules that sup - ported wartime mobilization. 4. True . Though African Americans fought brilliantly during the World War I, they were continually discriminated against, and this intensified at the war’s end. The animosity reached its height during the summer of 1919 in Chicago. 5. False . Although President Woodrow Wilson proposed the League of Nations as a part of his Fourteen Points, the United States did not join the organization. Many in the United States feared additional entanglement in European affairs and chose not to make such a commitment. Rejoinders to Chapter Post-Test 1. The Fourteen Points outlined a series of actions and behaviors aimed at securing future peace, such as free trade, freedom of travel at sea, and a League of Nations. 2. By refusing to join the League of Nations, the United States avoided involvement in future European conflicts. The league agreement included a collective security bar82063_06_c06_165-198.indd 195 1/9/15 9:33 AM Summary and Resources clause that obligated members to come to each others’ defense if attacked, and the U.S. Senate did not want to make such a commitment. 3. Once the flood of European immigrants ended with the onset of World War I in Europe, African Americans were recruited to work in factories and mills across the North. Although the North did not have the same legalized segregation found in southern states, many African Americans there still experienced discrimination and racial violence. 4. A leader of the Socialist Party of America, Debs was convicted under the 1917 Espio - nage Act and sentenced to federal prison. He campaigned for president from his jail cell in 1920 and received almost a million votes. 5. Nationalism involved an extreme sense of patriotism, leading citizens to believe in the superiority of their nation’s culture, economy, and military and to believe their leaders and government were correct and war could quickly be won. 6. The Monroe Doctrine declared U.S. supremacy in the Western Hemisphere, but the close proximity of Mexico to the southern border made a conflict within Mexico a direct security threat to the United States. 7. Unlike the sinking of the Lusitania , which did little to persuade American public opinion in favor of war, the Zimmermann telegram was a clear violation of the Mon - roe Doctrine and threatened the United States with a loss of territory. 8. The National War Labor Board was headed by former president William Howard Taft and sought to maintain peace and steady production in wartime industries.

The agency mediated labor disputes and, in exchange for a no-strike pledge, helped workers garner higher pay and fewer work hours. 9. Unlike during World War II, when many women left their homes to work for the first time, during World War I those working in war industries were more likely to have already been in the workforce before the war. The war did provide opportunities for women, especially White women, to enter well-paying industrial jobs for the dura - tion of the conflict. 10. Personal civil liberties, including the right to speak freely and criticize the gov - ernment and the war effort, were curtailed during World War I. Individuals were encouraged to report suspicious or un-American activities to local authorities. Key Terms American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU)  The ACLU was founded during World War I and remains the most promi - nent advocate for the freedom of speech and opinion.

American Expeditionary Forces  The name for the American fighting force during World War I.

armistice  An agreement among warring parties to cease fighting but not necessarily to end a war. Central Powers  The alliance of Germany, Austria–Hungary, the Ottoman Empire, Bul - garia, and Italy that represented one of the two warring factions during World War I.

civil liberties  The basic rights and free - doms guaranteed to all Americans under the Constitution, including freedom of speech and assembly. bar82063_06_c06_165-198.indd 196 1/9/15 9:33 AM Summary and Resources Committee on Public Information  Also known as the Creel Committee, this gov - ernment committee organized to guide public opinion on the war; it created poster campaigns and short videos and engaged volunteer speakers to spread the news of the war effort.

Espionage Act  Passed June 15, 1917, this act outlawed antiwar activities or any act seen to aid the enemy.

Fourteen Points  A statement on Janu - ary 8, 1918, by President Woodrow Wilson presenting a series of policies outlining the goals for negotiating a peace for the nations fighting World War I.

League of Nations  An alliance of nations proposed as part of Wilson’s Fourteen Points; he suggested the league form to assure mutual guarantees of political inde - pendence and territorial protection.

National American Woman Suffrage Asso - ciation  An organization advocating voting rights for American women.

National Defense Act  Enacted June 3, 1916, this federal law provided for an expan - sion of the military, including the U.S. Army and the National Guard.

National War Labor Board  A board headed by former president William Howard Taft, it affirmed workers’ rights to collec - tive bargaining, set minimum wages and maximum work hours, and mediated labor disputes during the war.

nationalism  A sense of extreme patriotism leading citizens to believe in the superior - ity of their nation’s cultural, economic, and military superiority. 19th Amendment  Upon final ratification by the states on August 18, 1920, women in the United States were granted the right to vote in all elections across the nation.

Red Scare  The widespread fear of the rise of communism, radicalism, or socialism.

During 1919 many Americans feared a Com - munist takeover of the nation and reacted against any individuals or organizations that seemed to be radical or left leaning.

Selective Service System  This indepen - dent agency of the federal government was created in 1917 to manage the process of registration for military service and enact - ment of the draft.

total war  The mobilization of all avail - able resources, production, and population toward a war effort, including both military and civilian resources.

Treaty of Versailles  The treaty ending World War I; it outlined the conditions of peace and was signed June 28, 1919.

trench warfare  A system of land warfare used for the first time during World War I.

Fighting lines occupied miles of trenches that provided some safety from small arms fire.

Triple Entente (Allies)  The alliance of Great Britain, France, and Russia during World War I; the United States eventually came to the aid of the Allies.

War Industries Board (WIB)  Government- organized board and committees to oversee the production and distribution of war mate - rials across a number of industries.

Western Front  The contested frontier line dividing the territory controlled by the Cen - tral Powers to the east and that controlled by the Allies in the west during the war. bar82063_06_c06_165-198.indd 197 1/9/15 9:33 AM bar82063_06_c06_165-198.indd 198 1/9/15 9:33 AM