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Journal of Sport and Social Issues37(4) 315 –339 © The Author(s) 2013 Reprints and permissions:

sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0193723513498607 jss.sagepub.com Focus: Everyday Racism Black Skiing, Everyday Racism, and the Racial Spatiality of Whiteness Anthony Kwame Harrison 1 Abstract This article examines how structural and symbolic forces combine to produce racialized discourses of belonging and geographies of exclusion in and a\ round downhill skiing. Drawing from literatures in Whiteness studies, sports sociology, leisure studies, and environmental history, I advance the concept of racial spatiality to illustrate how processes of everyday racism work to secure skiing’\ s social spaces as predominantly White, thereby restricting the participation and repres\ entation of Black skiers. Skiing’s hegemony of Whiteness is discussed in relat\ ion to parallel integration strategies of Black ski organizations, racialized representa\ tions of extreme skiing and snowboarding, and exclusionary residential development tactics. As a provisional effort to promote research on racism and leisure–sports–\ tourism, I argue that skiing offers a valuable site for considering the ongoing and overl\ ooked saliencies of race and racial segregation in America.

Keywords skiing, everyday racism, Whiteness, racial spatiality Introduction More than 30 years ago, in a wonderful and still remarkably relevant art\ icle on African Americans’ participation in sports, sociologist Harry Edwards (1979)\ explained that the high visibility of Black athletes in a handful of popular sports had\ obscured “the fact that virtually all other American sports remain largely segregated \ and lily white” (p. 117). Since that time, of course, Tiger Woods has become the most well-known athlete in the traditionally White-dominated world of golf; Venus and Se\ rena Williams 1Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, USA Corresponding Author:

Anthony Kwame Harrison, Department of Sociology, Virginia Tech, 560 McBr\ yde Hall (0137), Blacksburg, VA 24061, USA.

Email: [email protected] 498607 JSS 37 4 10.1177/0193723513498607Journal of Sport and Social IssuesHarrison research-article 2013 at UNIV CALIFORNIA IRVINE on December 7, 2016 jss.sagepub.com Downloaded from 316 Journal of Sport and Social Issues 37(4) have reached comparable acclaim in the majority-White sport of tennis; a\ nd, at a less spectacular level, Black athletes like Lewis Hamilton and Bill Lester in\ motor racing, and Grant Fuhr and Jarome Iginla in ice hockey have made inroads into other previ- ously “all-White” sports. These achievements deserve celebration, \ especially if one subscribes to the belief that such success and visibility in historically White sports reflects African Americans’ improving racial status. Yet a critical inspection of those athletic fields which have remained, for all intents and purposes, “c\ losed” to Black people reveals new avenues to understanding and appreciating the ongoing\ salience of race, everyday racism, and exclusionary geographies in American society.\ This article examines one such arena. In 2002, former SKI Magazine editor Hal Clifford (2002) described downhill skiing as the “whitest and least\ integrated popular sport in America” (p. 20). This characterization endures despite fi\ ve decades in which African American ski organizations like the National Brotherhood of Skie\ rs (NBS)— an umbrella group for more than 80 local Black ski clubs throughout the \ United States—have poured considerable energies toward promoting Black peopl\ e skiing. A survey of articles published in Skiing magazine between 1993 and 2010 failed to pro- duce a single piece dedicated to African American skiing, despite having\ articles deal- ing with: disabled skiing (see, for example, D. White, 1994; Danziger, \ 1994), gay skiing (Taylor, 2000), skiing in Africa (Finkel, 1995), and skiing i\ n Detroit (Glass, 2001)—sometimes described as “America’s Blackest city”—and “Puerto Rico’s Fastest Skier” (Tuff, 2003). The closest qualifiers include a 2009 \ piece on Jamaica’s first-ever ski team which, although mentioning that each of the two (no\ n-Jamaican) skiers had one Jamaican parent, made no reference to race (Bastone, 2009); and a 2007 “journal of the absurd” report describing how U.S. ski coaches loc\ ked Ghanaian Olympic ski team hopefuls in freezers as part of a training regiment (“\ Welcome to our sport,” 2007). In the 2000 book Snow Business, where Simon Hudson (2000) explains that the North American ski industry is attempting to “tap into the 35 million [people] whose demographic profiles make them potential skiers” (p. 151), he limits his skier “consumer profile” to the sociological categories of gender, age, \ income, education, occupation, and other interests (p. 65; see also Williams & Basford, 19\ 92). The ques- tion of the potential skier’s race is never considered. Here I argue that, in addition to specific structural constraints typica\ lly used to explain Black underrepresentation in skiing, there are powerful symbolic\ forces which work to define and maintain skiing and its associated social spaces as e\ ssentially White. As an arena of both sports and leisure tourism (Hinch, Jackson, \ Hudson, & Walker, 2005), the discourses surrounding skiing’s all-White imagery\ range from residual scientific racialism regarding body types and essential differe\ nces to exclu- sionary tactics utilized in managing residential communities. This artic\ le examines several of these racializing discourses as an initial effort to encourage and promote research on the nexus of skiing, racism, and leisure tourism. By spotlig\ hting the every- day mechanisms of racial exclusion that sustain skiing’s Whiteness, I illustrate the ways in which social power and, by extension, social inequality get exer\ cised through familiar and routine practices of defining and defending social space. at UNIV CALIFORNIA IRVINE on December 7, 2016 jss.sagepub.com Downloaded from Harrison 317 Examining the racialized construction of skiing illuminates the less-for\ mal, less- direct, and less-obvious ways in which discourses surrounding race and, \ what I am calling, racial spatiality shape society in general and restrict the options available to African Americans and other racially marginalized groups in particular. \ My focus on alpine skiing follows from prior research on race and leisure activities\ (e.g., Harrison, Lee, & Belcher, 1999; Shinew & Floyd, 2005; Washburne, 1978; Woodard, 19\ 88).

Racial spatiality is founded on the perception that certain racialized bodies are expected to occupy certain social spaces and, complimentarily, that the presence \ of other bodies creates social disruption, moral unbalance, and/or demands explanation (\ Carter, 2008).

Because such perceptions exist at the level of ideology, and not social \ structure, their exclusionary functions are especially hidden and enduring. As such, powe\ r remains cloaked behind what Charles Mills (1997) refers to as an epistemology of ignorance— that is, a pervasive, evasive, and self-deceptive (mis)understanding o\ f social phenom- ena that allows for the cognitive and moral delusions necessary for rati\ onalizing historical and contemporary subjugation (p. 19); or, perhaps, the reco\ gnition of inequal- ity gets subsumed under a sense of ideological cynicism (Zizek, 1989) where people have some awareness of what’s going on but only acknowledge it in exc\ eptional instances, choosing to otherwise participate in it uncritically (Harris\ , 2013, p. 12). My conception of racial spatiality draws on David Sibley’s (1995) ideas regarding geographies of exclusion. Starting from the premise that many contemporary “social problems can be profitably spatialized” (xv), Sibley proposes exami\ ning the “assump- tions about inclusion and exclusion which are implicit in the design of \ spaces and places” (x). His focus, which incorporates cultural symbols, patter\ ns of everyday life, and prevailing myths, effectively exposes how power is exercised and epi\ stemic igno- rance is marshaled in the defense of social space. In the case of skiing\ , sociospatial exclusions function to maintain a prevailing, yet shrinking, core Americ\ an Whiteness. The lack of attention to racial diversity in skiing is notable consideri\ ng the integra- tionist efforts of Black ski clubs (G. Lee, 2006) and the logic that a\ ttracting more ski- ers of any race would seem to make good business sense. Since reaching a\ peak in popularity during the seventies and eighties, numbers of skiers steadily\ decreased through the nineties and beyond. Common explanations for skiing’s decline include the emergence of snowboarding (Cravatta, 1997; Makens, 2001), the rise\ of other leisure-time pursuits (Clifford, 2002), and global warming (Hudson, 2003\ ). As a mul- tibillion-dollar industry, skiing’s downward slide is taken seriously\ and often dis- cussed (see, for example, Clifford, 2002; Fry, 2006; Hudson, 2000). Skiing participation is regulated by economic factors and cultural recre\ ational preferences—both of which are affected by and have implications for n\ otions of racial difference. In 1957, Gary Becker (1957/1971) famously proposed that a “taste for discrimination” was unprofitable. Becker’s hypothesis that “\ discrimination . . .

should be less in competitive industries” (p. 159) would seem appli\ cable to popular team sports where most coaches, owners, and general managers long ago le\ arned that integration produces better teams. Similarly, one might ask why a strugg\ ling busi- nessperson, intent on staying in business, would turn away the potential\ revenues at UNIV CALIFORNIA IRVINE on December 7, 2016 jss.sagepub.com Downloaded from 318 Journal of Sport and Social Issues 37(4) from a specific class of consumers. Of course, we know this takes place.\ Even in the post-Civil Rights era there are countless reports of, for instance, Blac\ k customers being treated badly when shopping outside of Black neighborhoods (Austin, 1994; J. Lee, 2000). The arena of downhill skiing offers a revealing comparison \ to retail in that the failure of Black people to participate in skiing in any great n\ umbers would (initially at least) appear to have more to do with cultural preferenc\ e than unfavorable treatment. As a result, accounts of racial discrimination in skiing are \ compara- tively rare.

Whiteness and the Sociology of Sports My examination of racial spatiality in skiing draws from developments in\ the aca- demic literature on Whiteness and the sociology of sports. Whiteness stu\ dies emerged at the close of the 20th century through a constellation of historical, \ sociological, and critical scholarship which sought to locate the normative White subject \ and experience along axes of social power. This occurred in the context of demographic concerns about the United States becoming a majority-minority nation (Chideya, 1\ 999), which spotlighted “white” as a distinct racial category, and third wave-\ feminist challenges over the exclusion of perspectives from women of color (Collins, 1990)\ . Indeed, sev- eral of the earliest recognized efforts in Whiteness studies came from feminist scholars (see, for example, Frankenberg, 1993; McIntosh, 1988). In addition to feminism, some of the main tributaries feeding this interdisciplinary stream included historical and legal studies exposing the construction and maintenance of Whiteness, mo\ st notably in the project of American nation-building (Allen, 1994; Jacobson, 1998\ ; López, 1996; Roediger, 1991); sociological work demonstrating the existence of White\ racial atti- tudes and continuations of race-based privileges (Bonilla-Silva, 2003; \ Lipsitz, 1998); and scholarship targeting how Whiteness is performed, malleable, and int\ ersects with other identity loci (Hartigan, 1999; Hughey, 2012; Kincheloe & Steinber\ g, 1998). Melissa D. Hargrove (2009) identifies Whiteness as “the foundationa\ l support sys- tem for the origins and longevity of the political economy of racism”\ (p. 95) and the systematic management of a collective advantage framed through race. Indeed, a cru- cial component of accessing the privileges of Whiteness, as Dianne Harri\ s (2013) astutely points out, is the “desire to assimilate and blend—to bec\ ome white” (p. 18).

Illustrating what he referred to as the alchemy of race, Matthew Fry Jacobson (1998) outlined the processes by which many one-time non-White groups, through \ different historical periods, were able to win their way to Whiteness. Group-speci\ fic case stud- ies have focused on the Irish (Ignatiev, 2008), Italians (Alba, 1990)\ , Jews (Brodkin, 1998), and even Mississippi Chinese (Loewen, 1988). Jonathan W. Warre\ n and France Winddance Twine (1997) persuasively show the extent to which aligning \ with Whiteness concurrently involved an aversion to Blackness. Whether throug\ h socio- economic gains and/or by adopting mainstream American values and practic\ es, an investment in Whiteness functioned as an adhesive that symbolically boun\ d one-time ethnic “others” to institutional and structural arrangements that \ sought to maintain social and cultural privilege. Yet, Whiteness, according to George Lipsi\ tz (2011), “is at UNIV CALIFORNIA IRVINE on December 7, 2016 jss.sagepub.com Downloaded from Harrison 319 not so much a color as a condition” (p. 3), which is also affected \ by class, gender, sexuality, and place of origin (Low, 2009). White people alone do not \ command all the resources and privileges associated with Whiteness; however, their gate-keeping func- tions to determine the manner in which non-White people will get to shar\ e in them (Page & Thomas, 1994). By drawing attention to the nexus of Whiteness and privilege, critical r\ ace scholars unsettle normative understandings of White racial identity as neutral an\ d advance the perspective that Whiteness operates as a force in actualizing and extend\ ing social inequality through everyday modes of exclusion. Philenoma Essed (1991)\ introduced the concept of everyday racism to describe the integration of racism into everyday situations through practices . . . that activate underlying power relations . . . [and become] part of the expected, of the unquestionable, and of what is seen as normal by the dominant group. (p. 50) Accordingly, Mills (1997) observes that “[r]acism and racially stru\ ctured discrimina- tion have not been deviations from the norm; they have been the norm” (p. 93, empha- sis original). Whereas sports is commonly upheld as a meritocratic social arena in whic\ h other- wise disadvantaged groups can excel, sports sociologists have focused on\ stratified access to particular sports activities and the degree to which sports is\ characterized by the same racist social relations which dominate other aspects of society\ . Sportscapes exist as key sites where struggles over racial identity and national consciousness take place. Pierre Bourdieu’s (1978) notion of cultural capital has influenced sports soci- ologists to consider the distinct histories, meanings, and conscious and\ unconscious orientations which draw particular groups toward certain sports activiti\ es. Bourdieu-an approaches have been used to examine sports participation through lenses\ of gender (Kay & Laberge, 2004; Mennesson, 2002), class (Wacquant, 2004; Wilson, 2002), and race (Andrews, Pitter, Zwick, & Ambrose, 1997). Within the context of Whiteness studies’ arrival, as well as increasi\ ng anxieties over the disappearing White athlete (Kusz, 2001), sociological researc\ h on race and sports began expanding beyond a focus on Black athletes and racially mar\ ked “others” to include more emphasis on the role of White privilege in shaping sport\ s fields (Long & Hylton, 2002). The realization that examining Whiteness, in its many \ forms, was integral to understanding racism in sports signaled an important shift i\ n sports sociol- ogy from viewing race as a static identity classification to treating it\ as a product of complex processes of social identification (see Brayton, 2005; Spencer,\ 2004).

Recently, scholars have turned their attention to White power—concept\ ualized as “a constellation of ideologies, a series of sociohistorical formations, an \ ordering princi- ple, and a specific set of structures”—as a means to more explicit\ ly target the political nature of racial authority and inequality in sports (King, Leonard, & K\ usz, 2007). Sports sociologists have also returned to the theories of cultural geogr\ aphers like Henri Lefebvre (1991) and John Bale (1994) to address how social rel\ ations enacted through sports are spatially practiced and represented (Fusco, 2005; va\ n Ingen, at UNIV CALIFORNIA IRVINE on December 7, 2016 jss.sagepub.com Downloaded from 320 Journal of Sport and Social Issues 37(4) 2003). Some of these works argue that sports and leisure fields should \ be read as dynamic spaces of resistance (Carrington, 1998; van Ingen, 2004); others focus on the production and maintenance of ongoing power relations. Drawing on Ba\ le’s (1994) ideas regarding the imposition of gendered, classed, and racial\ ized order onto physical landscapes, Caroline Fusco (2005) emphasized the confluences \ of architec- tural principles and racism in generating recreational sports spaces in \ which other- ness could be easily identified and evicted (pp. 286, 304). Comparativ\ ely, Kyle Kusz’s (2004) research on extreme lifestyle sports highlights how t\ he mythologized and racialized construction of the American frontier (see DeLuca & Demo\ , 2001) provides White males with a refuge from multicultural politics and accusations of privilege. The extreme edge of skiing (as discussed below) fits within Kusz’s \ model as a risk- seeking response to the crisis of White masculinity (see also Stoddart,\ 2012), yet the leisure-tourist appeal of skiing is also defined by Whiteness. Sibley (1995) reminds u\ s that, even in the daily routines of life, “most people are not consci\ ous of domination and [accordingly] the sociospatial system is reproduced with little chal\ lenge” (p. 76).

The virtual absence of racial diversity within skiing’s perceived and\ /or conceived spaces of practice leave little opportunity for challenges to its predom\ inant “white spatial imaginary” as a controlled environment of capital accumulatio\ n and individual escape (Lipsitz, 2011). Yet, in agreement with Harris (2013), I main\ tain that the absence of racially diverse representations in a field often “speaks \ remarkably loudly, once we begin to look and read more carefully” (p. 15).

Explaining Black Participation in Skiing African American participation in skiing is affected by structural and s\ ymbolic forces. Although everyday rationalizations for why few Black people ski \ tend to priv- ilege the former (social structure), my attention to how power operate\ s in shaping skiing’s racial spatiality emphasizes the complimentarity of social i\ nstitutions, pat- terned behaviors, and the meanings associated with skiing’s rural rec\ reational setting.

A common explanation for why Black people do not ski in greater numbers \ posits that the cost of skiing (including ski equipment, lift tickets, getting\ to the mountain, and staying at the resort) is too expensive for the majority of Black A\ mericans who, according to virtually all measures, on the whole remain an economically\ subordinate racial group (McArdle, 2009). The average income level of contemporary\ skiers var- ies depending on who’s doing the reporting (for differing examples, \ see Clifford, 2002; Cravatta, 1997; Hudson, 2000). Nevertheless, skiing has been and \ continues to be thought of as an elite, upper to upper-middle class sport. In his com\ prehensive study of past skiing consumer research, Hudson (2000) concludes that the perception of skiing as expensive has been a major factor in discouraging many nonskiers from taking up the sport (see also Williams & Basford, 1992). John Fry (20\ 06) explains that during the sixties “[b]eing a skier was a badge proudly worn . .\ . by the rich and powerful”—including statesman, ambassadors, and politicians who routinely shared ski stories (p. 34). Although it is likely that the cost of skiing, as\ well as the at UNIV CALIFORNIA IRVINE on December 7, 2016 jss.sagepub.com Downloaded from Harrison 321 perception of what it costs, skews its participation along axes of race,\ research on race and tourist expenditures complicates this picture by finding that t\ here are no statistically significant differences in spending between Black and Whit\ e vacationers (Agarwal & Yochum, 1999). Within the leisure studies scholarship comparing Black and White involvement in recreational activities (such as skiing), explanations that target the\ prohibitive costs of participation collectively fall under what is known as the “marginali\ ty thesis”—the implicit assumption being that if socioeconomic barriers were not there \ Black people would participate in proportionately equivalent numbers to White people \ (Elmendorf, Willits, & Sasidharan, 2005). An alternative explanation for why few Af\ rican Americans ski considers culturally based recreational preferences—thi\ s is commonly referred to as the “ethnicity (or subcultural variation) thesis.”\ In his pioneering study of race and leisure, Randel F. Washburne’s (1978) argued that Black\ people collec- tively engaged in self-schema away from perceived “white” activiti\ es. To the extent that certain leisure pursuits are thought of as “White” and “Bl\ ack,” historical patterns of segregation are reproduced. The premise underlying this position is t\ hat Black peo- ple, as compared with White people, have a fundamentally different set o\ f interests and inclinations regarding how to spend their leisure and tourist time (\ Harrison et al., 1999). Such reasoning has been critiqued for being rooted in culturally essentialist arguments (Carter, 2008), that have the capacity to revive pseudoscientific beliefs regarding the natural endowments and limitations of Black bodies. A corresponding (culture-based) explanation specifically points to the\ structure of recruitment into the sport. Skiing is often generationally passed down f\ rom parents to children. Studies have shown that family skiers in particular engage in skiing largely for social reasons (Williams & Basford, 1992). A 1995 Canadian survey \ found that exposure to skiing as a child and informal encouragement to ski from fri\ ends were the two most salient factors in developing longtime skiers (Williams & Doss\ a, 1995).

With neither a family history of participation in the sport nor friends \ who regularly ski, the logic goes, the likelihood of most African Americans picking up skii\ ng is slim.

Patterned behaviors are generationally reproduced within a context of al\ ready racial- ized social space. Thus, without some form of intervention or rupture, r\ acialized struc- tures are slow to change. Whereas marginality versus ethnicity debates have dominated the leisure \ studies literature on racial participation, a handful of researchers have called\ for more dynamic approaches that productively outline their interrelationship and give gr\ eater attention to processes of racial discrimination (Carter, 2008; Floyd, 1998; Phili\ pp, 2000).

Accordingly, here I underscore the significance of racism as a sociohist\ orical force affecting African American collective memory and patterns of leisure; an\ d with spe- cific regard to skiing, outline how these processes have been accentuate\ d by important shifts in the sport’s tourist geography. Most ski areas in America are found in the mountains of the Northeast, t\ he Rockies, and the West Coast. The millions of African Americans who migrated from the Southeastern United States to these regions around the period of both Wo\ rld Wars did so in pursuit of the greater economic opportunities offered within cities. African at UNIV CALIFORNIA IRVINE on December 7, 2016 jss.sagepub.com Downloaded from 322 Journal of Sport and Social Issues 37(4) Americans are the least integrated racial group in the United States; an\ d non-Southern African American communities continue to be primarily urban (McArdle, 2\ 009).

Outside of the South, where for obvious climatic reasons skiing is spars\ e, sizable pop - ulations of Black people do not reside in the rural mountainous areas wh\ ere skiing flourishes. The geography of skiing has constricted over the last 40 years. Historically through- out the Northeast many cities had small ski mountains surrounding them. \ Just 12 min- utes outside of Boston, a golf course in Quincy Massachusetts was home to Heavenly Hill (Conniff & Allen, 2006); and Mount Tom—located in the city of \ Holyoke Massachusetts—was just 10 miles outside of Springfield, the state’\ s third largest met- ropolitan area. Heavenly Hill closed in the early seventies and Mount To\ m did the same in the late nineties. Across America, more than 1,000 documented sk\ i areas have closed (Pennington, 2008). The ski resorts which survived tended to feature large mountains, in geographically isolated regions, which have the infrastructure to offer relatively easy access as well as activities for nonskiers. In this resp\ ect, skiing has changed from a wintertime way of life that was at the center of many sma\ ll communi- ties’ economies and local cultures, into a full-service tourist indus\ try complete with standardized options for shopping, entertainment, and night-life (Fry, \ 2006).

Destination ski resorts have become larger and more prominently featured\ on the ski- ing topography (Coleman, 2004). In 2003, Vail ski resort operated six \ hotels, 72 res- taurants, 40 shops, and more than 13,000 condominiums (Hudson, 2003). The shift to skiing-as-tourism increases the potential for specific (racialized) repre- sentations of skiing to influence the sport’s consumer profile. A ski\ vacation, as opposed to an afternoon outing, is typically intentional, requiring planning and greater economic investments. Thus, more than ever before, skiing participation \ is based on a tourist attraction system (Leiper, 1990) that relies on the perceived \ attributes of the activity and/or destination as its chief draw; and the ability of media \ representations— such as magazines, videos, and even the Weather Channel—to shape the \ market in ways that attract some subsegments of the population while discouraging \ others is perhaps unprecedented. In short, skiing’s new economy—based on tou\ rism and real estate—is sustained through the cultivation of specific recreational preferences, which tend to require larger time and monetary commitments. Recent attention to race and racism within the field of environmental hi\ story is use- ful to understanding the development and maintenance of Black recreation\ al prefer- ences. One major branch of this research focuses on how Black people in \ America have historically been linked to land primarily through the involuntary \ and abusive institutions of chattel slavery and postemancipation sharecropping and t\ enant farming (Merchant, 2003; see also Meeker, 1973); similarly, remote, back-count\ ry environ- ments were typically sites where lynchings occurred (Johnson, 1998; see\ also W.

White, 1929). For these reasons, it is argued, Black people developed a particular relationship to forest wildlands that is distinct from the typical (Whi\ te) American attachment to them as sites of exploration, refuge, and escape. Through \ collective memory—that is, common knowledge of meaningful past events circulated within a group (via stories and the media) to the point where they are salient \ even to individuals at UNIV CALIFORNIA IRVINE on December 7, 2016 jss.sagepub.com Downloaded from Harrison 323 with no firsthand experience with them—such legacies of discrimination manifest as generationally persistent “wildland aversions” (Johnson, Horan, &\ Pepper, 1997, p. 105). These memories, in conjunction with stereotyped portrayals of Bla\ ck people as primitive or closer to nature, have contributed to what Cassandra Y. \ Johnson and Josh McDaniel (2006) describe as an “African American quest for mod\ ernization” involving conscious distancing from anything associated with rural life \ or the wilder- ness (p. 62; see also Meeker, 1973). Although the aforementioned studi\ es have mostly focused on wildland recreational practices, they can quite straightforwa\ rdly be extended to the “mountainous sublime” through which the skiing experience and land- scape is customarily represented (Stoddart, 2012). A second, highly relevant, focus of race-related environmental history r\ ecounts the discriminatory and, at times, violent competition for access to green sp\ aces within industrialized urban landscapes. Viewed in this context, Black people’s seeming dis- interest in national/global environmentalism has been explained through \ the more pressing concerns of dealing with and getting away from the pollution an\ d inadequate sanitation of their home environment (Hurley, 1995). In addition, many of the race riots that occurred in industrial centers like Chicago and Detroit follo\ wing both World Wars were precipitated by conflicts over the use of recreational space (\ Fisher, 2006; West, 1989). Thus, another facet of Black collective memory is the legacy of racial hostilities attached to the pursuit of recreational happiness (Philipp, 2000). Citing these “racial risk aversions” to outdoor recreation sites, Perry L\ . Carter (2008) points out that African Americans, compared with Whites, are more apt to visit \ travel desti- nations that are recommended to them and/or that involve a degree of fam\ iliarity (pp. 265-266). Through the impact of historical memory and interpersonal exp\ eri- ences with subtle and not-so-subtle forms of discrimination, he sees many of today’s leisure preferences as continuations of practices developed during the J\ im Crow era that are sustained through geographies of exclusion. Structural explanations tell us a good deal about why African Americans \ do not ski at a comparable rate with other Americans, but they do not tell the whol\ e story.

Similarly, ethnicity-based arguments that emphasize choice and agency of\ ten ignore the role of discrimination—past and present—in shaping recreationa\ l preferences.

Bourdieu calls attention to the “hidden entry requirements,” such as obligatory social codes and behaviors, which serve as barriers to select sports participation (Bourdieu, 1978, p. 838). In presenting several “travelling while Black” nar\ ratives, Carter (2008) spotlights boundary marking measures—including “critical White gaz\ es,” being forced to show photo-identification, and even being given an orange wris\ tband (which the traveler tellingly equated with a “scarlet letter”)—experi\ enced by Black vacation- ers at Southern beach resorts (p. 280). Through material and symbolic \ practices, such leisure-recreation spaces are defined as White and non-White access to them is care- fully managed. A 2003 report stated that African Americans made up only \ 2% of the American skiing market—considerably less than Asian Americans and Lat\ inos (Redd, 2003). Furthermore, many Black skiers participate primarily through Bla\ ck skiing organizations, which encourage periodic Black skiing events rather than \ a regular and sustained presence on the mountain. Thus, on an average (non-Black ski \ event) ski at UNIV CALIFORNIA IRVINE on December 7, 2016 jss.sagepub.com Downloaded from 324 Journal of Sport and Social Issues 37(4) day, the ratio of Black to non-Black skiers is often less than 2 out of \ every 100. What seems most apparent is that outside of the occasional Black ski event, A\ frican Americans have not made significant inroads into skiing’s historicall\ y rooted Whiteness. Skiing and Whiteness Historical and sociological literature on skiing presents its sportscape\ as largely mas- culine and overwhelmingly White (Coleman, 1996, 2004; Fry, 2006; Harris\ on et al., 1999; Stoddart, 2012). In making this case, skiing scholars like Annie \ Gilbert Coleman (1996) and Mark C. J. Stoddart (2012) utilize Antonio Gramsci’s c\ oncept of hegemony as a means to unpacking skiing’s gendered and racialized geographies \ and representa- tions. Hegemony, according to Gramsci, describes a fluid and continuous \ process through which the interests of other groups are coordinated with those o\ f the dominant group. As a mode of ideological assimilation, the hegemonic apparatus pr\ ioritizes spontaneous consent over physical coercion in the interest of normalizin\ g the exercise of power (Gramsci, 1971). Examining skiing through a hegemonic framewo\ rk reveals the extent to which, even in the absence of overt discrimination, the po\ licing of racial- ized space occurs primarily through symbolic means with structural arran\ gements standing in support. In one of the few scholarly pieces dedicated specifically to the issue o\ f race and skiing, Coleman (1996) traces the development of Western ski tourism a\ round the conspicuous deployment and manipulation of European-centered language an\ d ico- nography. The rise in popularity of downhill skiing in America followed from a European archetype. The industry’s post-war “Boom!” was fueled \ by the interests of returning soldiers who had spent time on and around the slopes of Europe\ . Starting in the 1940s, the majority of American ski schools boasted of teaching the \ “French,” “Swiss,” or “Austrian method,” with the popularity between t\ hese fluctuating based on the successes and failures of each nation’s ski team (Rothafel, 1\ 978, p. 38; see also Fry, 2006). When the Vail Village Inn hired Ed Kilby—“a local con\ struction crew cook who . . . specialized in chicken fried steak”—the owners announced it as the arrival of “French chef Pierre Kilbeaux” and his famous filet de boeuf au poulet frit (Simonton, 1987, p. 72, quoted in Coleman, 1996). Coleman highlights t\ he ways in which European imagery historically affected the construction and naming\ of ski- resort accommodations, where descriptions of Bavarian style villages wit\ h alpine names are still common. In the late 1950s, Colorado launched a ski campaign that billed its mountains as “The ‘other’ Alps” (Coleman, 1996, \ p. 593). Coleman effec- tively shows how rather than focusing on specific national identities, in much the same manner that European ethnic groups assimilated into a single White \ race (see Jacobson, 1998), the ski industry compiled and blended different aspect\ s of national symbolism—such as the sale of German and Italian ski clothing within Scandinavian ski shops—to create one pan-European experience. The pervasive Whiteness in skiing and ski imagery is notable given the d\ iversity of many local populations—particularly in the Taos area of northern New \ Mexico which at UNIV CALIFORNIA IRVINE on December 7, 2016 jss.sagepub.com Downloaded from Harrison 325 is home to large Native American and Mexican immigrant communities. If o\ ne looks behind the front stage of European-based ski tourism, this diversity can be seen throughout ski-resort service and manual labor workforces (Coleman, 199\ 6; see also Stoddart, 2012). It is notable that such racial administration of roles\ within white spaces is not remarkably different from what occurred with the largely invisible Black workforce that served Jim Crow society. Leisure activities are often thought to be arenas in which people can challenge existing power relations, yet they can also be spaces where unequal acce\ ss to power and resources is reproduced and legitimized (Shinew & Floyd, 2005). St\ even Philipp (2000) contends that some leisure spaces are among the most racially s\ egregated spaces in the United States. Skiing’s hegemony of Whiteness obscures \ its profound racial dynamics. Thus, within the ski sportscape and leisure-scape a pre\ ponderance of White people is viewed as normal and Whiteness remains unmarked (Franke\ nberg, 1993). Stoddart (2012) explains that “when ethnicity explicitly en\ ters the ski dis- course, it comes as a surprise” (p. 144).

African American Inroads Undoubtedly, there were Black skiers prior to the Civil Rights Movement. Yet the impetus for the appearance of Black ski organizations like the NBS (fou\ nded in 1973) is connected to the newly found and newly imagined freedoms of the late sixties and early seventies, which inspired African Americans to explore activities and social are- nas previously considered closed to them. This early generation of Black\ skiers should be thought of as pioneers of integration. Since their time, the African \ American expe- rience with skiing has been principally through what Kimberly J. Shinew \ and Myron F. Floyd (2005) refer to as a parallel integration strategy—that is, a form of negotiat- ing leisure constraint barriers that involves “corresponding activiti\ es” undertaken exclusively within one’s own race (p. 45). Such a strategy, which e\ xtend the Jim Crow era principle of turning segregation into congregation (Lipsitz, 2011)\ , is predicated on the diffusion of a cultural practice or activity rather than on the mixi\ ng of people. Few published reports document the structural and interpersonal barriers\ early African American skiers experienced. Still, the formation and growth of \ Black ski clubs as an alternative to being so visible and outnumbered while enteri\ ng this terra incognita suggests that there were difficulties. The following testimony was post\ ed on a prominent online skiing forum: I go back to the late 60s when I was the only “brother” on the mou\ ntain . . . Was I a little self-conscious, the only black face skiing with a group of white friends\ from the Hartford area? Yeah, more than a little, actually . . . Those of you of a certain\ age will remember the severity of the social stresses in the late 60s. Certainly not all of th\ em had a racial origin, but it was not always easy to be the only black face on the hill. (Joe, 200\ 6) Jennifer Lee (2000) explains how the everyday racism experienced by African Americans when venturing alone or in small groups into social spaces whi\ ch are at UNIV CALIFORNIA IRVINE on December 7, 2016 jss.sagepub.com Downloaded from 326 Journal of Sport and Social Issues 37(4) racially constructed around normative Whiteness, influences them to (a)\ avoid such places and (b) appreciate the absence of overt racial consciousness fo\ und within pre - dominantly Black social settings. The latter point is supported by Josep\ h W. Meeker’s (1973) observation that, unlike White people’s pursuit of sanctuary\ through privacy and “pastoral retreat,” Black people are likely to seek refuge “among other black peo- ple where they can expect to find understanding and human compassion”\ (p. 5; see also Elmendorf et al., 2005; Johnson et al., 1997). According to past N\ BS President Rose Thomas Pickrum, the negative experiences of early Black skiers led \ to the devel- opment of Black ski clubs (G. Lee, 2006). African American skiers have collectively chosen fellowship and support over isolation and the potential for overt racism. In 1998, the NBS’s “summit”—which for many years has brought th\ ousands of Black skiers to select resort destinations—was recognized by the ski industry as the largest ski convention gathering in the Unites States (“African-American ski\ ers,” 1998). That same year a group of Black friends and families claimed they were rudely\ ordered off the premises of the Snowcrest ski resort in Southern California. Accordi\ ng to one of the members of the group, following an incident of alleged mischief on t\ he part of some of their children, the lodge keeper kicked them out saying, “you\ ’re not welcome here anyway. You have no business even being here”; as the group went\ to leave, they noticed that a number of people had congregated and were reportedly star\ ing at them “like they[’d] never seen black people before” (Anderson, 1998\ ). At a time when Black ski organizations were among the most sought after \ specialty markets in the skiing industry (Norment, 1989), Black people remained \ virtually invis- ible within the imagery and discourses surrounding popular skiing. Certa\ inly part of this lack of visibility was connected to the way in which Black skiing, \ at the Black ski organizational level, has been contained as a circumstance that falls ou\ tside the experi- ence of normal skiing. “Black ski week” was and continues to be an\ extraordinary event worthy of its own designation. Despite their successes, Black skiing organiza- tions have thus far failed to redefine the relationship between Whitenes\ s and skiing.

Belonging Bodies: From Extreme Skiers to Snowboarders Ski resorts endure as profoundly White spaces despite the diversity of sports and lei- sure activities taking place at them. Parallel integration through Black ski clubs, which involves large numbers of people with varying levels of skiing com\ petence and enthusiasm, cultivates non-skiing leisurely pursuits as perhaps the most\ meaningful aspect of the overall ski-resort experience. Yet, even the activities ta\ king place exclu- sively on the slopes encompass a range of practices (from snowboarding \ to several varieties of skiing, including alpine, telemark, freestyle, cross-countr\ y, back-country, and extreme) which shape and are influenced by prevailing racial symbol\ ism.

Examining alpine skiing in relation to two other prominent on-the-slopes\ practices— namely, extreme skiing and snowboarding—further illustrates how racia\ lized dis- courses shape conceptions of who belongs and who does not belong on the \ skiing sportscape. at UNIV CALIFORNIA IRVINE on December 7, 2016 jss.sagepub.com Downloaded from Harrison 327 Beyond theorizing how cultural capital influences skiing participation in general, I consider how a form of skiing-specific capital—or what Sarah Thornton\ (1995) might call subcultural capital within the field of skiing—is implicated in generating and maintaining a hierarchy of appropriate skiing bodies. Although several s\ tudies have examined these issues with specific attention to gender (Anderson, 1999\ ; Coleman, 2003; Stoddart, 2010; Thorpe, 2008), I extend these discussions to also\ include con- siderations of race. My approach is anchored in a conception of skiing a\ s embodied performance that can potentially contest and/or affirm existing cultural meanings and relations of power. The distinction between alpine (or general downhill) skiing and extrem\ e skiing can be mapped on to the physical landscape as either within or outside the constructed boundaries of ski-resort property. Yet, more typically, extreme skiing i\ s defined by its degree of risk-taking and emphases on speed and the negotiation of natur\ al obstacles.

Fry (2006) observes that in extreme skiing “risk itself became the \ goal—deliberately leaping off cliffs, attempting to ski in an avalanche, skiing in places \ where a fall meant certain death” (p. 205). Such places are sufficiently removed from \ the manicured envi- ronments of everyday skiing leisure tourism. At the very least, these ar\ eas are “out of bounds”; thus, (in theory) excusing resorts from liabilities relate\ d to injuries, deaths, or the costs of rescue (Oliver, 2011). In addition, extreme skiing oft\ en takes place on hard to reach terrain that can only be accessed by hiking or helicopter.\ Indeed, many of the earliest extreme skiers were foremost mountain climbers who utilized skiing as a means of descent (Fry, 2006). Alpine skiing, on the other hand, alth\ ough sometimes thought of as dangerous by nonskiers (Gilbert & Hudson, 2000), as a le\ isure–sport– tourism activity aspires to eliminate barriers to participation by brand\ ing itself as safe, healthy, and “riskless” family fun (see Stoddart, 2012, p. 18). Instead of identifying and directly comparing extreme skiers (whose num\ bers pale by comparison) with general alpine skiers, extreme-sport skiing and leisure-tourist skiing should be viewed as differing orientations along a skiing continuum. As\ direc- tional ideals on the skiing horizon, few if any skiers are solely extrem\ e or leisure- tourists; and through the act of skiing a double black diamond (extreme\ ly difficult) trail and subsequently joining one’s children on the “bunny” (\ beginner) hill, a single skier can occupy both skiing orientations over the course of consecutive\ ski runs. Yet, the discourses surrounding skiing align specific gendered and racialized\ identities with these differing orientations. Thus, perceptions of certain skiing a\ ctivities and the abilities necessary to undertake them, along with conceptions of who is \ most likely to have such abilities, get hierarchically arranged, generating corporeal notions of belonging and prestige. The association between the term bunny slope and skiing novicity reflects a gen- dered history of the sport dating back to the early 20th century. Colema\ n (2003) recounts how as early as the 1930s women skiers were stereotyped as sens\ ual “Snow Bunnies” whose novice skills and husband-hunting priorities placed them on the most easily accessible spots on the mountain. Represented as fashion-consciou\ s objects of desire who prioritized their appearance ahead of their skiing ability, b\ oth the appeal of and appeals to women skiers played a key role in the development of urba\ nized ski at UNIV CALIFORNIA IRVINE on December 7, 2016 jss.sagepub.com Downloaded from 328 Journal of Sport and Social Issues 37(4) resorts. Such resort towns offered venues for the consumption of clothes\ and the con - sumptive practices surrounding après skiing: Moving from slopes to the bar became common practice; consuming food, dr\ ink, and fashion indoors grew inextricably linked to consuming nature outdoors on skis . \ . . men and women skiers shared stories of their day and relaxed together over drinks in c\ lubhouses, restaurants, and hotels. (Coleman, 2003, p. 200) The skiing imaginary that emerged following World War II was refracted t\ hrough a masculine worldview which envisioned the on-the-mountain experience as\ an exhil- arating adventure in risk-taking and triumph. Male bodies came to be ass\ ociated with the sporting conquest of wilderness and women; women, by contrast, were \ mapped onto the classic ski terrain as tame and restrained within the cultivated spaces of the mountain social world. This outlook was institutionalized through the gr\ een circle (easy), blue square (more difficult), and black diamond (most difficult) trail system, which segregated skiing sportscapes into leisurely “bunny hills,” \ “expert only” runs, and more difficult slopes of integration. By the end of the 20th century\ , as more women skiers openly defied the restrictive Snow Bunny imagery, this gend\ ered divi- sion became reenergized through the rise of extreme skiing. Kusz (2004) situates the emergence of extreme sports in America within\ 1990s anxieties over White manhood’s loss of authority. This perceived crisis, he argues, should be viewed within the context of post-1960s global shifts in the i\ ndustrial econ- omy, national demographic changes, and post-Civil Rights Movement racial\ politics (Kusz, 2004). The mainstreaming of extreme sports, then, nostalgically\ looks back to a lost era of American manhood defined by rugged individuals and persona\ l responsi- bility for social progress. This modified version of manifest destiny re\ imagines the conquest of nature, women, and non-White peoples in the project of American nation- building. In the most celebrated contemporary skiing practices—where \ extreme skill and risk-taking lead to the greatest skiing prestige—Whiteness contin\ ues to operate as the unspoken norm (Kusz, 2004). It should come as little surprise, the\ n, that Black skiers—with their wildland aversions and parallel integration sensibi\ lities and sociabilities—are largely excluded from these privileged spaces. In fact, \ a history of recreational leisure scholarship suggests that Black people prefer devel\ oped recre- ational settings with formal landscape designs (Elmendorf et al., 2005;\ Johnson et al., 1997). Along the skiing sportscape, this places Black skiers, along wit\ h women, within the resort confines. The racial discourses surrounding snowboarding, as it relates to alpine \ skiing, are even more pronounced. Snowboarding came of age in the late eighties and nineties as a direct challenge to skiing’s traditional formality and elitism (Coleman, 2003; Heino, 2000). Due to the perception of its short learning curve (Hudson, 2003\ ), the reported exhilaration that accompanies its practice (Gilbert & Hudson, 2000), a\ nd its “cool” and rebellious image (Edensor & Richards, 2007), over the course of the nineties snowboarding rapidly grew to rival skiing in popularity, particularly among young people; between 1991 and 2001 the number of snowboarders in the United S\ tates at UNIV CALIFORNIA IRVINE on December 7, 2016 jss.sagepub.com Downloaded from Harrison 329 increased from 1.6 million to 5.3 million, with 2001 snowboarders making\ up 28% of all ski area visits (Thapa & Graefe, 2004). Thus, since the start of t\ he 21st century, skiers and snowboarders have been battling for space, both symbolic and literal, along skiing’s sportscape (Edensor & Richards, 2007). During its emergence, snowboarding was heavily influenced by West Coast urban stylings which gave it a distinctly racialized aesthetic. Kristin L. And\ erson (1999) described the cultural imagery of snowboarding during this period as a b\ lend of the “skater kid” and the “gangsta” (p. 62; see also Brayton, 2005); likewise, Rebecca Heino (2000) explained its fashion taste as the appropriation of “the hip-hop look” by suburban youth (p. 178). Although snowboarding, like skiing, is overwh\ elmingly White, its “inner-city” orientations (Fry, 2006, p. 238; see also\ Edensor & Richards, 2007) signal a different performance of White masculinity—one that r\ ejects notions of professionalism and social responsibility through the ideal of “a reb\ el who needs nei- ther material comfort or professional aspirations” (Anderson, 1999, \ p. 66). Whereas snowboarding’s loose-fitting, androgynous fashion-codes often produce\ d contradic- tory discourses around the presentation and performance of gender (see \ Thorpe, 2008), Anderson (1999) sees its entry into the skiing sportscape as enacting \ a particular ver- sion of White maleness that, unlike the urban working-class Black and Br\ own youth it was modeled after, could be performed “without fear of retribution or discrimination” (p. 76). In spite of this, and as a result of their contestations with skiers ove\ r both access to the slopes and conduct on them, some snowboarders conceptualized their a\ lternity through a lens of discrimination or even as “deflected” racism (E\ densor & Richards, 2007). Fry (2006) recounts that snowboarders were initially not permi\ tted to ride the lifts at many ski mountains, and as late as 1996 fifteen ski areas would\ not permit snowboarders on their premises (Thapa & Graefe, 2004). Notably, snowbo\ arding pio- neer Jake Burton Carpenter described this and other early treatment of snowboarders as “bigoted” (Fry, 2006, p. 239). Several studies have shown that skiers are less tolerant of snowboarders than snow- boarders are of skiers (see, for example, Thapa & Graefe, 2004; William\ s, Dossa, & Fulton, 1994). Skiing’s exclusivist sensibilities and emphases on tr\ adition and high- brow sophistication lead many within the sport to view snowboarders as a\ n encroach- ing element and a perceived threat to skiing’s sanctioned spaces. Eff\ orts to segregate snowboarders and skiers through direct restrictions (see Makens, 2001)\ or divergent appeals (Vaske, Carothers, Donnelly, & Baird, 2000) continue into the \ 21st century— most notably through terrain parks which aspire to quarantine snowboardi\ ng (and free- style skiing) activities within specific areas of the ski mountain. Yet\ , at all but three ski areas in the United States, the two groups compete for the same spatial \ resources, which they pursue through different performative norms and codes of civility. Tim Edensor and Sophia Richards (2007) argue that snowboarding’s corpor\ eal aesthetics are an undisciplined challenged to skiing’s disciplined body. Skiing \ embodies profes- sionalism and uniformity, which gets represented through the precise per\ formance of correct skiing technique; snowboarding, on the other hand, reflects indi\ vidual exhibi- tion and youthful rebellion (Heino, 2000). at UNIV CALIFORNIA IRVINE on December 7, 2016 jss.sagepub.com Downloaded from 330 Journal of Sport and Social Issues 37(4) Stoddart (2012) suggests that skiing discourse “may be interpreted as a form of white culture that marginalizes skiers who do not fit the dominant image\ s of normal- ized whiteness” (p. 169). At a time when the most heroic icons of c\ ontemporary skiing have migrated to the distinctly White spaces of the “out of bounds”\ extreme, snow- boarders—as rivals for slope space—embody a racialized “other”\ that represents a threat to skiing’s leisure-tourist environment of pristine Whiteness.\ Racialized Residency Patterns Lefebvre conceived of the “world of leisure” as a “purely artificial” ideal that devel- oped “outside of daily life” (Lefebvre, 1979, p. 137). Ski-resor\ t communities, then, as sites of leisure, developed in the interest of social, spatial, and cult\ ural insulation from corrupting influences and perceived threats associated with non-Whitenes\ s.

Accordingly, they are part of a long tradition of racially segregated leisure resorts in the United States that extends outside the Jim Crow South to Northeast, \ Midwest, and Western regions (Foster, 1999; Kahrl, 2012). Fry (2006) reports that\ , as late as the 1950s, African Americans and Jews were not allowed in “restricted”\ northern (i.e., non-Jim Crow) ski lodges and hotels. Coleman (1996) similarly suggests that during the sixties many White skiers “fled” to racially homogeneous ski r\ esorts to escape the “growing racial tension in American cities” (p. 586). Carolyn Me\ rchant concurs, drawing attention to an all-American (i.e., White) quest for wildernes\ s sanctuary that dates back to the start of 20th century: In the minds of many Americans, the valence of wilderness had been rever\ sed. The city had become a dark, negatively charged wilderness filled with blacks and sout\ hern European immigrants, while mountains, forests, waterfalls, and canyons were viewe\ d as sublime places of white light. (Merchant, 2003, p. 385) Following these historical precedents, and despite African American inro\ ads into ski- ing, I argue that their parallel integration has, in effect, contributed to the ghettoization of Black skiing into realms of non-visibility and/or extraordinariness, \ whereas skiing on the whole has remained remarkably and pristinely White. Setha M. Low (2009) points out that the politics behind Whiteness, which remain “hidden and rarely challenged” (p. 81), are products of ongoing \ “racially segregated living arrangements” (p. 82). Her research on gated communities has\ exposed the manner in which grassroots, collective administrative efforts—often o\ n the part of politically progressive people—function to secure social enclaves of \ White middle class values and practices. Whereas gated communities are erected throug\ h concrete restrictive structures, Lior Jacob Strahilevitz (2006) has coined the \ term exclusionary amenities in reference to a different kind of gate-keeping where communities form\ around common interests in particular facilities which are selected to p\ romote specific social characteristics among neighbors. To the extent that these charact\ eristics may be racial, such practices should be viewed as efforts, either manifest or l\ atent, to at UNIV CALIFORNIA IRVINE on December 7, 2016 jss.sagepub.com Downloaded from Harrison 331 circumvent antidiscriminatory housing laws and maintain segregated space\ s of Whiteness. Strahilevitz (2006) presents how this works through a hypot\ hetical example: Say a developer wants to create a residential community within a heterog\ eneous metropolitan area, where whites and blacks have similar income levels, and each racial group comprises fifty percent of the population. Suppose the developer knows that the on\ ly salient difference between blacks and whites is that eighty percent of whites play polo, wh\ ereas only twenty percent of blacks play polo. Finally, suppose, consistent with empirical\ data, that there is substantial market demand for housing developments that are relatively racially homogeneous. The sophisticated developer might build a residential development around a polo ground, and require that all those who purchase homes in the vicini\ ty pay annual assessments to support the upkeep, staffing, and real estate taxes assoc\ iated with the polo grounds and their affiliated stables. (pp. 447-448) Exclusionary amenities, then, serve as mechanisms through which people i\ nterested in residentially homogeneous living arrangements attempt “to thwart inte\ gration using creative substitutes for overt discrimination” (Strahilevitz, 2006, \ p. 440). Studies confirm that property values appreciate more rapidly in majority-White neighborhoods as compared with majority Black ones (Kim, 2000; Strahile\ vitz, 2006).

Research also suggests that preferences for homogeneous neighborhood com\ position and moral and aesthetic veneers of “niceness” increase with income\ (Dawkins, 2004; Schill, Voicu, & Miller, 2004). Even if, perhaps especially when, these\ preferences are not race conscious, they illustrate the extent to which racism, tolerate\ d through episte- mological ignorance (Mills, 1997) or ideological cynicism (Zizek, 198\ 9), gets woven into the fabric of everyday American society and inscribed onto the resi\ dential spaces and communities in which we live (Harris, 2013). In the localities of \ skiing, such rac- ism without racists (Bonilla-Silva, 2003) persists through the cover o\ f hegemonic Whiteness. Low introduces the discursive trope of niceness as an important moral and aesthetic measure that functions to defend social arenas where White racial spatia\ lity prevails.

Niceness, according to Low (2009), is code for a constellation of midd\ le class American values and interests such as “cleanliness and orderliness,”\ and “an underly- ing concern with maintaining one’s home as a financial investment,” which seek “to control the environment to keep unwanted others out” (p. 87). It exerts itself through such things as expectations and rules regarding neighborhood upkeep, hos\ tile disposi- tions toward linguistic divergences from Standard English, anxious responses to the introduction of loud music (such as rap) into the sonic landscape, and rhetorically powerful iconography representing good living (Harris, 2013). Such sub\ tle yet sophis- ticated means of social engineering are products and perpetuators of asp\ irations for social distance from undesirable elements of society through geographies\ of exclusion. During the late 20th century—at a time when once all-White American s\ uburbs were diversifying (Hardwick, 2008)—second homes emerged as a promin\ ent status at UNIV CALIFORNIA IRVINE on December 7, 2016 jss.sagepub.com Downloaded from 332 Journal of Sport and Social Issues 37(4) symbol among affluent Americans (Blakely, 2006). By the start of the 2\ 1st century, second homes had become increasingly affordable-to and aspired-to-by a wider cross- section of middle class society (Timothy, 2004). Citing the centrality\ of condominium and vacation home sales, Clifford (2002) calls skiing “an adjunct o\ f real estate devel- opment” (p. 17). As with gated communities, the exclusionary spatia\ l tactics surround- ing ski-resort residency isolate these commercial/residential spaces fro\ m “[o]bvious signs of economic disparity and poverty . . . [including] panhandlers, s\ treet drug deal- ers, or other abject figures of urban life” (Stoddart, 2012, p. 167)\ . Coleman (2004) describes skiing residential patterns as classic reversals of American r\ acialized urban geography with “wealthy white people liv[ing] in the center—albeit\ an isolated moun- tain town community—while people of color and lower classes live outs\ ide” (p. 201).

In places like Vail, during the nineties ski property sales increased at\ nearly 10 times the rate of actual skiing participation (Fry, 2006). As residential sk\ i-resort develop- ment flourishes, members of local workforces find it difficult to afford\ to live in these expensive and highly taxed mountain municipalities (Clifford, 2002). Andrew W. Kahrl’s recent history of African American beach resorts offers a tell- ing comparison with the situation surrounding skiing. Kahrl (2012) foc\ uses primarily on the Southern coastal development taking place between the 1930s and 1\ 950s, and how states and municipalities sought to limit Black mobility by “insc\ rib[ing] clear racial categories onto the land” (p. 12). One of the main strategie\ s involved White acquisition of preferred coastline real estate, which often required the eviction of Black residents through coercive or otherwise dubious measures. In the c\ ase of skiing, no such displacement is necessary. However, in contemplating the current\ state of ski- resort real estate, one could argue that a similar boundary maintaining \ vigilance is occurring. Residential spaces are important sites for the production and performanc\ e of racial identity (Harris, 2013). Thus, there is good evidence and reason to ex\ amine skiing— with its inattention to issues of race and pervasive visual rhetorics of Whiteness (Coleman, 1996)—as a form of contemporary, clandestine White flight\ . The lack of consideration for race within the sport may have allowed discriminatory \ real estate practices to continue unchecked. At the very least it has worked to conc\ eal the fact that the sociality of skiing remains marked by Whiteness.

Conclusion This article represents a provisional effort and starting point for furt\ her investigation into issues surrounding everyday racism in the leisure–sports–tour\ ism field of down- hill skiing. The “unbearable whiteness of skiing” (Coleman, 1996)\ , and associated defense of White racial spatiality, discourage African Americans from pu\ rsuing the sport with any great frequency or conviction outside of the restricted s\ trategies of par- allel integration. Through its real estate practices and tourism campaig\ ns, the ski industry has been profoundly implicated and heavily invested in curtaili\ ng further Black integration into the sport and its associated lifestyle. Those responsible for craft- ing the image of skiing in the popular imagination have, either foolishl\ y or savvily, at UNIV CALIFORNIA IRVINE on December 7, 2016 jss.sagepub.com Downloaded from Harrison 333 upheld the dogma that keeping skiing White is good for business. And it appears that its clientele—largely hailing from families which decades earlier par\ took in a more conspicuous variety of white flight—is unwittingly, or at least cynic\ ally, complicit. By examining the racialized construction of downhill skiing, we can bett\ er under- stand the processes through which exclusionary geographies are secured o\ utside of urban areas as well as within them—for it can reasonably be argued th\ at ski resorts seek to reclaim the appeal of the urban experience in all White. Based o\ n the current skiing landscape, we might join Philipp (2000) in pondering the extent\ to which lei- sure spaces function as mechanisms for preserving, rather than eroding, social segre- gation. The boundaries of Whiteness serve as the chief barrier through w\ hich racial stratification has been maintained in U.S. society. As one of the most r\ acially exclu- sive leisure activities in America, skiing offers a spectacular view of the (mountain- ous) spaces where the preservation of Whiteness has been most successfu\ l. In an increasingly diverse America, understanding how race operates in t\ he few remaining racially homogeneous outposts of privilege is essential to the\ project of dismantling its power. The resilience of the White image of skiing susta\ ins the belief that Black people simply do not belong on its slopes or in its social sp\ aces. This image is preserved through structural barriers which keep non-White people and\ everyday forms of non-Whiteness at bay. It is additionally promoted through symbo\ lism associ- ated with the production of skiing culture within skiing’s leisure–\ sports–tourism industries as well as through exclusionary amenity tactics that uphold r\ acially restric- tive social and residential patterns. The most pernicious zones of racis\ m are the spaces where racial segregation continues to go unnoticed and therefore unquest\ ioned. These arenas jeopardize democracy and social cohesion by fostering exclusionar\ y goals and outlooks, and by providing lifestyle pathways through which to attain th\ em. Such enclave consciousness strives to secure skiing spaces as White.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect\ to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorsh\ ip, and/or publication of this article.

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Author Biography Anthony Kwame Harrison is Associate Professor of Sociology and Africana Studies at Virginia Tech. He is author of Hip Hop Underground: The Integrity and Ethics of Racial Identification (Temple University Press, 2009) and associate editor for The Journal \ of Popular Music Studies. at UNIV CALIFORNIA IRVINE on December 7, 2016 jss.sagepub.com Downloaded from